Daily Archives: May 9, 2017

The Beautiful Nihilism of Breath of the Wild – GameSpew

Posted: May 9, 2017 at 3:17 pm

The Legend of Zelda: Breath of the Wild is a tremendous achievement.

Not just in its ability to effortlessly blend its systems and design choices in ways that feel like they should have been obvious to developers for years, but in its incredible storytelling which relies more on the density and variety of Hyrule and its people than it does on overproduced cutscenes and dialogue.

The story of Courage and Wisdoms never-ending struggle with Power has always been the centrepiece of Zeldas narrative; a heros journey worthy of Joseph Campbells ridiculous cult of the monomyth. Breath of the Wild doesnt do much to tamper with this formula although it offers some compelling alterations that make Princess Zelda the most formidable and self-reliant she has ever been and placed Ganon at the peak of his menace. Rather, it expands upon established mythos by an insight into Hyrule and its people, the downtrodden populace of a world constantly beset upon by the literal embodiment of calamity. Hyrule should be a world of constant sorrow and depression and yet there is so much hope.

The thing that struck me most about the world that Breath of the Wild takes place in is that all of its citizens seem to be aware of the cross-dimensional struggle between the three aspects of the Triforce throughout time and space. They know there has always been a Ganon, that a hero of time will always rise to oppose him, and that victory for the hero is never assured. One day the hero will fail, calamity Ganon will win, and the world will be destroyed. It is inevitable.

Breath of the Wilds vast, beautiful wilderness filled with signs and wonders is an allegory for the nihilistic futility present in all that is temporal, only its monsters and heroic trials have no tendency towards the symbolic. Hyrule is a place that constantly threatens an untimely death at the hands of some grotesque horror or natural wonder that you are ill-equipped to manage. You could fall to your death or freeze solid in some far-flung tundra, cross the path of a savage Lynel or overextend a trip to the border of Death Mountain; and above it all the threat of Calamity Ganon looms large, ready to swallow the light in yawning darkness should your feet make their carriage too slow.

But then this has all happened before. In another time, another place, the light of courage and wisdom was snuffed out by overwhelming power and yet the hero has returned, reborn each once again.

And thats what I love about Breath of the Wilds lovely cast of background talent. Think about the world they live in. Theyre meagre pawns born into the humdrum sideline of a battle between the fates; a battle which was almost lost a century before; a battle with consequences that have already begun to manifest in the blight of their flora and the corruption of their fauna. These stalwart pedants have lived in the shadow of encroaching oblivion for one hundred years as monsters and titans have roamed their lands, threatening their children for at least a generation. Yet they persist. Even as their princess has levelled ceaseless single combat against the object of their disillusionment they have gone about their day to day, not with somber resignation but, in many cases, with cheerful enthusiasm that borders on child-like ignorance.

Because what else can they do? What can any of us do?

We are born to die. The world that breathes life into our stardust bones will one day take its gift away and leave us in the ground without a thought. The citizens of Hyrule know this better than we because theyve lived with Damocles sword perched high atop their capital for one hundred years. But they still love, they still seek out their lifes great purpose, and arrow girl still just wants to get nocked so, so bad.

We could all learn a thing or two from them. Keep calm. Carry on. Every ending informs the next. Play the game, man. Play the game.

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Here comes the science bit: why music festivals are going geek – The Guardian

Posted: at 3:16 pm

Festivals have long been cosmic experiences havens of music and hedonism designed to whisk you away from reality for 72 hours. Of course, those mind-melting moments usually arrive at 6am in the dance tent rather than watching someone in a lab coat wielding a telescope. Not so in 2017. Blame Brian Cox, blame The Big Bang Theory, but music festivals have gone giddy for geekery.

It simply isnt enough to put bands on in a field anymore, says Paul Reed, general manager of the Association of Independent Festivals. Anyone with money who wants to take a huge gamble can do that. He says areas such as science are a natural step for experiential boutique festivals, which offer alternative activities alongside the music, and who are keen to broaden their audiences and offer them a more cerebral experience.

One such festival is Deer Shed in North Yorkshire. Since 2013 its science tent has gradually grown into a phantasmagoria of dorky delights, mostly geared towards children. This year forensics and slime-making workshops sit alongside live spectrograms, which allow you to see your own voice, modular synth-making sessions and another in which you can solder your own lie detector perfect for nippers and hungover parents alike.

