Daily Archives: May 2, 2017

What Did You Do During the Great Chemical War, Grandpa? – Bloomberg

Posted: May 2, 2017 at 11:32 pm

You probably didnt take a moment this weekend to toast the 20th anniversary of the global Chemical Weapons Convention. Maybe it slipped your mind. Or, given the horrific chemical weapons attack in Syria last month, maybe you felt any commemoration would ring hollow.

Yet the anniversary is worth honoring. The only international arms control treaty that bans an entire class of weapons, the CWC has been signed by 192 nations, and has resulted in the destruction of nearly 95 percent of the world's chemical weapons.

QuickTake Chemical Weapons

Granted, Im not disinterested. My family has its own history of involvement with chemical warfare. No, my grandfather wasnt on the front lines breathing in mustard gas like the poor sods memorialized in Wilfred Owens Dulce et Decorum Est, whose blood come gargling from the froth-corrupted lungs. He was on the home front manufacturing it.

Lieutenant John R. Suydam was in what became the U.S. Chemical Warfare Service, stationed first at American University in Washington, where nearby residents still dig up the toxic fruits of his units labor, and then at the Edgewood Arsenal in Maryland, which was built in 1917 to produce chemical agents. According to the memoirs of one of his roommates at Columbia, where he got his PhD in chemistry, Grandpa had a delightful personality, but was somewhat absent-minded. One of his nicknames, apparently, was Foggy John. Little did his roomies know what kind of fog John would soon be putting down.

I was 11 when my grandfather died, and never had the chance to ask him, What exactly did you do during the Great War, Grandpa? But I do know now that Edgewood was making about 675 tons of toxic agents a week in late 1918, shipping the stuff to France. It was a dangerous business. I wouldnt be here today if he had died from absorption of deleterious gas, as one of the arsenals casualty reports artfully put it.

Nearly 30 percent of U.S. casualties during the First World War came from gas attacks. Relatively few died, but 70,000 to 90,000 were wounded, some to lifelong effect. My grandfathers commander, General Amos Fries, was something of a chemical evangelist: After the war, he fought a rear-guard action to keep the service intact, writing tracts like The Humanity of Poison Gas. He transmitted his enthusiasm to his men, whose proposed slogans for an Edgewood Arsenal newspaper included GAS killed the GERM in GERMany, and, less mellifluously, GAS warfare: a policemans club for world peace. Whether my grandfather carried any of this zeal into his decades as a chemistry teacher at St. Marks School in Southborough, Massachusetts, Ill thankfully never know.

Some four score years after Lieutenant Suydams Edgewood tour of duty, on April 4, 1997, I found myself in the Map Room at the White House, watching a white-gloved steward carefully peel a banana and proffer it to President Bill Clinton. We were at a pre-briefing for an event to garner support for the treaty, which was up for ratification in a recalcitrant Republican-controlled Senate. (I was a Foreign Service officer on detail to the National Security Council as a speechwriter.)

As Clinton reviewed his remarks, Rahm Emanuel, then Clintons senior adviser on politics and domestic policy, snarled, I dont hear the sound bite. Wheres the bite? Clinton munched on, nodding as National Security Adviser Sandy Berger briefed him.

The point of the event was to wrap the treaty in the mantle of as many Republican heavyweights as the administration could round up. So we had former Joint Chiefs of Staff chairmen Generals Colin Powell and David Jones, former strategic arms negotiators Paul Nitze and Edward Rowny, former Arms Control and Disarmament Agency head Kenneth Adelman, and a slew of others. This approach had other dividends: Even as Vice President Al Gore gave a bloviating address, former Secretary of State James Baker was crisp, forceful, to the point.

Many of the last-ditch objections to the treaty raised by Senator Jesse Helms, theNorth Carolina Republican who was leading the fight against it, were risible. He harped on how many potentially hostile nations were refusing to sign on. But as Clinton noted at a subsequent press briefing, keeping the U.S. out of the treaty until Russia joined would reduce U.S. leverage over Moscow. Waiting until rogue nations such as Iraq and Libya joined would likewise prevent the U.S. from using the treaty against them.

In the end, the treaty passed the Senate 74-26 on April 24, and entered into force five days later. Since then, the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons -- which won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2013 -- has destroyed 68,000 metric tons of chemical weapons and 7.4 million munitions.

True, signing the CWC didnt stop Syria from using chemical weapons. But as Daryl Kimball, executive director of the Arms Control Association, told me, Syria isnt an easy test case of the treatys effectiveness. For one thing, Syrias civil war made inspections harder; for another, even as the OPCW destroyed Syrias declared chemical weapons stocks, it made clear that Assads declarations had omissions and inconsistencies. Moreover, the organization repeatedly documented Syrias continued use of sarin, mustard and chlorine gas.

In short, the failure to hold Syria to account is a weakness not of the OPCW or the treaty, but of the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council who drive enforcement. Russia has a lot to answer for, said Kimball.

