Daily Archives: May 30, 2017

People are putting the NFL on notice over its treatment of Colin Kaepernick.

Former NBA player Etan Thomas shares his spoken word on a megaphone at a rally supporting Colin Kaepernick in Manhattan, New York, on May 24, 2017. (Brandon Jordan)

In 1967, Muhammad Ali could not find work as a boxer. It was because of his politics, primarily his refusal to fight in the Vietnam War and his uncompromising condemnation of racism and militarism. In response to this, his fans and allies were not merely disappointed or discouraged. They demonstrated in rallies that spanned the globe from Europe to the Middle East to Houston, Texas.

In 2017, Colin Kaepernick has, as of this writing, not been able to find work in the National Football League. Even though the Super Bowl quarterback is coming off a bounce-back season where he threw 16 touchdowns and four interceptions, even though his coaches swear by his character and work ethic, and even though he has made clear that he is not asking for a big contract of a starting job, he has been subject to a badly obvious political blackballing. His great sin was, of course, to take his politics to the field, kneeling during the national anthem to protest racist police violence.

As with Ali, the people inspired not so much by his play but his politics chose to speak out. On Wednesday, around 60 peoplealmost entirely Blackrallied at the National Football Leagues posh Park Avenue offices in New York to protest his pariah status. The event was called by 100 Suits for 100 Men, a community group that helps marginalized men and women with job opportunities, and people at the rally chanted No Justice! No Peace! as well as What do we want? Justice! When do we want it? Now!

Not surprisingly, having such a protest was mocked on social mediapeople laughing about the idea that anyone would demonstrate for a football players job. But to the people presentpeople like William Bell, the father of Sean Bell who was killed by police the night before his wedding over a decade agothis had nothing to do with sports. Mr. Bell said, Im here, before anybody asks, to support that young man. He did something that a lot of people couldnt do, were afraid to do. He stood up. I lost my son 10 years ago. His birthday was last week. He would have been 34. My son, my baby son. He was a young man that had a lot of potential. Baseball, football, whatever he could do. But he couldnt make it. At 23. Thats why I support this young man. Im glad to see everyone out here. Im just one person, just trying to survive. Because I lost and I dont want to lose no more. Everyone here is young, and believe me, I want to see everyone survive past 23.

Also present were anti-police brutality activists, people from Black Lives Matter chapters, and students who had attended Kaepernicks Know Your Rights Camps, which aim to teach young people about health, financial literacy, and their legal rights when dealing with the policebasically how to navigate oppressive circumstances of poverty and segregation. Seventeen-year-old Nupol Kiazolu said to The Nation, Colin Kaepernick put his career on the line for the greater good. Its only right we all show up here to support him today. The fact that hes standing up for that is noble. For him to be criminalized for that is disgusting. I see what theyre trying to do, theyre trying to shut us up, theyre trying to shut the movement up. But we refuse to be silent. The NFL has so many black lives [on the field], but they dont value them. They look at us as dollar signs, they dont look us as human beings. Were worth more than a dollar sign. I like football, but Im not supporting any corporation or any league that doesnt value the lives of my people. Im for boycotting the NFL until Colin Kaepernick is put back on a team.

THE STAKES ARE HIGHER NOW THAN EVER. GET THE NATION IN YOUR INBOX.

Ten-year NBA veteran Etan Thomas was also present, reading a poem that took shots at institutionalized racism as well as black members of the sports mediaStephen A. Smith and Jason Whitlock were name-checkedwho use their position to conspire against us sending us back to the depths of failure where dreams dont glow in the dark. Thomas just returned from his hometown of Tulsa, Oklahoma. He spent the preceding days grieving over the absence of justice accorded to Terence Crutcher, who was killed with his hands raised on camera by officer Betty Shelby. A jury found Officer Shelby not guilty, and she is back on the job with back pay. Etan closed his statement by saying, Your desire to destroy us will never, ever stop us.

The most important takeaway from the rally is that for the people out there in the middle of this posh neighborhood, with signs and bullhorns, this was not about sports as much as it is about solidarity. This was not about Colin Kaepernick and his rights as much as it is about Black life in general, and whether or not its valued by the NFL or by this country. It was about football about as much as the 1967 protests for Muhammad Ali were about the desire to see him fight Joe Frazer. This was about something greater than one individual. In other words, it was exactly what Colin Kaepernicknot to mention Muhammad Aliwould have loved to see. It was about not only knowing your rights but exercising them to tear a measure of justice out of Trumps America.