According to its Deer Sheds organisers, the science are has become increasingly popular. Not all kids are arty, not all kids are sporty or into music, explains Oliver Jones, the festivals co-founder. Some kids will spend their whole weekend in the science tent. Thats a mentality also shared by Latitude festival: their Wildlife, Weird Science & Adventure kids area features everything from astronomy classes to a School Of Noise where future Aphex Twins can make their own experimental electronic beats.

Its not just children reaping the benefits of the boom in scientific festivals. Events such as Also festival in Warwickshire and Bluedot at Jodrell Bank observatory are aimed more at adults. The former has been billed as a small festival with big ideas and also been likened to Ted talks in a field. Bluedot, meanwhile, returns this year after its 2016 debut with an astronomy-heavy lineup alongside the musical bill. Its science programme includes talks on the search for extraterrestrial intelligence, the future of humans in space and the anatomy of a solar eclipse as if the complex time signatures of musical headliners Alt-J werent boggling enough.

Talks such as these bring some sense, says its organisers, to our unsteady world. People are much more interested in science and its place in our lives; were all aware that science and technology will shape the future, says Prof Tessa Anderson, science-culture director of Bluedot. It really expresses a new zeitgeist; [science] is the natural counterbalance to the post-truth manipulation of information.

There are few stars who bridge the worlds of science and music quite like Brian May, who has both Queen guitarist and PhD in astrophysics on his CV. Four years ago he teamed up with fellow astrophysicist Garik Israelian to create Starmus festival in Norway, designed to enhance our knowledge of the universe via science and the arts.

As a child I was forced to choose between art and science as if they were mutually incompatible, says May. I never believed it. I think the Victorians got it right: to be complete human beings, we need an appreciation of everything the universe has to offer. As for what Starmus has to offer, therell be headline talks from Stephen Hawking, Buzz Aldrin and Brian Eno, and performances from guitar hero Steve Vai and the Trondheim Symphony Orchestra.

Elsewhere, dance music festivals have taken the tech up a notch to explore the relationship between listening to and making music. North Carolinas Moogfest has hundreds of sessions with geektastic names such as For the Love of Audio Gear and 3D Audio Space Jam, while, in the UK, Sheffields No Bounds preps for the main October event with a launch party in June where therell be coding workshops followed by shedding some cells to a set by DJs Nina Kraviz and Helena Hauff.

Creative director Liam O Shea says: No Bounds is about moving beyond boundaries. Its about change, growth, movement and hopefully progress. A little highfalutin it might be, but events such as these hark back to the hippy days when festivals were seen as incubators of change: beards and weirds coming together in an attempt to create accord during difficult times.

If the geek will indeed inherit the Earth, then, it looks like their benign takeover starts with its festivals.

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Cartoonist Kills Pepe The Frog Character After Stoner Icon Co-Opted By Alt-Right – CBS San Francisco Bay Area

Posted: at 3:16 pm

May 8, 2017 2:21 PM

SAN FRANCISCO (CBS SF) With the same comic cool with which he created him, cartoonist Matt Furie has killed off his character, Pepe the Frog after the carefree amphibian was hijacked by far-right extremists.

In a one-page strip in Fantagraphics Free Comic Book Day offering, Worlds Greatest Cartoonists, Pepes stoner-bro roommates, Andy, Brett and Landwolf toast him as he lies dead in an open casket.

(Fantagraphics, Free Comic Book Day)

The quartet of slackers were part of Furies Boys Club series that debuted in a 2006 comic book and shot to meteoric comic book fame. Fans identified with the comical vignettes combining laconic psychedelia, childlike enchantment, drug-fueled hedonism, and impish mischief, according to the blurb on Amazon Books.

Years later, Pepe would spawn a fan base that Furie never anticipated. His beloved chill frog-dude would be dubbed a symbol of hate.

Internet memes showing Pepe adorned with swastikas, mocking progressives, and making racist and sexist and anti-Semitic remarks were plastered across social media.

Hillary Clinton condemned the meme during her 2016 election bid and it was designated a hate symbol by the Anti-Defamation League.

There were so many Pepe memes promoting Donald Trumps presidential campaign that Trump himself tweeted an image that morphed his likeness with Furies green frog.

In retaliation, Furie mounted a campaign to #SavePepe.

In a video, Pepe the Frog: From Innocent Meme to Hate Symbol, Furie says, Pepe is just basically a chill frog. He likes to do nothing, just basically hang out with his bros, watch tv, eat snacks, chill out, occasionally smoke various plants.

It just kind of melts my spirit a little bit because a cartoon that I made had evolved to become somebodys symbol for hate.

Furie would spend months trying to spin his dilemma into something positive, teaming up with the ADL, and even coming out in support of Clinton in 2016.