So, too, does the U.S. Members of the Obama administration have downplayed their failure to punish Assad for crossing Obamas 2012 red line by pointing to the subsequent Russia-backed disarmament deal. But such protestations fall flat in the face of Obamas willingness to tolerate Assads later chemical attacks. If Obama had responded with a military strike after Assads use of sarin in August 2013 -- which killed more than 1,400 people -- smart diplomacy might well have secured the same disarmament deal, only with much greater deterrent effect.

Instead, enforcement of the taboo against chemical weapons was left to President Donald Trump, whose response to Syrias April 4 attack seemed much more influenced by grim footage of innocent babies, babies, little babiesthan violations of international treaties.

Thats too bad, because as an international instrument, the CWC faces some big challenges. Holdouts need to be brought on board, including Israel (which has signed but not ratified it) and Egypt (which helped Syria develop chemical and biological arsenals and is thought to have stocks that homegrown terrorists could potentially acquire). As technology evolves, so must the expertise and reach of inspectors. And 20 years after the CWC came into force, no member state has ever called for a challenge inspection, fearing a tit-for-tat response.

The building at Edgewood Arsenal where my grandfather worked was torn down a few years ago. And the U.S. has spent more than $5 billion since 1997 to destroy its chemical arsenal. But for taboos to retain their power, they must periodically be enforced, preferably by those who believe in them.

This column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.

To contact the author of this story: James Gibney at jgibney5@bloomberg.net

To contact the editor responsible for this story: Tobin Harshaw at tharshaw@bloomberg.net

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What Did You Do During the Great Chemical War, Grandpa? - Bloomberg

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Oppression – Wikipedia

Posted: at 11:32 pm

Oppression is the prolonged, unjust treatment or control of people by others. In the past, the definition of oppression was limited to tyranny by a ruling group, but overtime it has transformed because governments are not the only people who oppress. Today, oppression could also mean denying people language, education, and other opportunities that might make them become fully human in both mind and body."[1] This is seen throughout history through the actions of Hitler and Mussolini in Europe, and today by observing the actions of people such as Kim Jong-un in North Korea and Bashar al-Assad in Syria. Although these leaders are separated by nearly fifty years, both are "governmental regimes that deprive people of at least some of their human rights.[2]

Today, oppression can be seen in the social, institutionalized, and economic spheres across the world. Social oppression can be observed in the form of gendered, class, racial, and sexual oppression. The relationship of social oppression is one of dominance and subordination, in which one party has the ability to maintain its advantage relative over another party.[3] Institutionalized oppression is when "established laws, customs, and practices systematically reflect and produce inequities based on ones membership in targeted social identity groups."[4]

Social oppression is the socially supported mistreatment and exploitation of a group of individuals.[5] Social oppression is based on power dynamics and an individual's social location in society. Social location, as defined by Lynn Weber, is "an individual's or a group's social 'place' in the race, class, gender and sexuality hierarchies, as well as in other critical social hierarchies such as age, ethnicity, and nation."[6][pageneeded] An individual's social location determines how one will be perceived by others in the whole of society. It maintains three faces of power: the power to design or manipulate the rules, to win the game through force or competition, and the ability to write history.[7]

To delve into the first social hierarchy, racial oppression is burdening a specific race with unjust or cruel restraints or impositions. Racial oppression may be social, systematic, institutionalized, or internalized. Social forms of racial oppression include exploitation and mistreatment that is socially supported.[8] United States history consists of five primary forms of racial oppression including genocide and geographical displacement, slavery, second-class citizenship, non-citizen labor, and diffuse racial discrimination.[9] The first primary form of racial oppressiongenocide and geographical displacementrefers to 19th century Western European settlers coming to North America and wanting the indigenous populations land. Many indigenous people, commonly known today as Native Americans, were relocated to Indian Reservations and killed during wars fought over land. The second form of racial oppression, slavery, refers to Africans being the property of white Americans. Racial oppression throughout North America, particularly in the south, was not something that was part of the social environment in which they lived; it was a significant part of daily life and routines. The third primary form of racial oppression, second-class citizenship, refers to some categories of citizens having fewer rights than others. Second-class citizenship became a pivotal form of racial oppression in the United States following the Civil War. The fourth form of racial oppression in American history refers to the linkage of race and legal citizenship status. During the middle of the 19th century, some categories of immigrants, such as Mexicans and Chinese, were denied legal access to citizenship status. The last primary form of racial oppression in American history is diffuse discrimination. This form of racial oppression refers to discriminatory actions that are not directly backed by the legal powers of the state. This can include employers not hiring or promoting someone on the basis of race, landlords only renting to people of certain racial groups and salespeople treating customers differently based on race. Even after the civil rights legislation abolishing segregation, racial discrimination is still a reality in the United States. According to Robert Blauner, author of Racial Oppression in America, Blauner states, Fundamental to my perspective is the notion that racial groups and racial oppression are central features of the American social dynamic.[9]

