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Monthly Archives: April 2017
TestFlow: Field test process automation for better, faster network deployments – RCR Wireless News
Posted: April 25, 2017 at 4:58 am
As new fiber networks are rolled out to meet the capacity and speeds required by access technologies and high-value services, ensuring quality installation is crucial. In challenging field testing environments, test process automation is one of the most valuable tools available to reduce human error and improve compliance with network operators standards.
Telecom providers know what performance and capacity they need to get out of their networks, whether the fiber use centers around fiber-to- the-antenna (FTTA) or distributed antenna systems (DAS) for wireless fronthaul or fiber-to- the-home (FTTH) residential or enterprise installations. Most operators have detailed documentation on how to construct and validate fiber links to their own specific requirements and network design strategies. These methods and procedures documents, or M&Ps, are often updated and changed to reflect evolving best practices, making it difficult to ensure that all technicians and project teams are working from the most current version. They are also lengthy: typically more than 50 pages. This makes them unwieldy to use on-site and difficult to reference in the field, and it is all too easy for required processes to be missed or only partially completed.
M&Ps also establish labeling regimes and testing thresholds that are unique to each operator and can differ across installation types. For FTTA deployments, fiber identification information often remain the same, but site ID and other parameters change from job to job. DAS and FTTH deployments, on the other hand, are highly variable and require technicians to accurately enter even more data. Technicians try to avoid mistakes, but repetitive data entry is a difficult task in the field: tests may need to be performed with multiple test sets that have multiple user interfaces, M&Ps cross-checked, and so on. A significant percentage of test results have data-entry errors, from results not being saved or being lost, to tests being skipped, performed to the wrong threshold or associated with the wrong fiber, cable or location.
EXFOs TestFlow turns an inefficient and highly manual field testing approach into one that is consistent and simplified, and makes the best use of valuable time with the following functionality:
1. Managers create M&P-based digitized job definitions with predefined test-point IDs (e.g. for fiber/bulkhead connectors), required tests (e.g. fiber-connector inspection) and applicable test configurations with design pass/fail thresholds for techs to successfully complete on-site work.
2. Managers distribute jobs to techs test units and mobile devices.
3. Technicians run consistent job-specific test sequences using an all-in- one intuitive test-unit / mobile-device application with a single user interface and support for multiple tests and measurements without the need of other applications or manuals automated step-by- step tasks and job closeout with dynamic test-sequence reporting and test/task-sensitive instructions.
4. Technicians automatically upload test results with predefined filenames to TestFlows centralized server for results-to- metrics processing and immediate closeout-package audit for completeness.
5. Managers analyze user-defined testing metrics from the centralized TestFlow database using web-based analytics dashboards to verify compliance and review work.
Field test process automation with TestFlow means more productive use of both techs and managers time, improved compliance with operator standards and more accurate and timely data from the frontline, leading to better, faster network deployments.
Learn more about TestFlow by visiting: http://www.exfo.com/testflow
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TestFlow: Field test process automation for better, faster network deployments - RCR Wireless News
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Home Automation Yields Green Benefits | Builder Magazine | Home … – Builder Magazine
Posted: at 4:58 am
American home buyers are becoming increasingly aware of how their lifestyles can impact the land they live on, the water they drink, and the air they breathe. Many are actively seeking ways to reduce their consumption and protect the environment with in-home devices that monitor and regulate energy usage.
The reality is that builders can help clients and prospective buyers run a sustainable home far beyond the implementation of green building materials. Todays generation of advanced cost-effective automation platforms can reduce a homeowners carbon footprint greater than ever before, and provide a thorough, permanent and measurable energy-efficient solution that is fully integrated into the home.
Home automation offers control over every system within a residence such as irrigation, electricity, lighting, climate, HVAC, shading, entertainment and security through mobile apps or proprietary remotes and touch screens. In addition to allowing a homeowner to shut off the lights or adjust the shades with a single command, a home automation platform lets these systems talk to each other. And these systems can react, on a customized basis, to seasons, time, motion, occupancy, temperature, humidity and other conditions. So, in addition to instant control, homeowners can configure certain actions to occur autonomously on a regular basis throughout the year.