Lifes too short to be a hater, says Furie in the video. Apparently, he has opted to cut Pepes life short to keep the green icon from being just that.

No doubt, haters will continue to exploit Pepe, but for Furie, it appears his chill-frog dudes soul can finally rest in peace.

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Cartoonist Kills Pepe The Frog Character After Stoner Icon Co-Opted By Alt-Right - CBS San Francisco Bay Area

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The Forgotten Hayek: An Antidote For The New Populism? – Forbes

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Forbes
The Forgotten Hayek: An Antidote For The New Populism?
Forbes
At the first MPS meeting, 70 years ago, Hayek warned about an intolerant and fierce rationalism which in particular is responsible for the gulf which particularly on the [European] Continent has for several generations driven most religious people ...

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Ray Goodlass’ Ray’s Reasoning | OPINION, May 9, 2017 – Daily Advertiser

Posted: at 3:16 pm

9 May 2017, 8 p.m.

The system of higher education in Australia is anything but efficient.

LASTweek the pre-budget announcements were coming in thick and fast, to soften us up for todays bad news, and saw Messrs Turnbull & Co clear the decks of two thorny education issues, school and university funding.

Both were exercises in spin designed to fool the gullible, with the prize going to schools funding, though the propaganda that universities could afford the proposed cuts made it a close second.

The government will cut university funding by 2.5 per cent, a decision they have based on the findings of a Deloitte report, which showed that between 2010-15 the cost of course delivery increased by 9.5 per cent, while revenue grew by 15 per cent.

So many, but by no means all, universities are running healthy surpluses and, according to Simon Birmingham, Minister for Education, they can take a haircut.

This has been called an "efficiency dividend" but the system of higher education in Australia is anything but efficient.

Even thougheconomic rationalism suggests that competition generates efficiency what passes for efficiency usually compromises the quality of education.

It can mean giving students fewer curriculum choices, increasing class sizes, reducing face-to-face hours, teaching them with casual staff and substituting classroom teaching with "digital delivery".

All of these have happened and continue to do so at our own local Charles Sturt University.

If staff and undergraduates are being short-changed, where is the money going?

Im indebted to George Morgan, Associate Professor at the School of Humanities and Communication Arts and the Institute for Culture and Societyat Western Sydney University for suggesting three main avenues.

In the first instance many universities cross subsidise research with the public money they receive for undergraduate teaching largely because the federal government underfunds research.

Secondly, some universities have undertaken ambitious capital works programs, erecting what are in effect "signature" buildings such as Frank Gehry designed building at UTS, no doubt to communicate the new university's cultural and intellectual importance.

Thirdly, administrative costs continue to grow inexorably. Most universities employ more administrators than academics

Given all this, what the university system requires is political and economic change, not short term and crude fiscal shocks.

The university community (including both students and staff) needs to be given more power over institutional affairs to provide more democratic checks and balances over the excesses, caprice and follies of managerialism.

As to Turnbulls declaration last week that he will "bring the school funding wars to an end" in a stunning turnaround that will see the government pump an extra $19 billion into schools over the next decade, Im tempted to agree with Greens Education spokesperson Sarah Hanson-Young.

"We'll look at the detail of this announcement, but what we know is that Australia's school funding system is broken. It's time our children's education was prioritised in Australia. It's a sad reality that many of our kids are being left behind, Hanson-Young said

This will certainly be the case as the governments proposal means that less than half of additional federal funding over the next 10 years will go to public schools, compared to 80 per cent under the Gonski agreements.

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NON-FICTION: MISGUIDED INTERPRETATIONS – DAWN.com

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The intellectual, religious and educational movements of the 18th and 19th centuries in Muslim societies shaped what we today call the Muslim world. Colonialism and the rise of the West triggered processes of internal transformation in Muslim societies, that had multiple expressions ranging from the revival of political systems, selective Westernisation and inner purification through Sufism to socio-cultural reformations.

These processes of reformation and moderation were not only constructing new Muslim societies, but also intellectual discourses. In different Muslims societies, thinking processes were producing almost similar intellectual trends that were difficult for Western and even Muslim scholars to accurately describe. However, in the Indian subcontinent, the transformation discourse was largely educational in nature and did not create much trouble for the colonial rulers. Various educational movements associated with the names of cities, places and institutions, such as Deoband, Aligarh and Bareilly, etc, emerged. Western scholars, particularly, were interested in the interpretations of Islam emerging from North Africa and Ottoman Asia. The terms Salafi and Salafiyya referred to these interpretations of mainly neo-Hanbali theology.