The second social hierarchy, class oppression, also referred to as classism, can be defined as prejudice and discrimination based on social class.[10] Class is a social ranking based on income, wealth, education, status, and power. A class is a large group of people who share similar economic or social positions based on their income, wealth, property ownership, job status, education, skills, and power in the economic and political sphere. The most commonly used class identities include: upper class, middle class, working class, and poor class. Most people in the United States 80% to 90% in some surveys identify as middle class. Class is also experienced differently depending on race, gender, and ethnic backgrounds. Class oppression of the poor and working class can lead to deprivation of basic needs and a feeling of inferiority to higher-class people and shame towards ones traditional class or ethnic heritage. In the United States, class has become racialized leaving the greater percentage of people of color living in poverty.[11] Since class oppression is universal among the majority class in American society, it at times can seem invisible, however, it is a relevant issue that many suffer from.

Social oppression permeates much deeper than an imbalance in power. It is attributed to the injustice that occurs when one social group is subordinated while another is privileged, and oppression is maintained by a variety of different mechanisms including social norms, stereotypes, and institutional rules.[12] As an outcome of these societal views, social oppression exists and thrives through social groups.These ideologies surrounding the dominant group have a direct negative effect on oppressed races, classes, genders, and sexualities that dont identify with the dominate group.

Many political theorists, including Weber, argue that oppression persists because most individuals fail to recognize it; that is, discrimination is often not visible to those who are not in the midst of it. These inequalities further perpetuate themselves because those oppressed rarely have access to resources that would allow them to escape their maltreatment. This can lead to internalized oppression, in which subordinate groups essentially give up the fight to access equality and accept their fate as a non-dominant group.[13]

Delving further into social oppression on both a macro and micro level, Black feminist Patricia Hill Collins discusses her "matrix of domination".[14] The matrix of domination discusses the interrelated nature of four domains of power, including the structural, disciplinary, hegemonic, and interpersonal domains. Each of these spheres work to sustain current inequalities that are faced by minority groups. The structural, disciplinary and hegemonic domains all operate on a macro level, and deal with issues of social oppression such as education, the judicial/criminal justice system, and elements of power and control, respectively. The interpersonal domain is guided by perceptions due to the spheres in the matrix of domination, and therefore plays out in everyday life.

The interpersonal domain is situated within the perspective of standpoint theory. Standpoint theory deals with an individual's social location in that each person will have a very different perspective based on where they are positioned in society. For instance, a White male, living in America will have a very different take on an issue such as abortion than that of a Black female, living in Africa. Each will have different knowledge claims and experiences that will have shaped how they perceive abortion. From an oppression viewpoint, standpoint theory proves to be quite pertinent. Oftentimes certain aspects of society, and the knowledge that they hold, are kept suppressed because they are viewed as inferior points of view. Gendered oppression is born through gender norms that have been adopted by society. Throughout history, the majority of cultures believe that the gender norms constitute masculinity as being the dominant gender while femininity being the oppressed. The gendered power differences allow specific groups to thrive in society at the expense of others. Many have argued that cultural practices concerning gender norms of child care, housework, appearance, and career impose an unfair burden on women and as such are oppressive.[15] According to feminists Barbara Cattunar, women have always been subjected to many forms of oppression, backed up by religious texts which insist upon womens inferiority and subjugation.[16] Femininity has always been looked down upon perpetuated by socially constructed stereotypes, which has affected womens societal status and opportunity. In current society sources like the media further, impose gendered oppression as they shape societal views and ideals on each gender. Female roles in pop- culture are being objectified and sexualized, which as a result, degrades the female gender. The development of feminism is the outcome of gendered oppression and has brought a lot of awareness to the issue. Along with females other groups that do not identify with the dominant masculine, male gender are also subjected to oppression. These groups include the transgender community and gender-nonconformists.

The dominant societal views surrounding masculinity have formed a sexuality hierarchy oppressing individuals who do not comply with the social phenomenon of heteronormity. Heteronormity suggests that anyone who does not identify with the heterosexual status is painted as different or abnormal by society. The patriarchal hierarchies are fundamental to the analysis of sexuality.[17] The dominant group oppresses those who identify with the non-hetero sexuality status that is prevalent in the current patriarchal system. The oppression faced by the lesbian, gay, and bisexual community comes out of the societal views points attributed to the nuclear family in a capitalist society. Social actions by the oppressed groups like the 1970s Gay Liberation movement have come about in order to evoke change for the oppressed groups. While progress has been made there is still a lot of discrimination and inequality faced by the oppressed groups.