With a home automation system, various subsystems such as security, lighting, climate and irrigation can be set to respond to each other in a way that conserves energy. For example, a window opening can automatically turn off the air conditioning in that area. Smart shades can be programmed to lower during the height of the summer day to block the sun out keeping the home cooler without having to turn on the air conditioning. Customized events can be built-in, such as home and away, to automatically reduce energy consumption accordingly and the homeowner can control these events remotely, from anywhere in the world. The opportunities to conserve energy through home automation are substantial.
These systems also allow homeowners to monitor their energy output in real time, and refer to past logs to adjust their activity. They can view the history of their HVAC system, monitor indoor and outdoor temperatures, and configure settings to adjust how they use their heating or cooling in the future. Additionally, automation systems can monitor the power consumption of the homes devices, which helps to avoid phantom power, an effect that frequently occurs with products in standby mode, consuming power without actually needing it at the time.
These energy-efficient practices do not sacrifice luxury or convenience. Green homes start with energy management and control, but they dont end there. The same systems that provide energy monitoring and conservation also provide entertainment benefits for the homeowner. Control and automation can also include entertainment systems such as multi-room audio systems, media rooms, or pool and spa temperature control. For example, while automated shades provide a cooling effect that conserves energy, they also conveniently provide shade to block out light while watching television in a media room.
Sophisticated yet easy-to-use automation systems are already being integrated into LEED-certified homes across the country. In 2015, the Sunset Green Home project in Southampton, N.Y., was built with an ELAN automation system to maximize the economical use of lights, shades/drapes, ceiling fans, HVAC, and outdoor systems such as landscape lighting and irrigation, ensuring that all measures were taken to conserve energy without sacrificing comfort or convenience.
To successfully build a smart home, it is essential for builders to consult an expert that understands how the control and automation system works, and how it integrates with the homes subsystems. Builders can and should capitalize on home automation by partnering with technology integration experts who specialize in green homes. It also is beneficial for a builder to work with an integrator who can service the homeowner after the home is sold.
Todays home buyers seek the benefits home automation delivers, and they are increasingly demanding solutions that reduce their energy consumption and carbon footprint. Builders can attract more business by offering home buyers solutions that integrate green home solutions into the enhanced, automated home.
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Home Automation Yields Green Benefits | Builder Magazine | Home ... - Builder Magazine
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44 Scotland Street: A road to freedom – The Scotsman
Posted: at 4:57 am
That evening, Stuart left the office at lunchtime. Working flexi-time, as he did, he was well in credit for that week and could take the afternoon off if he wished. A meeting had been pencilled in for three that afternoon, but since that involved only two others, one of whom was the insufferable Elaine, Stuart felt he could ask for it to be transferred to the following day.
Thats a pity, said Elaine, when he called her to put her off. I was looking forward to going over this mornings ordeal with you.
Stuart grimaced. It would not have been an ordeal for her, nor indeed for Faith; rather, it would have been what people called a shoo-in for both of them.
I withdrew my candidacy, he said tersely.
There was a shocked silence at the other end of the line. You? You withdrew?
Thats what I said. I thought it best. There are good reasons why one should not take that particular job.
Again there was a silence this time one of unease. Why do you say that, Stuart?
Stuart took a deep breath. Something of a poisoned chalice, he said quietly. But I cant talk about it freely over the phone.
Now Elaine sounded alarmed. What do you mean by that?
I mean that I dont fancy being in that seat when Look, I really cant talk about it.
Elaine was quiet for a few moments before continuing, By the way, what did you mean when you said something about long division? When you left the waiting room this morning, you said something about long division and
Oh, that was nothing, said Stuart. Just a little joke.
Well, I didnt think it was terribly funny. You know that were not meant to make jokes in the office. Jokes can be offensive.
Stuart felt his anger rise up within him. Oh, he said, Id forgotten. We have to be humourless.
I didnt say that. You really twist peoples words, you know, Stuart.