French Orientalist Louis Massignon, who was studying reformist movements, thought the terms Salafi or Salafiyya referred to a coherent reform movement. Massignons notion swiftly became popular among Western and Muslims scholars. Still, many ambiguities surrounded the less-explored term of Salafism. Henri Lauzire, an assistant professor of history at Northwestern University, has resolved the issue in his well-researched book, The Making of Salafism: Islamic Reform in the 20th Century.

Tracing and understanding the making of Salafism was not an easy task. For that Lauzire followed the intellectual journey of the Moroccan Salafi and globetrotter Muhammad Taqi al-Din al-Hilali, a former Sufi of the Tijani order. According to Lauzire, Al-Hilali embraced what he later called Salafism in 1921 and embarked on a lifelong mission to study, teach and defend the primary textual sources of Islam on three different continents.

It is particularly interesting to learn how an academic Islamic journal, Al-Majalla al-Salafiyya, from Cairo, edited by Abd al-Fattah Qatlan, played a significant role in spreading the word Salafiyya overseas. Al-Majalla al-Salafiyya contoured the concept of Salafiyya mostly in a theological context.Lauzire discovered the fact when the first issue of the journal reached the office of the Revue du Monde Musulman in Paris, to which the French scholar of Islam, Massignon, was a major contributor. Massignon wrongly conceived of Salafiyya as an intellectual movement. Later, Arab social intellectuals and journalists created conditions conducive to the misinterpretation. Though Massignon played a leading role in labellingIslamic modernists Salafi, the definition provided useful context to Western scholars who were looking for a conceptual box in which they could place Muslim figures such as Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, Muhammad Abduh, and their epigones, who all seemed inclined toward a scripturalist understanding of Islam, but proved open to rationalism and Western modernity.

Lauzires contribution is important because, as cited earlier, there was confusion around the term Salafism and Muslim scholars referred to it in two contrary perspectives. Some considered Salafism an innovative and rationalist movement and others conceived of it as anti-rationalist; the view of Salafism as purist evolution is a result of decolonisation.

Lauzire notes that from the medieval period until the beginning of the 20th century, Muslim scholars and activists referred to themselves and to others as Salafis only to signal their adherence to the Hanbali theology espoused by Ibn Taymiyyah and other theologians of his tradition. The 20th century Islamic modernist reform movements were labelled Salafism because of their reformists Salafi credentials. Lauzire has also probed the roots of different Salafi traditions, including the one focusing on doctrinal purity and characterised by adherence to neo-Hanbali theology. The 20th century reform movements later triggered an ecumenical approach towards other Muslims among neo-Hanbalis and made Salafism compatible with emerging Muslim nationalism concepts. Both tendencies nurtured another stream of purification. This trend emerged in Morocco and was hallmarked by such figures as Muhammad Allal al-Fasi.

Lauzires critical appraisal of the term Salafism is a commendable effort; it not only removes confusions surrounding it, but also helps in understanding the construct of Islamic thought in contemporary times. He explains that prior to the 20th century, Salafism was not part of the typological lexicon of traditional Islamic science. The growth of colonialism in the late 19th and early 20th centuries entailed greater interaction between native and non-native people. So, too, did it favour cross-pollination between indigenous and non-indigenous ways of thinking about Islam. He argues that the concept of purist Salafism did not initially entail a complete rejection of religious compromise.

The process of purification took place between the 1920s and the 1950s, mainly to accommodate political considerations and to increase the likelihood of achieving political independence from colonial powers.Lauzire explains how this process expanded the meaning of Salafi and Salafism beyond the confines of theology and constructed a rigorist notion of Salafism in the hopes of strengthening and uniting Muslims of different regions and cultural backgrounds under a common standard of Islamic purity.

Lauzire also discusses the new challenges facing the adherents of Salafism. Apart from the violent expressions, the most important question for purist and modernist Salafis regards their participation in the political process. Lauzire lists some questions that he believes dominate contemporary Salafi discourse: should they establish political parties at the risk of creating divisions? Should they run for [public] offices at the risk of legitimising democracy? Should they take to the streets at the risk of encouraging social and political instability? He argues: For the most part, these questions fall under the purview of the Salafi method because they pertain to neither orthodoxy nor orthopraxy in a strict sense. Under specific circumstances, different Salafis have, therefore, been providing different answers depending on their understanding of the Manhaj [Method].