"Institutional Oppression occurs when established laws, customs, and practices systemically reflect and produce inequities based on one's membership in targeted social identity groups. If oppressive consequences accrue to institutional laws, customs, or practices, the institution is oppressive whether or not the individuals maintaining those practices have oppressive intentions."[18]

Institutionalized oppression allows for government systems and its employees to systematically favor specific groups of people based upon group identity. Dating back to colonization, the United States implemented the institution of slavery where African Americans were brought to the United States to be a source of free labor to expand the cotton and tobacco industry.[19] Implementing these systems by the United States government was justified through religious grounding where servants [were] bought and established as inheritable property.[19]

Although the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth amendments freed African Americans, gave them citizenship, and provided them the right to vote, institutions such as police departments continue to instill oppressive systems against minorities. Police departments train their officers to profile individuals based upon their racial heritage and exert excess force in order to restrain them. Racial profiling and police brutality are employed to control a population thought to be undesirable, undeserving, and under punished by established law.[20] In both situations, police officers rely on legal authority to exonerate their extralegal use of force; both respond to perceived threats and fears aroused by out-groups, especially but not exclusively racial minorities.[20] For example, blacks are: approximately four times more likely to be targeted for police use of force than their white counterparts; arrested and convicted for drug-related criminal activities at higher rates than their overall representation in the U.S. population; and are more likely to fear unlawful and harsh treatment by law enforcement officials.[19] The International Association of Chiefs of Police collected data from police departments between the years 1995 and 2000 and found that 83% of incidents involving use-of-force against subjects of different races than the officer executing force involved a white officer and a black subject.[19]

Institutionalized oppression is not only experienced by people of racial minorities, but also affects those of the LGBT community. Oppression of the LGBT community in the United States dates back to President Eisenhowers presidency where he passed the Executive Order No. 10450 in April 1953 which permitted non-binary sexual behaviors to be investigated by federal security programs.[21] As a response to this order, More than 800 federal employees resigned or were terminated in the two years following because their files linked them in some way with homosexuality.[21]

Oppression of the LGBT community continues today through religious systems and their justifications of discrimination based upon their own religious freedom. States such as Arizona and Kansas passed laws in 2014 giving religious-based businesses the right to refuse service to LGBT customers.[22] The proposal of Employment Non-Discrimination Act (EDNA) offers full protection of LGBT workers from job discrimination; however, the act does not offer protection against religious-based corporations and businesses, ultimately allowing the LGBT community to be discriminated against in environments such as churches and religious-based hospitals.[22] The LGBT community is further oppressed by the United States government with the passage of the First-Amendment Defense Act which states, Protecting religious freedom from Government intrusion is a Government interest of the highest order.[23] This act essentially allows for institutions of any kindschools, businesses, hospitalsto deny service to people based upon their sexuality because it goes against a religious belief.

The term economic oppression changes in meaning and significance over time, depending on its contextual application. In todays context, economic oppression may take several forms, including but not limited to: the practice of bonded labour in some parts of India, serfdom, forced labour, low wages, denial of equal opportunity, practicing employment discrimination, and economic discrimination based on sex, nationality, race, and religion.[24]

Ann Cudd describes the main forces of economic oppression as oppressive economic systems and direct and indirect forces. Even though capitalism and socialism are not inherently oppressive, they lend themselves to oppression in characteristic ways."[25] She defines direct forces of economic oppression as restrictions on opportunities that are applied from the outside on the oppressed, including enslavement, segregation, employment discrimination, group-based harassment, opportunity inequality, neocolonialism, and governmental corruption. This allows for a dominant social group to maintain and maximize its wealth through the intentional exploitation of economically inferior subordinates. In indirect forces (also known as oppression by choice), the oppressed are co-opted into making individual choices that add to their own oppression. The oppressed are faced with the decision of choosing to go against their social good, and even against their own good. If they choose otherwise, they have to choose against their interests, which may lead to resentment.[25]

An example of direct forces of economic oppression is employment discrimination in the form of the gender pay gap. Restrictions on women's access to and participation in the workforce like the wage gap is an inequality most identified with industrialized nations with nominal equal opportunity laws; legal and cultural restrictions on access to education and jobs, inequities most identified with developing nations; and unequal access to capital, variable but identified as a difficulty in both industrialized and developing nations.[26] In the United States, the median weekly earnings for women were 82 percent of the median weekly earnings for men in 2016.[27] Some argue women are prevented from achieving complete gender equality in the workplace because of the ideal-worker norm, which defines the committed worker as someone who works full-time and full force for forty years straight, a situation designed for the male sex.[26] Women, in contrast, are still expected to fulfill the caretaker role and take time off for domestic needs such as pregnancy and ill family members, preventing them from conforming to the ideal-worker norm. With the current norm in place, women are forced to juggle full-time jobs and family care at home.[28] Others believe that this difference in wage earnings is likely due to the supply and demand for women in the market because of family obligations.[29] Eber and Weichselbaumer argue that over time, raw wage differentials worldwide have fallen substantially. Most of this decrease is due to better labor market endowments of females."[30]

Indirect economic oppression is exemplified when workers perform labor abroad to support their families. For outsourced employees, working abroad gives them little to no bargaining power with not only their employers but with immigration authorities. They could be forced to accept low wages and work in poor living conditions. And by working abroad, outsourced employees contribute to the industry of foreign countries instead of their own. Veltman and Piper describe the effects of outsourcing on female laborers abroad:

By deciding to work abroad, laborers are reinforcing the forces of economic oppression that presented them with such poor options."[25]

Resistance to oppression has been linked to a moral obligation, an act deemed necessary for the preservation of self and society.[32] Still, resistance to oppression has been largely overlooked in terms of the amount of research and number of studies completed on the topic, and therefore, is often largely misinterpreted as lawlessness, belligerence, envy, or laziness."[33] Over the last two centuries, resistance movements have risen that specifically aim to oppose, analyze, and counter various types of oppression, as well as to increase public awareness and support of groups who have been marginalized and disadvantaged by systematic oppression. Late 20th century resistance movements such as Liberation Theology and Anarchism set the stage for mass critiques of and resistance to forms of social and institutionalized oppression that have been subtly enforced and reinforced over time. Resistance movements of the 21st century have furthered the missions of activists across the world, and movements such as Liberalism, Black Lives Matter (related: Blue Lives Matter, All Lives Matter) and Feminism (related: Meninism) are some of the most prominent examples of resistance to oppression today.

Liberalism represents a relatively inclusive political philosophy and worldview, and a growing opposition to more conservative perspectives. Classical liberal ideologies consist of political decentralization, separation of church and state, freedom of immigration, cultural and religious tolerance, and the privatization of education systems.[34] Liberalisms main tenets are liberty, equality, and tolerance, which, in many ways, laid the foundation for movements against oppression. Now, Liberalism is much more than a political ideology; it is a personal outlook on life, encouraging the widespread progression toward social, political, and cultural equality before the law.

Black Lives Matter is a politically charged activist movement that has taken hold in many countries across the world. The Black Lives Matter movement is a later iteration of the black liberation movement, which can be largely traced back to the extensive beating of Rodney King, an African-American taxi driver, by the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) on March 3, 1991. This incident, videotaped by a conveniently located observer (George Holliday), resulted in the raised awareness of unjust police brutality against African American individuals, and began the era of modern surveillance by civilians, as well as the intersection of videotaping and resistance to police abuse.[35] The Black Lives Matter movement was formally reignited by the murder of Trayvon Martin in March 2012. After Martin was fatally shot by George Zimmerman, who was initially found to be innocent of manslaughter, activists took to the street in defense of Martins name, as well as in defense of African-Americans who have been systematically oppressed and abused by law enforcement. Today, the Black Lives Matter movement demands an end to the disproportionate killing of black people by law-enforcement...and seeks to root out white supremacy wherever it lives.[36] Efforts have been made in the form of protest, the seeking of updated local and state legislation, and even social media hashtags. As Black Lives Matter spread across the world, people reacted in one of two ways: they either met the movement with resistance, as exemplified by the origination of the Blue Lives Matter and All Lives Matter movements, or they acknowledged and recognized the movements goals and initiatives, as well as how the mistreatment of African-Americans permeated society in a number of ways. Due to the nature of oppression, resistance movements often incorporate intersectionality, and the Black Lives Matter movement in particular is no exception. Its widespread recognition and advancement has proved beneficial to the advancement of other social justice movements, namely Feminism, through the empowerment and activism of Black feminists.[37]

Although a relatively modern form of resistance, Feminisms origins can be traced back to the events leading up to the introduction of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) in 1923. While the ERA was created to address the need for equal protection under the law between men and women in the workplace, it spurred increased feminism that has come to represent the search for equal opportunity and respect for women in patriarchal societies, across all social, cultural, and political spheres.[38] Demonstrations and marches have been a popular medium of support, with the January 21, 2017 Womens Marchs replication in major cities across the world drawing tens of thousands of supporters.[39] Feminists main talking points consist of womens reproductive rights, the closing of the pay gap between men and women, the Glass Ceiling and workplace discrimination, and the intersectionality of Feminism with other major issues such as African-American rights, immigration freedoms, and gun violence. Another popular movement has arisen which initially undermined the efforts of feminist thinkers, known as Meninism. However, the Meninisms initial mockery of Feminism has become a channel through which to voice concerns about the equally unrealistic standards that men are held to in modern society.[40]

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Oppression - Wikipedia

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Expert Warns of Tech Aiding Oppression – Valley News

Posted: at 11:32 pm

Hanover One of Canadas leading cyber sleuths told a Dartmouth audience on Monday that cyberattacks by authoritarian governments against their own citizens primarily civil society members such as human rights advocates, journalists, lawyers pose a growing threat globally.

I am alarmed by conditions ripe for an epidemic when democracy (around the world) is in retreat and authoritarianism is resurgent, said Ronald Deibert, professor of political science at the University of Toronto and director of the schools Citizen Lab.

Founded in 2001, Citizen Lab focuses on human rights violations and is home for a small, interdisciplinary group that studies how governments and corporations use technology to censor, hack and spy.