Well, anyway, I have to go now. Congratulations on getting the job. He knew that the results would not be known officially for ten days, but he was confident enough of his prediction.
Elaine gasped. How did you know that? I was told that nobody would be informed until She stopped herself. But it was too late, Stuarts suspicions had been confirmed.
I hear that they told you this morning. On the spot.
Youre not meant to know that.
Stuart smiled to himself. It was so predictable. Well, I do, but dont worry, I wont tell anybody. Ill let them keep up the faade of open competition. He looked up at the ceiling, trying to imagine Elaines expression as she took his call. Smugness would have changed to disquiet and then returned to smugness once more.
He rang off and walked across the floor of his office to the window overlooking the harbour. The thought occurred to him that he could go to sea. People did that in the past they gave it all up and went to sea. But he could not do that; there was Bertie and little Ulysses and years of wage slavery ahead of him. Wage slavery it was not an expression he would have used of his own position, but now that he came to think of it, it was not all that inappropriate. Everyone or just about everyone was a wage slave, in a sense. They went to the office, put in the hours, often working with people they did not like (Elaine and Faith), sometimes with people who could not even do long division (Elaine) or who kept going on about Dunfermline and what people in Dunfermline thought about this, that or the next thing (Elaine) or who were fanatical about some issue (that man in the post room who listened in on his portable radio set to ground-to-air transmissions from Edinburgh Airport Control Tower), or who were sycophantic to those in authority over them (Faith, principally, but Elaine too when the opportunity arose).
He watched as a small boat nosed its way out to sea. Boats were a metaphor for freedom. Setting sail meant more than simply slipping away from the quayside; it meant putting the constraints of terra firma behind you; it meant turning your back on the security of the land for the uncertainties and risks of the sea. The sea was water theres an insight, thought Stuart and those who went upon it put themselves, composed largely of water, at the mercy of that medium that would dissolve us all. And the sea did that, as sailors in the past used to recognize; if they went overboard they would simply compose themselves and wait for an end that was ordained to be.
Existential freedom As a young man he had flirted briefly with philosophy, and had read, in a directionless and untutored way, various paperback books he had found in an Oxfam shop. He had stumbled across a book on the philosophy of Jean-Paul Sartre and had been taken by the whiff of freedom that emanated from its pages. Authenticity, it seemed, was everything: you had to make choices about your life, you had to live in the fullest way, to be authentic. That was real freedom, the author suggested, and M. Sartre, sitting in his Left Bank caf with what was her name again? Simone de Beauvoir that was echt authenticity. They were no wage slaves, Jean-Paul and Simone; they did not have to clock into their caf at nine in the morning and stay there, being appropriately authentic, until five oclock.
He moved away from the window. I shall never be authentic, he said to himself, as long as I work in this place, with these people, doing the sort of thing they want me to do. Im fed up with inventing inauthentic figures; Im fed up pretending that things are better than they are and expecting the public to believe it all. Ive finished with that now. No longer. No more.
He went downstairs to the floor on which the office of the Supreme Head of Personnel was located. He went to her assistants door and knocked.
Do you have an appointment to see me? asked the assistant.
Stuart laughed. To see you? Are you seriously suggesting that people need to make an appointment to see you to make an appointment to see her?
Yes, said the assistant. I am.
In that case, said Stuart. Please note down this message to yourself, to pass on, in due course, to her. Pollock, S, Department of Creative Statistics: resignation, with immediate effect, coupled with a request to be allowed not to work one months notice, as per contract, and to take the notice period as accumulated leave in lieu. He paused. Did you get that?
Yes, said the assistant. I did.
Good, said Stuart, and he left by the door that, although unmarked, was in his mind labelled Freedom; the door we all long to find, and sometimes never locate, but sometimes do.
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Iowa Legislature’s minimum wage rollback was a cruel move – DesMoinesRegister.com
Posted: at 4:57 am
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James Marcovis,West Des Moines, Letter to the Editor 5:20 p.m. CT April 24, 2017
Claire Celsi attended the Polk County minimum wage increase celebration(Photo: Molly Longman/The Register)Buy Photo
The most cruelthing the 2017 Republican-controlled Iowa Legislature did was to take away the authority of cities and counties to raise the minimum wage, then do nothing to raise it at the state level.