See more here:
A Rally for Colin Kaepernickand Free Speech - The Nation.

Portland Mayor Ted Wheeler speaks with citizens at the Hollywoodvigil.

Bradley W.Parks/OPB

Portland Mayor Ted Wheeler has urgedthe federal government to revoke a permit fora free speech rally and to refuse a permit for an anti-Muslim march planned for Portland in earlyJune.

Wheeler made the request in light of a gruesome stabbing on a MAX light-rail train Friday, May 26. Two men died and another was seriously injured when they intervened to defend two teenage girls from a mans bigotedtirade.

In a series of posts on Twitter, Wheeler said the events should becanceled.

Our City is mourning, the mayor wrote, our communitys anger is real, and the timing and subject of these events can only exacerbate an already difficultsituation.

TheTrump Free Speech Rally is scheduled for Sunday, June 4. Its billed on Facebook as an uplifting experienceto bring back strength and courage to those who believe infreedom.

The rally is set to be held at the Terry D. Schrunk Plaza directly across from Portland City Hall. The site is managed by the U.S. General Services Administration, which issues permits for its use.

The other event is called the March Against Sharia, a nationwide anti-Muslim demonstration organized by ACT For America, which calls itself the NRA of national security. It is scheduled for June 10, also at SchrunkPlaza.

In addition to requesting action from the federal government, Wheeler said his office is reaching out to event coordinators to cancel thedemonstrations.

I urge them to ask their supporters to stay away from Portland, Wheeler wrote. There is never a place for bigotry orhatred in our community, and especially notnow.

It was not immediately clear whether permits have been issued for thedemonstrations.

Wheeler said the city of Portland will not issue permits for eitherevent.

Jeremy Joseph Christian, the man accused of murder in the MAX stabbings, attended a similar far-right rally on April 29 called a March for Free Speech in East Portland. Police confiscated a baseball bat Christian took to the rally. He frequently used the n-word and salutedHitler.

Christian has posted offensive material and anti-Muslim rhetoric on social media, said Heidi Beirich, with the Southern Poverty LawCenter.

This guy was definitely expressing anti-Semitic and pro-Hitler material, anti-Muslim rants as well, Beirich told OPB. We have sadly seen far too much violence from people who espouse theseideas.

Wheeler also called on other state and local agencies to back him up in thisrequest.

I am calling on every elected leader in Oregon, every legal agency, every level of law enforcement to stand with me in preventing another tragedy, hesaid.

The ACLU of Oregon responded to the mayors statement, saying in a series of tweets the city cannot shut down speech we disagreewith.

The government cannot revoke or deny a permit based on the viewpoint of the demonstrators. Period, the ACLUwrote. It continued, If we allow the government to shut down speech for some, we all will pay the price down theline.

See the original post here:
Portland Mayor Calls For Shutdown Of 'Trump Free Speech,' Anti-Muslim Rallies - OPB News

Two members of the Berkeley College Republicans hold signs while an anti-facist group speaks about Ann Coulter's canceled speech at the University of California, Berkeley, April 26, 2017. (Photo: Jim Wilson / The New York Times)

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Last weekend, while Vice-President and former Indiana governor Mike Pence was giving thecommencement address at Notre Dame University, over 100 studentswalked outin protest over his anti-LGBTQ and anti-refugee policy positions. Pence used this opportunity to give a 15-minute lecture about free speech on campuses, condemning what he calls "speech codes, safe spaces, tone policing, administration-sanctioned political correctness -- all of which amounts to nothing less than suppression of the freedom of speech." In contrast, he extolled the virtues of civility, open debate, the pursuit of knowledge, and the free exchange of ideas. Pence's arguments, which sound lofty and noble, conceal as much as they reveal about the role of free speech in educational contexts today.