One important chapter of the book discusses Rashid Ridas engagement with the Wahhabis and its consequences. Rida, a Syrian-born Islamic scholar who formulated an intellectual response to the pressures of the modern Western world, had offered his unconditional support to Abd al-Aziz al-Saud. The fall of the Ottoman Empire, the failure of Faisal ibn Hussein ibn Alis Arab kingdom in 1920, the loss of Iraq and Greater Syria to the mandatory powers, the triumph of secular Kemalism in Turkey and the abolition of the caliphate in 1924 had created enormous challenges for Muslim political, religious and intellectual leaderships. Ridas initial response was not to support one group or one doctrine in particular for he believed that factionalism and sectarianism could only weaken the already fragile Islamic community. Later, the circumstances that finally caused Rida to lend his full support to the Saudis resulted from Sharif Husayns self-proclamation as caliph two days after Mustafa Kemal Ataturk abolished the institution in March, 1924. This event confirmed Husayns arrogance in the eyes of Rida, for whom the offence had particular significance. Ridas challenge was two-fold: first, to transform the new state according to his concept of the caliphate. Second, to rationalise Wahhabi thought. Rida explained that even though Wahhabis were Salafi in creed, they often ignored the significance of modern science and opposed modernist ideas. However, he failed to transform the Saudi clergy that was critical towards his new ideas of theological rationalism and tolerance of religious error.

Lauzires scholarship on Salafism is commendable and an example for young Muslim scholars on how to pursue intellectual queries. His journey to exploring the dynamics of Islamic reform movements still continues. He considers Salafism a useful category as long as scholars refrain from using it imprudently.

The reviewer is a security analyst and director of the Pak Institute for Peace Studies, Islamabad

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How Not to Defend Free Speech – RealClearEducation

Posted: at 3:13 pm

Robert Spencer, the director of Jihad Watch, spoke before a large, respectful audience at Gettysburg College last Wednesday, at the invitation of the schools Young Americans for Freedom chapter. In the lead-up to the event, students complained and 375 alumni signed a letter calling for his talk to be canceled because, they wrote, Allowing him to visit and speak will be an act of violence against Muslim students at Gettysburg College and will further legitimate his false and hateful message.

Spencer writes and speaks about radical Islam and jihad. His most recent book is The Complete Infidels Guide to Iran (2016). In 2013 he was prohibited from entering the UK to give a scheduled speech, and in 2006, Pakistan banned his book, The Truth About Muhammad. In his talks, he frequently reads passages from the Quran that he says justify human rights abuses in radical Islam, such as sex slavery.

Outrage and protest over Spencer as a campus speaker are not unique to Gettysburg. Most recently, on May 1, students at the University of Buffalo drowned out his presentation, chanting and screaming throughout the event. According to Spencer, the UB administrators did nothing to restore order.

At Gettysburg, President Janet Morgan Riggs answered the alumni letter by declaring that Spencer would still make his presentation on The Political Ramifications of Islamic Fundamentalism, and that another speaker, Luther College professor Todd Green, would give a talk that same week, on Professional Islamophobia. Riggs cited the colleges freedom of expression statement, which quotes Supreme Court Justice Louis D. Brandeis: If there be a time to expose through discussion the falsehood and fallacies, to avert the evil by the processes of education, the remedy to be applied is more speech, not enforced silence.

In these days of campus speaker shout-downs and dis-invitations, Riggs stands out for her principled defense of intellectual freedom. At least, so it might seem. Riggs is not quite a shining example of free speech protection. Her response to the situation sent conflicting messages.

Selective on Second Speakers

Riggss choice to bring in another speaker appears to be a helpful gesture toward ideological balance. Debates and panels that offer competing points of view are sadly rare on college campuses now. Students deserve to hear more than one perspective on controversial ideas. But here the additional speaker concept is applied selectively. For example, in March the department of Women, Gender, and Sexuality Studies at Gettysburg hosted transgender activist Aren Aizura, who promotes queer theory and gender reassignment surgery. The college did not bring in a speaker to present the counter view that accommodating gender dysphoria is destructive in a manner similar to accommodating anorexia.

The more speech policy appears to apply only in cases where the point of view does not conform to progressive ideology.

Clash of Values

Riggs wrotethe following in her letter to the community:

Thisissueisdifficultbecauseitpitstwocoreinstitutional valuesagainstoneanother:

Taken literally, these values are really not in conflict. A diverse and inclusive learning environment ought to mean a college where students and faculty members of differing backgrounds and views can come together to participate in a marketplace of ideas, and no idea is excluded without due consideration. But diverse and inclusive has come to be a euphemism for its opposite: homogenous and exclusionary.