I am a small businessman who pays my employees much more than the minimum wage of $7.25 per hour and many of them still barely get by. It is a disgrace that the state of Iowa doesn't raise its minimum wage to between $10 to $12 per hour. Why is a large number of our population forced to work two and three jobs just to get by?
Every time the minimum wage has been raised,hundreds of businesses haven't closed and hundreds to thousands of people haven't lost their jobs. Almost every penny paid out in increased wages goes right back into the economy improving business and creating jobs. By maintaining a minimum wage that is below the poverty level, we are keeping a significant segment of our population in income slavery.
Let's give the next legislature a mandate to raise the minimum wage and help the least fortunate of our workers have a chance to lead a better life.
James Marcovis,West Des Moines
Iowa Legislature adjourns: What bills passed in 2017 session?
Obradovich: Can't fix stupid: The 2017 Legislature in three words
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Iowa Legislature's minimum wage rollback was a cruel move - DesMoinesRegister.com
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Amiable with Big Teeth – The Smart Set
Posted: at 4:57 am
Every literary season deserves at least one unexpected pleasure. For the fall of 2016, this pleasure appeared with the discovery and publication of a long-lost novel by Claude McKay. Known as the rebel sojourner of the Harlem Renaissance, McKay enjoys more than his fair share of supporters and detractors. His sense of rebellion persisted throughout his unsettled life, as compulsive and widespread as his travels. The newly discovered novel, with the suitably prickly title of Amiable With Big Teeth, wont likely alter or settle McKays reputation conclusively, but it will complicate it, and in a good sense. Most striking, perhaps, is that the book has a deft plot, rather unlike his earlier narratives (recall that Banjo is subtitled A Story Without a Plot). Some issues and concerns recur from the previous fictions, but they often appear to be over-shadowed by the political questions of race and color. Amiable certainly continues in that vein, but adds to it a smoother sense of conflict and development, complete with revelatory surprises and a range of tonal situations, from romantic innocence to farce to grim burlesque.
What chiefly sets Amiable off distinctively from other McKay novels is the presence of full-throated political disputes, most of which were burning heatedly in the 1930s, during the rise of fascism. Home to Harlem and Banjo, written in the late 1920s, both made room for politics, and in both places, the character of Ray served as McKays spokesperson and main political theorizer. But in Amiable, no character commands center stage, which means McKay can show everyones political views in all their complexity. But such complexity can also be read as a form of universal rejection. Many readers of this new novel will catch more than a whiff of McKays cynicism, if not a quiet nihilism. The entire novel is set in New York, and the bulk of it takes place in Harlem. But the date is 1937, so the Renaissance has begun to fade, and the Harlem riot of 1935 is also only lightly mentioned, and though some Depression culture appears, it registers only as a thin, indefinite shadow. But leftist revolution and anti-colonialism dominated the main questions of the day.
What strikes home, and stands as the novels main underpinning, is the emphasis on the problems of group identity and the international range of revolutionary sentiments. All of this thematic and emotional material arises from the first pages as what we might call the problem of Ethiopia. A war is taking place overseas between Italo-Fascist forces and a near-mythical model of liberation in the form of the North African state of Ethiopia. Led by Emperor Haile Selassie, the country has been called the most mysterious and misunderstood political nation in the 20th century. For many readers there persists the memory of Mussolinis savage suppression of Ethiopians, woefully under-equipped and the helpless victims of aerial bombardment. The Harlem community of African Americans (McKay refers to them as Aframericans) turned to this small, underdeveloped country to support it against fascism and hold it up as a symbol of anti-colonialism and national liberation.