The capacity to connect (the world) has outpaced our ability to secure (internet) systems, Deibert said. There is a lack of basic, effective security policies, lots of misinformation low internet capability and insecure devices, especially in the developing world. ... We used to think the internet would empower us, but now we are seeing the opposite. And a culture of paranoia seems to be spreading.

Deibert, a slight, middle-aged man with a graying goatee, explained that we live in a world in which our choices and decisions are increasingly determined by algorithms buried in the applications (computers, smartphones) we use. What websites we visit, with whom we communicate, and what we say and do online are all increasingly determined by these code-based rules.

He said that the Citizen Lab is focusing research on two of Chinas largest social media applications, WeChat and Sina Weibo, which have almost a billion users a month, making them among the largest in the world. We are trying to understand how the censorship of discussions works about the so-called 709 Crackdown, Deibert said

This refers to the nationwide targeting by Chinese police of nearly 250 human rights lawyers, activists and others believed to have been associated with two prominent lawyers who disappeared on July 9, 2015, thus 709.

The 709 crackdown is considered one of the harshest repressions on civil society in China, Deibert explained. Our research shows that certain combinations of keywords, when sent together in a message, are censored. When sent alone, they are not. More information about this aspect of the Labs research can be found at Deiberts blog deibert.citizenlab.org

Deibert said his team also helped expose spyware on the phone of a human rights activist in the United Arab Emirates and a prominent Mexican journalist last August. The spyware was traced to an Israeli cyberarms dealer, NSO group, that sells digital spy tools to governments and has contacts with multiple agencies inside Mexico, according to company emails leaked to the New York Times. The spyware was being used to discredit two prominent Mexican activists who were vocal proponents of a 2014 soda tax to combat childhood obesity.

To combat the epidemic, Deibert suggested action on several fronts: More coordination by entities like Citizen Lab and others around the world to expose these abuses; stronger support from private industry as well as universities to help protect (internet) users; greater efforts to inform the public about the problem; and improved criminal and civil legislation.

Longer term, cyberspace needs to be rethought as a global commons with government support and regulation, he said.

Almost 100 people attended the talk in Filene Auditorium.

In an interview before the talk, Deibert, who comes from British Columbia, Canadas western-most province, said that the Citizen Lab does not accept government financing but is supported by private foundations, mostly in the United States, such as Ford and MacArthur. Most of his staff are also from the United States.

The lecture was sponsored by the Neukom Institute for Computational Science at Dartmouth.

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Expert Warns of Tech Aiding Oppression - Valley News

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Nurul: PSD threat to cut bursaries a form of oppression – Free Malaysia Today

Posted: at 11:32 pm

This will prevent students from being critical and analytical in the future, says PKR vice-president.

PETALING JAYA: PKR vice-president Nurul Izzah Anwar has slammed the Public Service Department (PSD) for its statement aimed at students who criticise the government.

Referring to the PSDs recent statement threatening to cut student scholarships, Nurul said this was a form of oppression, and was similar to the notorious Universities and University Colleges Act 1971 (AUKU) imposed on students.

She also said the decision to pull scholarships deprived students of the chance to be critical and analytical in their thinking.

JPAs decision to cut bursaries is only meant to intimidate students and deprive them of being critical and analytical in the future, Nurul said in a statement today.

She added that critical and analytical thinking should be cultivated by students from the beginning so they could develop into better future leaders.

Student activist Anis Syafiqah Mohd Yusof said students criticisms could be considered feedback for the government to perform better.

The government should be able to receive criticism as a form of check and balance in improving the state of administration, said Anis in a statement today.

She said such decisions to scrap the bursaries of students who were critical was against the National Transformation 2050 (TN50) government initiative, which itself was based on students opinions and aspirations.

It was reported earlier that JPA director-general Zainal Rahim Seman had announced that students could risk losing their federal sponsorships if they were found to have criticised the government or country on social media sites or blogs.

The views expressed in the contents are those of our users and do not necessarily reflect the views of FMT.

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JO rally sends clear message to detractors: Dullas – Daily Mirror

Posted: at 11:32 pm

The joint opposition (JO) said today the massive crowd at its May Day rally was a strong message to the embassies of Western countries and the elite class in Colombo about its strength.

JO national organiser and MP, Dullas Alahapperuma said he hoped the government would read the message and realize as to which party was the real opposition in the country.

The number of people who were present at our May Day rally was three times as big as the number of people who attended the rallies organized by the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), the United National Party (UNP) and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP). The people joined us as a protest against the governments oppression of the people, he told a news conference.

The MP said the rally held at the Galle Face Green was a turning point and probably the largest ever May Day rally in the country's history.

Meanwhile, he said the government should hold local government elections without delay.

If the government continues to delay elections, the people who thronged Galle Face Green will surround the key institutions in the capital, the MP said.