In that sense, Riggs is right to recognize a clash of values. This is the reason so many campus speakers are prevented from talking: when the free exchange of ideas is confronted by the notion that a certain view is hateful to a preferred identity group, free speech usually loses. This time, Gettysburg College did the right thing by ensuring that Spencer could speak. But Riggs noticed something real, the incompatibility of diverse and inclusive (as the notion is practically applied) with intellectual freedom. Colleges and universities should reconsider their institutional values and drop the language of diverse and inclusive in order to protect intellectual freedom.

Taking Sides

As is sometimes the case with college administrators who countenance controversial speakers, Riggs couldnt resist showing her own biases. At the Todd Green event, when a student challenged her decision to allow Spencer to speak, she replied, My fantasy is that we will have four or five people sitting in a room with Robert Spencer, and the other 2,500 members with Jerome at his rally. I think thats what we can do to counter the fear that a speaker like this can bring to this community.

Riggss call for students to boycott Spencers talk to attend a simultaneous Muslim solidarity rally and her assertion that Spencer could bring fear to campus compromised her defense of his right to speak. This declaration was essentially an act of self-justification to students and alumni who might accuse her of not being on the right side. Getting steamrolled by angry students is a legitimate concern for college presidents these days, but it is up to presidents to show students how to listen to views they disagree with and to model what openness to different ideas looks like.

Imperfect Virtue

Gettysburg College did the right thing by ensuring an invited speakers right to be heard. Riggs is to be commended for not surrendering to the many who pressured her to turn Spencer away. But her declaration of her hope that no one would attend considerably weakened her position. Students need to see examples of gutsy defenses of intellectual freedom. Riggs falls short of that.

It is possible that Riggss statement actually served as an impetus for more students to attend Spencers talk. The room was filled with nearly 400 people, including many who disagreed with what he had to say but nevertheless came to listen.

Controversy can help pique curiosity. Ultimately, however, it should be a normal, even mundane occurrence to have views across the spectrum aired and debated on a college campus. That is the mark of a diverse and inclusive learning environment in the best sense.

Ashley Thorne is theExecutive Director of the National Association of Scholars.

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Can we talk about free speech on campus? – Salon

Posted: at 3:13 pm

The recent cancellation of an appearance by conservative commentator Ann Coulter at the University of California at Berkeley resulted in confrontations between protestors. Its the latest in a series of heated disputes that have taken place involving controversial speakers on campus.

One of us is a researcher of higher education legal issues (Neal) and one is a senior administrator in higher education (Brandi). Together, were interested in how institutions facilitate free speech while also supporting students.

From our different perspectives, we see two closely connected questions arise: What legal rules must colleges and universities follow when it comes to speech on campus? And what principles and educational values should guide university actions concerning free speech?

Key legal standards

When it comes to the legal requirements for free speech on campus, a key initial consideration is whether an institution is public or private.

Public colleges and universities, as governmental institutions, are obligated to uphold First Amendment protections for free speech. In contrast, private institutions may choose to adopt speech policies similar to their public counterparts, but they arent subject to constitutional speech requirements. California proves a notable exception: State law requires private secular colleges and universities to follow First Amendment standards in relation to students.

For those colleges that are subject to constitutional speech rules, what does this mean?

For starters, an institution does not have to make all places on campus, such as offices or libraries, available to speakers or protesters. Universities may also provide less campus access to individuals unaffiliated with the institution, thus potentially limiting the presence on campus of activists or protesters who are not official members of the university community.

Regardless of these limitations on free speech, once an institution categorizes a campus space as accessible for students or permits its use for a specific purpose such as musical or theatrical performances campus officials must not favor particular views or messages in granting access.

Some campus areas, such as plazas or courtyards, either by tradition or designation, constitute open places for speech and expression, including for the general public. Colleges and universities may impose reasonable rules to regulate the use of these kinds of open campus forums (e.g., restrictions on the length of the event, blocking roadways or the use of amplification devices). However, a guiding First Amendment principle is that institutions cannot impose restrictions based on the content of a speakers message.

Free speech zones

A central point of conflict over student speech and activism involves rules at some institutions that restrict student speech and related activities (such as protests, distributing fliers or petition gathering) to specified areas or zones on campus.

Students have argued that such free speech zones are overly restrictive and violate the First Amendment. For instance, a community college student in Los Angeles alleges in a current lawsuit that his First Amendment rights were violated when he was allowed to distribute copies of the U.S Constitution only in a designated free speech zone. Virginia, Missouri, Arizona and Colorado (as of this April) have legislation that prohibits public institutions from enforcing such zones. At least six other states are considering similar laws.