As a novelist, McKay was vividly political. One commentator on Banjo, his picaresque story of dockside workers, pointed to its sailors in Marseilles as emulating a form of oppositional primitivism, that is, a rejection of the values of industrial capitalism by contrasting it with group solidarity and an embrace of personal freedom, if not license. Though Amiable is thick with political values of all kinds, McKay invokes only a little of the vast tangle of primitivist culture (until late in the book, more of which below), and to speak bluntly, he offers no overriding solution, or even a weak resolution, to the tangle of political stances and emotions that drive the story. Something like a deeply rooted sense of unfettered nature and camaraderie is on offer and, with luck, it might prevail against wage slavery and a repressive social order. Still, MacKay captures some of the rhetorical temperatures of radical leftist politics, in what W. H. Auden called the low dishonest decade of the 1930s, and shows us more of the problem than of any solution.
MacKay gives each viewpoint a full hearing, and his outsider status based on his birth in Jamaica, his coming late to the Renaissance because of his exilic imagination, and his feeling that American blacks sometimes treated him with condescension resounds here and throughout all of his writings. If we insist on some label, perhaps we could settle on radical individualist, with a broken socialist heart. (Alain Locke, accurately but unfairly, accused him of spiritual truancy.) Amiable, however, at once presents his outsider dimension with a new brighter glow, but not, as they say, unmixed with heat. McKay utilized the strength of his mentors, forming several solid friendships with some of his fellow writers, but when it came to foursquare social and political questions and affiliations, he was a scold and he held his often-solitary opinions fiercely. This novel clarifies the sources of his many disaffections, using the dyspeptic genre of the satirical novel of manners.
The long arc of Amiables plot involves the rivalry between two groups, the Hands to Ethiopia and the Friends of Ethiopia. (The latter group is sometimes called the White Friends of Ethiopia.) Both groups are involved in fundraising to help finance the Ethiopian army, led by Emperor Haile Selassie, in their fight against the invasion by the fascist government in Italy, led by Mussolini. The first pages describe a volatile public meeting meant to introduce a spokesperson for the Ethiopians, a supposed prince by the name of Lij Tekla Alamaya. The rivalry to garner Alamayas prestigious support grows immediately complicated as both the Hands and the Friends have distinct and disputatious desires and cryptic allegiances. The Hands are led by Pablo Peioxta, whose modest fortune and bourgeois taste were won by mounting a numbers racket in Harlem, though by now Peioxta has gained a veneer of respectability. His fellow member of the Hands is Dorsey Flagg, a combative type who mistrusts the machinations of the Stalinists. As for the Friends, their leader is the mysterious Maxim Tasan, the most villainous person in the novel. He is aided by a helper named Newton Castle, a clever two-faced manipulator who mistrusts the credulity of the masses. Tasan and Castle are indeed supporters of Stalin, almost to the point of being stooges. The rivalry between Flagg and Castle, the Executive Member and the Secretary, respectively, of the Hands, serves as a counterpoint to the competition between the two groups. Both groups, however, are staunchly anti-Fascist, at least in their public faces. But as the old-line Trotskyists used to say, it is all splits and fusions.
All this combines to produce a novel in which most everyone appears a knave or a fool, as we watch members of each of the two groups engage in the plots twists and surprises as well as in its daily Harlemite flavor.
The main preoccupation of the novel is shaped by the congeries of arguments, pettiness, and duplicity between the various political causes and groups. These include Stalinists (plotting to build their control over the Popular Front); Trotskyites (trying to prove that Stalin is evil); black Harlems elite (often accused of toadying to whites); white visitors to Harlem (frequently baffled by, or mistrusting, what they see); and assorted organizers and money seekers (whose commitments lag considerably behind their self-aggrandizement).There is tension here of a special kind, however. A sentiment shared by many blacks, and close to McKays heart, is the feeling that time, money, and energy might be better spent on raising the salaries of people (as Langston Hughes said about the Renaissance) rather than on distant, high-minded causes. The bitterness of McKays sense of alienation was always short-circuited by his unfailing anti-racism, the kind that the novelist meant in everyday life, every day. It functioned as the core of his political imagination and ethos. Virtually every character and complication gets plotted on a graph of racist feelings, from Peioxtas assimilationism, to Tasans opportunism, to the desire of Seraphine, Peioxtas daughter, to move downtown to a freer life and her mothers desire for respectability.