Referring to a challenge thrown by Minister P. Harrison that he would shave his head if the JO filled the Galle Face Green with its supporters on May Day, the MP said the challenge had been met but requested the minister not to cut his hair. (Lahiru Pothmulla)

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JO rally sends clear message to detractors: Dullas - Daily Mirror

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The Trump-Duterte bromance, and the ghastly realities of wars on drugs – Washington Post

Posted: at 11:31 pm

During his campaign for the Republican presidential nomination, Donald Trump boasted that I could stand in the middle of Fifth Avenue and shoot somebody and I wouldnt lose voters. On the 100th day of his presidency, Trump invited Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte,who has said that he used to roam the streets on a motorcycle looking for criminals to kill, to the White House.

A Duterte state visit to Washington or Mar-a-Lago would be a ghastly spectacle, given the way the Philippines have pursued a war on drugs even more literal than the one in the United States, leaving thousands dead. While Trump bloviates about American carnage, the Duterte regime produces its own bloodbath. Trumps courtship of a man who shares his taste in crude, violent political rhetoric might have been marginally motivated by the American administrations concerns about North Korea, as White House chief of staff Reince Priebus has claimed. But the substance of the leaders conversation is a reminder of thedark and now international glamour of the war on drugs, and the dreadful consequences of that fascination.

Trump and Duterte are hardly the first two people to have discovered the macho power ofharsh talk about crime, specificallydrug-related crime. Bill Bennett, who ran President George H.W. BushsOffice of National Drug Control Policy, imaginedtaking a page from Saudi Arabia and beheading drug dealers publicly, though Im willing to grant Bennett the courtesy of imagining he intended for those executions to take place after trials, rather than on an ad hoc basis like the killings taking place under Duterte.

Bennetts fantasies about executing drug dealers echoed widespread sentiments in popular culture. As I wrote last year, the entertainment industry, despite its supposed liberalism,was quick to embrace drug traffickers as the industrys villains of choice during the rise of the blockbuster era. These fictional bad guys wereconvenient for an industry eager to ratchet up splashy, cinematically exciting violence: They had access to serious weaponry and were perfectly willing to inflict extreme damage, from crashing trains to torturing cops families, to move their product. Their determination and utter amorality in turn meant that fictional cops were justified in shooting, and sometimes killing, these fearsome adversaries. If drug criminals wouldnt be taken alive, what could pop culture ask decent people who wanted to protect their communities to do?

Trumps declarations that Mexicans are bringing drugs. Theyre bringing crime. Theyre rapists, and his repeated invocations of bad hombres and American carnage in cities across the country, are the references of a man who for decades has taken inflammatory and irresponsible positions on crime to his own political benefit. Now, he has the ability to actually implement some of his tough talk. Trumps attorney general, Jeff Sessions, intends to reinvigorate the American war on drugs. And for all major Hollywood figures did to oppose Trumps election, this is essentially a line the movie and television industries have also advanced for decades: that drug criminals are supervillainous threats to American cities who can be clearly identified and need to be executed without trial.

Of course, neither the American war on drugs initiated by President Richard Nixon, nor the massacres set off by Duterte in the Philippines, look much like Hollywood extravaganzas. In the United States, it more often looks like peoplefrightened, injured or even killed in no-knock raids, people arrested on possession charges who languish in jail because they cant afford bailor lose access to the financial aid that makes higher education possible, and voter disenfranchisement. In the Philippines, the drug war means people lying shot dead in the street as the rain beats down on their bodies or struggling to rest in heinously overcrowded jails, depicted in shattering photos taken by the New York Times Daniel Berehulak.

Trumps defense of his invitation to Duterte was similar to the rationale thats kept Hollywood fighting the drug war decade after decade: Theyre bothpopular. Of course, Trump has never had to live with any of the consequences of his demagoguery, whether hesdemonizing the Central Park Five long after their exonerationor talking recklessly about jailing his opponents. Trump may have been touched by the gassing of Syrian children, but the ongoing slaughter of Filipinos seems like an abstraction to him, easily disguised with talk of toughness.

This is the thing about living in an era defined by a president who treats the world like a show hes producing, rather than a fragile thing for which he bears a fearsome responsibility. You cant stage the fictions of your imagination in the real world without exacting terrible costs, even if other people end up paying them. Rodrigo Duterte isnt an action hero; hes a monster. And whether Trump understands it or not, his actions could make him one, too.

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The Trump-Duterte bromance, and the ghastly realities of wars on drugs - Washington Post

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War on drugs was costly for McKenzie Elliott – Baltimore Sun

Posted: at 11:31 pm

My heart is with the family of McKenzie Elliott as this wound is reopened in the healing process ("Man charged in 2014 killing of 3-year-old McKenzie Elliott," April 26). The only thing more heartbreaking than her death is our attachment to a failed policy which breeds the violence which took her life and so many others. Sadly, McKenzie's death can be traced back to the "War on Drugs." The man who killed her should most certainly be held accountable, and I applaud those in law enforcement who worked so persistently to bring him to justice. However, removing one gang member from the streets isn't going to stop gang-related violence. This "whack-a-mole" strategy has failed since the moment it began in the early 1970s, and, as someone who spent a career with the Baltimore Police Department, I find it totally unproductive.