Also see: The Home of Free Speech: A Critical Perspective on UC Berkeley's Coalition With the Far-Right

Much has been written in the past several months about dramatic conflicts at universities, especially those between protesters and high-profile far right figures likeAnn Coulter,Milo Yiannopoulos, andRichard Spencer, bringing the issue of student activism and free speech to the forefront. While the recent focus has been on these so-called "alt right" celebrities and the growing role of groups like theYoung America's Foundation(YAF), there is a much longer history of conservative speakers being invited to campuses under the banner of free speech. Here I examine the groundwork laid by theFederalist Society, a long-standing legal organization which has been sending reactionary speakers to universities for nearly 40 years. Drawing connections between arguments used by liberal proponents of free speech and the rhetoric of the alt right, I examine how the free speech and open debate arguments being used today to defend the hateful messages of far right speakers have been established over a long period and need to be explored in the context of rising fascism, white supremacy, and extreme social inequality. From this perspective, the comments of Pence (himself anaffiliate of the Federalists) take on a deeper and more ominous meaning.

The Federalist Society

Outside the legal profession, most people know very little about the Federalist Society, a group that has been called "quite simply the best-organized, best-funded, and most effective legal network operating in the country."[1]As the political right gains traction under the Trump administration, it is worth exploring the mission and history of this group, which has played a critical role in the conservative shift of law and politics over the past 35 years. One of the ways the Society has spread its ideas and found new members is through its long-standing debate program, in which far right attorneys are sent to speak at law schools. According to their latestannual report, the Federalists spent $2.5M on student debates and hosted 1,100 events at law schools across the country in 2016 alone.

The Federalist Society was founded in 1980 by law students and faculty who felt alienated by the allegedly liberal atmosphere of law schools. Since then, the organization has been enormously successful in translating its ideas into law and policy, and has done so while remaining mostly outside the attention of media and the general public. In their recent book,The Federalist Society: How Conservatives Took the Law Back From Liberals,Michael Avery and Danielle McLaughlin show how unrestricted funding provided by billionaires like the Koch brothers and John Olin has allowed the Federalists to promote extremely conservative legal positions which privilege private property rights, criticize government interventions in social and economic problems, and target the rights of women, immigrants, people of color, and gay and trans individuals and communities.

Since its founding, the Society has grown exponentially. From four law school chapters in 1982, it has expanded to over 60,000 members in its 300+ student, lawyer, faculty, and alumni divisions.[2]However, not all "members" pay dues and the organization's claims that they have active chapters at every law school are exaggerated. Regardless of actual numbers, the ideas of the Federalists have spread rapidly through members' prolific publications, presentations, and influential public positions. With an annual budget ranging from $10-15M, the Federalists have developed a powerful network of think tanks, law firms, faculty, judges, and politicians.[3]

The Federalist Society has been extremely successful in getting its members into powerful positions while keeping its influence out of public view. Those unfamiliar with the Society may be surprised to learn that its members are represented at every level of government and the judiciary, including four current Supreme Court justices (Clarence Thomas, John Roberts, Samuel Alito, and most recently,Neil Gorsuch). Every Federal Judge appointed by Presidents Bush (Jr. and Sr.) was a member of the Society or of an approved affiliate of the organization, and every Republican administration since Reagan has included prominent Society members.[4]This trend continues and has become even more pronounced with the Trump administration. During his election campaign, Trump promised that all of his judicial nominees would be"picked by the Federalist Society"and since becoming President he has consulted with both the Federalists and conservative think tank The Heritage Foundation in making lists to fill the120+ currently vacant federal court positions.

Federalist Society members arguethat they do not have a specific "agenda" and that there is nothing clandestine or nefarious about their organization. Indeed, the Society is very public about its mission, its focus on ideas, and its commitment to speaking openly about conservative legal perspectives. Furthermore, given its alliance of libertarians, economic conservatives, social conservatives, and Christians, it is true that the Federalists cannot be said to be an ideological monolith. In fact, the organization itself does not lobby or take public policy positions, but rather relies on its individual members and allied organizations to pursue goals such as rolling back affirmative action and identity-based discrimination laws, contesting government regulation of the economy and environment, removing access to legal remedies for workers and consumers, expanding state support for religious institutions, opposing abortion, protecting private property, challenging protections for immigrants, and limiting the size of the federal government. The overall impact of these various (sometimes disparate) positions is to provide advantages to the already wealthy, while leaving the rest of society poorer and increasingly disenfranchised. Although the Society presents itself as simply an intellectual forum, in reality it holds an immense amount of power and influence.