In our view, legislative and litigation efforts may curtail the use of designated free speech zones for students in much of public higher education. In the meantime, increasing resistance could be enough to prompt many institutions to voluntarily end their use.

Beyond legal requirements

While legal compliance is certainly an important factor in shaping policy and practice around free speech, campus leaders should perhaps have a different consideration foremost on their minds: namely, the institutional mission of education.

Most students arrive on our nations campuses to acquire a degree, discover who they are and determine what they want to be. Students grow in myriad ways cognitively, morally and psychosocially while in college.

This personal development cannot fully take place without exposure to opposing views. To that end, students should be encouraged to express themselves civilly, listen to critiques of their ideas and think deeply about their convictions. Then, in response, students can express themselves again in light of new and opposing ideas.

This process of engagement, productive discourse and critical reflection can create tension and conflict for many. The reality is that protected free speech is not always viewed as good or productive speech by all members of the campus community.

However, rather than labeling students as fragile snowflakes or pressuring institutions to punish students who wish to challenge campus speakers, in our view, theres a better approach: Why not take seriously students objections to controversial speakers support them and engage with them on how to reconcile their concerns and institutional commitments to free speech?

Free speech issues on campus are often messy and can make both students and campus officials uneasy. But discomfort also presents an opportunity for growth. We believe that educational institutions have a responsibility to foster debate and to help students gain experience in processing and responding to messages they find objectionable.

And so, when controversies arise, campus officials at times stretching their own comfort zones around issues of student speech and activism can embrace the educational opportunities they present.

Neal H. Hutchens, Professor of Higher Education, University of Mississippi and Brandi Hephner LaBanc, Vice Chancellor for Student Affairs, University of Mississippi

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Students protest gay conservative speaker as he defends free speech at Portland State – The College Fix

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Gay journalist Chadwick Moore who recently came out as a conservative spoke at Portland State University in a speech that drew protests and prompted Moore to boldly engage demonstrators who heckled him.

The speech, The Joys of Being an Infidel: Challenging Orthodoxy and Standing Up for Free Speech in America, drew roughly 60 students and community members, including about a dozen student protesters.

They held signs declaring No sympathy for alt-right trash and Destroy your local fascist, and at times disrupted the speech with verbal outbursts. Moore responded in sometimes feisty rebuttals as the two sides clashed.

Moore entered the national spotlight after coming out as a conservative in an op-ed in the New York Post in February that detailed the intense backlash and hatred he received from his once beloved and supportive gay community for writing a feature on Milo Yiannopoulos for Out magazine.

If you dare to question liberal stances or make an effort toward understanding why conservatives think the way they do, you are a traitor, Moore wrote in his coming out piece. It can seem like liberals are actually against free speech if it fails to conform with the way they think. And I dont want to be a part of that club anymore.

Now, as an emerging defender of free speech, he finds himself a target.

The Joys of Being an Infidel

In opening his Portland State speech on April 28, he alluded to its title with an Islamic greeting: As-Salaam-Alaikum, he said. Thats how they say it in France.

The event was organized by Freethinkers of PSU, a nonpartisan classical liberal and humanist student group.

Blake Horner, one of the leaders in Freethinkers of PSU, said that some protest was expected given that dozens of flyers promoting the event had been vandalized or torn down during the preceding week.

It seems that many people at PSU were motivated to halt public knowledge of this event, Horner said. We were also confronted by someone who was determined to intimidate us.

On the day of the speech, messages plastered on the groups display case called Moore a fascist defender.

Moore reserved strong criticism for PSUs Queer Resource Center at the beginning of his speech. He pointed out what he perceived as the centers political bias for refusing Freethinkers request to place a flyer in its space while socialist promotional material is displayed on its windows.

Here I am, a public gay person who was working for the two largest gay magazines in the world as their top investigative journalist, and they cant put that up there because they dont like my politics, Moore said. Maybe the Queer Resource Center should rebrand itself as something less misleading.

Moore suggested the center call itself the Ministry of Propaganda or the Im with Her Memorial Museum and Gift Shop, referring to Hillary Clintons failed 2016 presidential bid. The audience burst out in laughter.

Moore later read from a power and privilege training document he received from a PSU student. He criticized the training material, which defined white people, heterosexuals and English-speaking people, among other groups, as agents of oppression due to their privilege.

After addressing the training materials arguments point-by-point with counter facts and statistics, Moore ripped up the document.

Anyone who gets this in a future class, this is what you have to do to it, he said. Sign up for a new class.