The drug war has not improved public safety. It has not reduced illicit drug overdoses. It has not dismantled criminal organizations. In fact, the opposite is true.

Regulating drugs from a public health perspective nationwide and improving drug treatment access will reduce crime and violence, weaken gangs and reduce death, disease and addiction. Other countries like Switzerland and Portugal are leading the way. The longer we wait to implement common sense measures like fully funding treatment on demand, the more tragedy we're going to be confronted with.

Mike Hilliard, Baltimore

The writer is a retired Baltimore police major.

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War on drugs was costly for McKenzie Elliott - Baltimore Sun

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Milpitas letters: War on drugs, Open the gates – Milpitas Post

Posted: at 11:31 pm

Trumps war on drugs Dear Editor, Will the Trump administration screw Milpitas residents who use cannabis for medical or recreational reasons? They will likely try! Trumps cabinet is a bunch of billionaires with corrupting corporate ties (http://corporatecabinet.org/). Corporations (like Big Pharma and Big Ad) dont like the competition from pot and hemp. So, they bought themselves a Republican administration including an Attorney General (Jeff Sessions) who, according to the Washington Post, appears to be planning what amounts to a return to a 1980s-style War on Drugs. Polls indicate that 60 percent of Americans favor full legalization, while 90 percent say people ought to be able to get it if their doctors prescribe it. That is a democratic threat to corporate interests, so Jeff aint interested. To resist the corporate flunkies in the Trump administration, join a group fighting back local Democratic Clubs, Indivisible, Swing Left and other citizen-based groups working for a better America. Rob Means Milpitas resident

Open the gates Dear Editor, I am writing to encourage our city leaders and Recreation Department to unlock the sports fields at the Milpitas Sports Center. After observing the field renovation for several months, I was shocked to learn that, when the field reopened, the gates would be locked. This facility had been used by walkers and runners for years. Now it is available to organized groups by prearrangement only. This is a reduction in service to the people of Milpitas. The reasoning behind the restricted use is that the new artificial surfaces might be vandalized. Well yes, its true, any building or park might be vandalized, but that doesnt warrant closing the area off to all citizens of the community. What are our parks and athletic facilities for if not to encourage families and individuals to be active, relax and enjoy the outdoors? I urge our City Council members and city staff to take a new look at this issue and consider what is right for the people of Milpitas. Austa Falconer Milpitas resident

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Milpitas letters: War on drugs, Open the gates - Milpitas Post

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Gatchalian warns police could lose war on drugs – Business Mirror

Posted: at 11:31 pm

THE public approval of the Duterte administrations raging war on drugs is likely to continue to nosedive if the National Police fails to correct reported police abuses in waging the campaign against illegal-drugs syndicates, Sen. Sherwin T. Gatchalian warned on Tuesday.

Gatchalian cited the failure of National Police chief Director General Ronald M. dela Rosa to keep his officers in check, even as he prodded him to promptly launch an inquiry into the charges against erring police officers.

He lamented what he described as an endless string of public scandals concerning the questionable methods employed by police officers in waging the fight against illegal drugs is starting to take its toll on the credibility of the National Police.

Gatchalian voiced concern that public trust in the [police] institution is fast declining, and the people are losing their faith in police officers.

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In a statement, Gatchalian said the March 2017 Social Weather Stations (SWS) survey indicating an 11-percent drop in public satisfaction in the Duterte administrations war on drugs. He noted that 73 percent of the respondents voiced fears about being wrongly targeted and becoming victims of extrajudicial killings, while 44 percent did not believe police claims that slain suspects fought back during operations.

Gatchalian also cited televised reports last week on a discovery by a team from the Commission on Human Rights (CHR) that found 12 men and women, alleged to be drug offenders, illegally detained inside a secret lock-up cell hidden behind a bookshelf at the WPD Police Station 1 in Tondo, Manila.

He recalled reports some of the detainees claimed the police were extorting money from the suspects, ranging from P30,000 to P100,000, in exchange for their freedom, while other detainees complained they were beaten up by jailers.

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Gatchalian warns police could lose war on drugs - Business Mirror

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No dice: Gambling deal falls apart over House and Senate differences – Miami Herald

Posted: at 11:31 pm


Miami Herald
No dice: Gambling deal falls apart over House and Senate differences
Miami Herald
After months of working on competing gambling legislation, Florida House and Senate negotiators declared an impasse that had no hope of being resolved by Friday, when the Legislature was scheduled to end its annual 60-day session. It's dead, said Sen.
Gambling expansion fails again in Florida LegislatureSun Sentinel (blog)
Push to Expand Gambling in Florida Folds AgainU.S. News & World Report
Lawmakers Fold on Gambling DealMy Panhandle
CBS Miami
all 15 news articles »

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No dice: Gambling deal falls apart over House and Senate differences - Miami Herald

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