Free Speech and Its Discontents

For decades, the Federalist Society has sponsored debates at law school campuses in which their members argue the various positions described above. Organizing debates is a key strategy of the Society, which allows it to present itself as offering a dialogue of perspectives in order to provide a platform for what is often dehumanizing and far right rhetoric. In recent years, the Federalists have organized events featuring right luminaries such as John Yoo (author of the "torture memos"), Ryan Anderson (Fellow at the Heritage Foundation whocalls gay rights "make believe" and defends conversion therapy), Roger Clegg (President of the Center for Equal Opportunity who argues that affirmative action discriminates against whites), Ilya Shapiro (Fellow at the CATO Institute who claims that corporate donations to political campaigns arenot a problem), and Edward Whelan (President of theEthics and Public Policy Centerand proponent of the controversial "Bathroom Bill" in North Carolina, who argues that transgender activism has producedlegal absurdities).

During this time of controversy on campuses over the place of free speech within current political struggles, the role of the Federalist Society provides an example of how the conservative movement successfully legitimizes itself and spreads its message. Despite the conservative atmosphere of almost all law schools, and the current far-right influence in politics more generally, law student members of the Federalist Society still claim to feel silenced within the"liberal" context of their schools. Student groups and administrators invite far-right speakers under the banner of free speech, viewpoint diversity, and healthy debate, and portray challenges to or dissent against these speakers as attacks on the First Amendment (rather than seeing the protests themselves as protected forms of speech). While the Federalist Society does at least offer other perspectives by framing their events as debates, events sponsored by groups like YAF and College Republicans have increasingly been inviting provocative far right speakers theNew York Timeshas described as "edgier, more in-your-face and sometimes even mean-spirited."

Competing perspectives on free speech across the spectrum of the left are worth examining at this fraught political moment. One popular approach, exemplified by our allies at theACLU, argues that even hateful speech is constitutionally protected. From this perspective, speech that attacks individuals and groups based on race, gender, ethnicity, religion, or sexual orientation is both legal and defendable. The ACLU and many liberal-minded people assume that allowing all speech under any circumstances will ensure that the best ideas win out and that it is ideal to have even potentially dangerous ideas out in the open where they can be challenged. They question attempts by universities to adopt codes and policies prohibiting hate speech, arguing that this well-intentioned response is incorrect and akin to censorship. Rather than restrict the right to use racist, sexist, transphobic, ableist, or other such speech on campuses, the ACLU recommends an educational approach that offers less intolerant viewpoints from which individuals can choose. A final important argument from this perspective points out that the limiting of speech on one end of the political spectrum can produce limitations on any speech found to be controversial, and will inevitably lead to greater restrictions on the other end.

This approach may seem logical and commonsense to many, and this line has certainly beentaken up by the far right, who complain that the failure to include conservative views alongside liberal perspectives is a violation of free speech. On university campuses, reactionary student groups and their supporters draw on First Amendment arguments to promote agendas that are openly racist, sexist, homophobic, transphobic, xenophobic, and ableist. They claim that any resistance from the administration or the student body to these hateful ideologies is in violation of legally protected speech, and even ostensibly progressive universities have given in to this pressure by monitoring and censoring opposition. Extreme right fascist and white nationalist groups outside of universities also rely on the discourse of free speech to claim their views are valid and protected. While complaining about the "politically correct snowflakes" on the left, these far right speakers and their supporters actively cultivate their status as victims by attacking the vulnerable through their hateful speech and then claiming persecution when challenged.

From the commonsense liberal approach described above, the best way to address these kinds of speakers would be to let them express their views so others can decide if they agree or not. If all sides are debated openly, advocates of this perspective contend, the best one will obviously succeed. However, far right conservative and fascist ideology is not simply based on logical and reasonable arguments; rather, these movements depend on the irrational mobilization of hate, fear, and anger against some of the most marginalized and vulnerable populations. Offering them an open forum and vigorously defending their right to promote harmful speech confers legitimacy on their positions as being equally as acceptable as any other.