We can punch you too

Protesters began to heckle and disrupt Moore further in his speech as he continued to ridicule social justice activism and the political far-left.

Can you not wait until the Q&A and be polite? Moore responded as the interruptions continued. Why dont you shut up and have respect for your fellow students?

Later, an audience member called out the rude behavior of some protesters. Stop being homophobic, let the gay man talk! he shouted. Youre stifling gay speech.

Moore carried on with his lecture but about midway through another student yelled at him from the middle of the room.

I am black, I am disabled, Im a woman, she shouted. After a back-and-forth, Moore invited her to speak during the Q&A. The student stormed out of the room and pounded on the window with her fists.

Girl, theres still time, we can punch you too, a student shouted to Moore after he mocked the disrupters low energy. Sorry, not a threat, she said after the audience gasped. Some students in the audience recognized her as a candidate for student government.

1 in 5 gay Americans are conservative

Moore closed his speech by reading part of a letter he received by a gay man who thanked him for coming out in his New York Post op-ed.

This touched me so much and I cried a little because I was thinking about how much the gay community has meant to me my entire life, Moore said.

Citing a Gallup survey that estimates 1 in 5 gay Americans are conservative, Moore shifted his ire to queer resource centers across the country.

If you decide to shun a huge percentage of your community simply because they might not agree with your political views youre denying people a chance to true happiness of living authentically, he said.

During the Q&A, audience members used the opportunity to express support, criticism or gratitude for Moores partisan views.

I was one of those people who wrote you a message when you came out, said a young woman in the audience. I want to personally thank you for being as loud as you are because youre speaking up for people like me.

Later on, one of the protesters who earlier held a Black Lives Matter sign asked Moore about his views on racial matters.

You talk about how you feel like you dont have free speech in some places, she said. Are you also fighting then for the free speech of black gay Americans?

Puzzled by the question, Moore asked her to clarify.

Knowing people who side with the right-side they tend to be racist, she said.

Moore stated that he supports free speech full stop.

Why would I not want black people to have a voice? he asked. I want everyone to have a voice. More speech is more speech.

Freethinkers

After answering questions for about 40 minutes, Moore thanked the audience and some of the protesters for voicing their dissent in a respectful manner.

Several attendees expressed their gratitude to event organizers for hosting the event.

I was impressed by Chadwick standing up to these bullies and speaking his mind, said Mykle Curton, a self-identified leftist who graduated from PSU in 2013. Just because I disagree with him on politics doesnt mean I cant like and support him. I agree with him about his rejection of identity politics. They argue that you can lump people into groups and generalize their experiences and beliefs.

Marko Balogh, a student leader of the Freethinkers, expressed concern that the event was too politically polarizing and didnt further the mission of the organization.

While I think free speechincluding the freedom to offendis an absolutely vital component of an intellectually healthy society, I dont think the excessively combative demeanor of the speaker was helpful, he said. If we are going to reduce political polarization and make our society better for everyone, we have to approach politics from a charitable and well-meaning mindset.

Balogh said he hopes future events organized by Freethinkers would encourage conversations in which all sides of the issues are considered wholeheartedly.

Editors note: Andy Ngo was involved in organizing this event.

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PHOTO CREDITS: Main, Twitter screenshot; Top, Collin Berend; Bottom, Andy Ngo

About the Author

Andy Ngo is a graduate student in political science at Portland State University. His academic interests include political Islam and secularism in the Middle East and North Africa. He can be reached at ango@pdx.edu.

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Students protest gay conservative speaker as he defends free speech at Portland State - The College Fix

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UW already has rules for free speech — Mary Hoeft – Madison.com

Posted: at 3:13 pm

Assembly Speaker Robin Vos, R-Rochester, and state Rep. Jesse Kremer, R-Kewaskum, introduced a bill they named the Campus Free Speech Act. For those who value free speech, a more accurate name for this bill is the Suppression of Free Speech Act."

Reps. Vos and Kremer contend their motivation in introducing this bill was to ensure that University of Wisconsin System schools facilitate free speech. For those of us reading between the lines, Reps. Vos and Kremer are saying they dont trust UW System schools to facilitate their kind of free speech -- the kind that halts it.

The bill requires the UW Board of Regents to form a free speech committee that meets annually with the governor. Reading between the lines one more time, Vos and Kremer are saying they don't trust the Regents to share their desire to squelch protest.

UW System has policies that protect free speech and ensure discipline for students who violate free speech. The Vos and Kremer legislation demeans one of the greatest institutions of higher learning in the country.

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UW already has rules for free speech -- Mary Hoeft - Madison.com

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