The storys main complication occurs with the discovery that Haile Selassie has been forced into exile by the Italian fascists and thus has abandoned his role as spokesman for the oppressed blacks in Africa and across the globe. This totally unexpected development turns everything upside down. The leader of the Friends, Tasan, is largely unfazed by the exile of Selassie and sees it only as a chance to further gather and strengthen the support of stooges from the Popular Front. As for Peioxta, he celebrates the uncovering of Tasans intensely Stalinist bad faith, and does what he can to comfort Alamaya, who has won the affection of Gloria Kendell, a secretary in the office of the Hands. She is chosen to accompany Alamaya on his cross-country lecture and fundraising tour, and their impulsive romance helps him survive the crisis of the Emperors forced exile. His political neutrality and his good-natured pragmatism are revealed as his best features.
This political neutrality dominates Seraphines outlook and makes her rebellious against her parents. Shes beautiful, nave, socially ambitious, and eager to marry a prince. However, Alamaya chooses Gloria Kendell instead, even though he discovers that she has gone on stage to imitate an Ethiopian princess, a clearly fraudulent counterpart to fundraising by whatever scheme works. There is also a clever plot contrivance whereby Alamaya thinks hes lost the diplomatic letter, complete with the Emperors seal, that will demonstrate his official standing as Selassies envoy. In fact, Maxim Tasan has stolen the letter from him in order to discredit him and hobble the money-raising by the Hands. In turn, the letter is uncovered by Seraphine, which ought to make life a bit easier for Alamaya by restoring his legitimacy. All this takes place while most of the women in the novel Seraphine and her mother, Gloria Kendell, working as a clerk for the Hands and Seraphines friend and roommate, Bunchetta deal with domestic issues and affairs of the heart. The tone never descends into that of a soap opera, and it serves to offer a contrast to the political discussions, which sometimes read like harangues. To McKays credit, the plot and structure of the novel stand as leagues ahead of those in Home to Harlem and Banjo. His artistry impresses even more when we realize the weight of his chronic illness during the time he was working on the novel.
McKay introduces some minor characters throughout, almost as if he were trying to use the complications of novelistic devices to give the novel breathing space, lest the politics overwhelm its interest. But there are two men who have rather sizeable roles in the book, coming into the scene in Chapters 20 and 23, very near the end of the story. Chapter 20 introduces a painter called DD, whose gallery opening takes up the whole chapter, and could be a stand-alone satire about the art world. This material is probably based on McKays work in the FWP, the Federal Writers Project, which absorbed much of his time and his frustration in the last years of his life. It seems as if McKay needed to satirize each cultural group active in Harlem. The events with DD and his crowd dont get fully integrated into the novel, nor, in the final chapter, number 23, does the introduction of a mysterious shaman-like character named Diup Wuluff. Diup makes use of full-size leopard skins in an African style ritual that is cryptically performed to serve as the climax of the novel.Diup is invited to a farewell party planned by and for Tasan himself, and Tasan inveigles the shaman into a wild and implausible scheme. The ending of the party forms the gruesome climax of the novel, but I wouldnt want to ruin the shock by spelling it out. Suffice to say, MacKay has never been more over the top. We have, at the closing moment, left the political disputes behind.
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The discovery of Amiable will not likely deepen McKays reputation widely and quickly. He never attained the folk-based affection afforded Langston Hughes, though Home to Harlem vied with N Heaven as the periods most shocking black novel. His membership, so to speak, in the Renaissance was always based on underfunded dues. But what he offered remains strong and distinctive, a large body of work made through toil and persistence. Amiable wont readily be seen as a crowning glory of craftsmanship. But it extends McKays historic and thematic reach, which makes his last decade considerably brighter. Darryl Pinckney summarizes McKays career, mixing hope and clarity:
McKays reputation may have declined in his lifetime, but the worth he found in the culture of the black masses had an immediate influence on a generation of Harlem writers . . . and few black writers have so dramatically embodied the problem of identity, the matter of standing between two worlds, removed and distant from one, yet not completely belonging and then compelled to not want to belong to the other.