Another problem with the liberal free speech model is that is does not take into account the asymmetry of different positions and the reality of unequal power relations. Arguments about free speech rarely address the significant imbalances in power that exist between, for example, a wealthy white speaker with the backing of a multi-million dollar organization and members of the populations affected by their words (i.e. immigrants, people of color, queer and trans people, low-wage workers, etc.). What are lost in the abstract notion of free speech are the rights of those who do not have the connections or wealth to equally participate in public discourse. The "marketplace of ideas" is like any other marketplace; those with the most resources dominate.

Finally, the trend of students and local community members protesting reactionary speakers at universities has led to outcry about the "intolerant left" violating the free speech of the far right. But those who are so determined to protect the free speech of fascists, white supremacists, and other hate groups should be equally as concerned with protecting the right of dissidents to protest these viewpoints. While giving a speech attacking individuals and groups based on their race, sexuality, or immigration status is considered legal and acceptable by universities, the protests of those who find these viewpoints reprehensible are often censured or punished by the same institutions. It should give us pause that recentmodel legislationto protect "free speech" on campuses and to discipline those who protest controversial speakers comes from conservative think tanks The Heritage Foundation, The Goldwater Institute, and The Ethics and Public Policy Center.

Strategic Interventions

Since the 1980s, when the Federalist Society began sending extremely conservative speakers to law schools, concerned law students and faculty have responded in various ways. In 2001, theAmerican Constitution Societywas formed to help counter-balance the effect of the Federalists in law schools. The ACS position aligns with the general liberal perspective described above and held by the ACLU. By taking part in the Society's debates, and regularly co-sponsoring them, they hope to provide other, less harmful perspectives. NLG faculty members have also taken part in these exchanges, although Guild members are generally more cautious about participating in debates that are framed in biased or oppressive ways. While there are advantages to debating conservative speakers head on, this approach also comes with the danger of legitimizing or validating the terms of the debate. However, taking part and challenging the framing of the debate itself can be a politically useful strategy under some circumstances. Finally, it is important to acknowledge the reality that Federalist Society speakers have access to resources that make it far easier for them to have a platform than many ACS or NLG speakers. While the Federalists can afford to pay for travel, expenses, and honorariums for their spokespeople, many progressive speakers have to turn down speaking engagements for lack of funds.

Federalist Society speakers have often been met with protests from law student groups like the NLG, OutLaws, and If/When/How. Challenges to reactionary speakers have included putting up flyers with information about the speakers and their background, circulating petitions to have the event cancelled, organizing counter-events and speakers, writing op-ed pieces for campus and local publications, sending students to the event with a list of critical questions, and protesting outside or within the event by walking out or holding signs. University administration responses to these kinds of interventions have often been to stifle the protest, although these activities also fall under the banner of protected speech. Law students report having their fliers removed from the campus, being threatened with disciplinary sanctions, or even being told that protesting will lead to negative evaluations on the Character and Fitness Exam required for the bar. While the rights of dissenting students are suppressed, the ability of far right speakers to disseminate hateful rhetoric is protected through claims of the right to free speech.

These are only some strategies for confronting harmful speech in educational settings. While liberal advocates are quick to invoke First Amendment arguments to allow all speech, there are other considerations to take into account as well, such as: Who is able and allowed to speak, under what conditions and with what consequences? What voices are silenced and what forms of dissent are possible (or not)? Universities can use free speech principles to justify invitations to xenophobic and hate-mongering speakers, but not inviting or funding these people is not necessarily a violation of their free speech, especially when they have many other platforms for getting their message out. Private schools, for example, are not bound by the First Amendment in the same ways as public schools, and can therefore make policies about hate speech that limit invitations and/or funding to reactionary speakers and groups. When the views of speakers are actually dangerous to other people, universities should consider the implications and balance the need for a diversity of viewpoints with the consequences of invalidating the humanity or rights of entire groups of already disadvantaged people.

[1]Jerry M. Landay, "The Conservative Cabal That's Transforming American Law,"Washington Monthly, March 2000.

[2]For more information, see theFederalist Society website. Background information can be found at fed-soc.org/aboutus/page/our-background.

[3]Michael Avery and Danielle McLaughlin,The Federalist Society: How Conservatives Took the Law Back From Liberals(Vanderbilt University Press, 2016).

[4]Ralph G. Neas, "The Federalist Society from Obscurity to Power: The Right Wing Lawyers Who Are Shaping the Bush Administration's Decisions on Legal Policies and Judicial Nominations," Report of the People for the American Way Foundation, 2001. Available at: http://files.pfaw.org/uploads/2017/01/federalist-society-report.pdf.

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Free Speech on Campus: A Critical Analysis - Truth-Out

By John Rice-Cameron

In February, rioters rampaged through Berkeleys campus, setting fire to private property, hurling firebombs at police, and assaulting various individuals. The violence prompted UC Berkeley to cancel a talk from Milo Yiannopoulos, a former Breitbart editor.

Free speech is in danger on college campuses across our country. Too often, students shelter themselves from opinions with which they disagree, claiming that the espousal of these ideas makes them feel unsafe.

In recent months, no student organization has fought more gallantly on the front-lines of this battle than the Berkeley College Republicans. The universitys cancellation of conservative firebrand Ann Coulters appearance at Berkeley marked the third time that the school buckled to violent threats and intimidation against Berkeley College Republicans (BCR) and its guest speakers. I interviewed Troy Worden, President of Berkeley College Republicans, to get his thoughts on the aforementioned events and on the state of free speech on college campuses.

Worden placed part of the blame on an extremely hostile campus environment. He recounted how several members of their organization were called names, spat at, threatened and attacked.

Unfortunately it was not only students, but also the university who contributed to the silencing of free speech at Berkeley. Worden claimed the university pulled the plug on these events due to mere threats of violence. This prompted them to place arbitrary restrictions on BCR events, making these events [virtually] impossible. The university was intent on making sure that BCR could not go host a high-profile speaker, by not permitting high-profile speakers after 3PM on campus, making it exceedingly difficult for many students to attend due to their class schedules. Worse still, the university was hesitant to condemn the violent threats of protesters. It took UC Berkeley six months to denounce the riots that led to the cancellation of Milo Yiannopoulos event.

Worden accused professors of being directly responsible for the violence that has lately been directed at conservatives and conservative speakers on campuses. Since the 2016 presidential election, Worden noted, we have seen professors and teachers go out of their way in class making death threats against the President and try to get the university or school to punish students who record them. Furthermore, Worden discussed how radical professors have, for decades, perpetuated the idea that America is an evil white supremacist nation, and [more recently] that Donald Trump epitomizes that white supremacist representation. Professors cannot make such inflammatory claims and not expect people to react violently. While radicals have long enjoyed an outsized presence in academia, professors inciting violence is a disturbing development.

Worden provided further insight into the mindset of campus radicals, explaining how their tactics and attitudes have changed since the beginning of President Trumps term. In separating todays so-called Social Justice Warriors (SJWs) from the civil rights leaders of the past, Worden argued that we now see untrained, young individuals resort to violent protest to advance their goals. While activists have resorted to violent protests in the past, with the 1960s anti-war protests as an example, this behavior by todays SJWs reflects what Worden called, a fundamental misunderstanding of history. He recounted how other peaceful forms of civil disobedience were successful because civil rights leaderswere proud and believed in the justice they are fighting for. However, many of the the violent, so-called anti-fascist activists of today are not willing to show their face[s] in public, a reflection of cowardice. To explain the heightened aggression on campuses, Worden hypothesized that because college students overwhelmingly dislike President Trump, radicals feel emboldened: a phenomenon that manifests itself in the recent torrent of physical assaults, death threats, and destruction of private property.

Worden concluded by exploring what conservatives can do to shatter the monopoly on intellectual discourse which many leftists believe they are entitled to: Do not be silenced when the university cancels your event, do not be intimidated, the minute you cave in, the minute you dont make the infringements a big deal, you lose. According to Worden, College Republicans have the ability to lead the new free speech movement. If leftists at Berkeley were the champions of free speech in the 1970s, then conservatives at Berkeley have certainly taken on their mantle.

University administrators should no longer yield to those who seek to withhold freedom of speech from anyone. Universities can only fulfill their roles as intellectually open institutions if they respect everybodys right to be heard. The treatment of Berkeley College Republicans by the school administration, students, and outside agitators should disturb people of all political persuasions. If universities continue to cave to the demands of so-called anti-fascists, the persistent debasement of free speech will create an intellectually repressive environment reminiscent of true fascism.

Continue reading here:
Not Backing Down at Berkeley: Free Speech Under Siege - Stanford Review