This reads like a special adaptation of Du Boiss famous passage about the black consciousness as it confronts its own twoness. But divided consciousness can serve as a mark of modernism as well as of black experience. McKays fiction recalls, at different points, some of the brittleness of Wallace Thurmans Infants of the Spring or the grating satire of Wyndham Lewis. In turn this can foster the sense that McKay is beyond national identity, a true internationalist. It may be one of those ironies that writers howl at, in painful self-recognition, when we remember that McKay travelled everywhere, yet he could never quite come home to Harlem, even though he remains one of its indispensable lights.
Yet the coda of McKays work and its afterlife offered little of the bright lights of fame that some of the Renaissance writers would enjoy, though some had it only posthumously. Again, Pinckney sums up:
Weary of the poverty of his European exile, McKay . . . returned to the United States in 1934, where he was met by a changed market for book publishers and a Harlem hostile to his independence of it. He lived at the YMCA, considered going on relief, endured a stint in a labor camp that was little more than a sanatorium for casualties of the Depression. His autobiography, published in 1937, was also a failure and he managed to offend just about everyone mentioned in it.
Some have suggested that, because of his sense of hopelessness, McKay belongs more to the Lost Generation than to the Negro Renaissance. It serves as McKays singular honor that he belongs to both of these literary periods. But also equally striking is that neither period can completely contain the force of his vision.
Editorial Note: Jean-Christophe Cloutier, a graduate student working with Brent Hayes Edwards at Columbia University, discovered the novel in an archive. The two men have done an excellent job editing and introducing the novel, as well as explaining the circumstances of its appearance.
Feature image and article images by Shannon Sands; source images courtesy of George Dance and laT aurora via Wikimedia Commons. Book covers courtesy of the publishers. Photograph of the Harlem YMCA courtesy of Beyond My Ken via Wikimedia Commons (Creative Commons).
Charles Molesworth has published a number of books on modern literature. His most recent book is The Capitalist and the Critic: J.P. Morgan, Roger Fry and the Metropolitan Museum of Art (U. of Texas).
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Australia abolishes popular 457 skilled worker visa – The PIE News
Posted: at 4:56 am
The Australian government has reassured international students they are still welcome in the country, after announcing changes to its temporary worker visa last week caused concerns among prospective and current students.
Australia's Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull announced via a video on Facebook that the government would be abolishing the 457 skilled work visa held by some 95,000 workers.
Any perceived tightening of migration conditions may discourage some students from choosing Australia as their study destination"
The changes, which will see the 457 temporary skilled work visa replaced with a more stringent Temporary Skill Shortage visa in March 2018, will not directly affect student visas or the post-study work rights visa scheme. However industry stakeholders have reported a level of confusion from overseas colleagues.
Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull unexpectedly abolished the scheme last week and saidits replacementwill ensure that Australians, wherever possible, where vacancies are there, where job opportunities are there, Australians will be able to fill them.
Several providers have identified uncertainty among students and education agents regarding how the changes will affect students work opportunities after study, while several overseas media outlets have been identified as providing inaccurate information on the changes.
Australias Department of Immigration and Border Protection clearly did not see it as their role to communicate who would not be affected by the changes to 457 visa settings, IEAA chief executive Phil Honeywood told The PIE News.
Wherever possible, where vacancies are there, where job opportunities are there, Australians will be able to fill them
It quickly became apparent that international students were making extensive use of social media to express their concerns about possible impacts, he added.
Honeywood said those concerns prompted education minister Simon Birmingham to tweet, Fact. Australia is open to educating the world, with an accompanying graphic which has been circulated by Australian educators accounts.
At this stage, the minister has not released a formal media statement on the impact of the changes to international students.
Indirectly, fewer international students will be eligible for the upcoming TSS visa than for the 457 skilled worker visa program, as the upcoming schemerequires applicants have a higher level of English, a minimum two years work experience in their skilled occupation, and the list of eligible occupations will also be reduced.
The move remains in line with the Australian governments efforts to separate ties between its overseas study visa program and skilled migration, after concerns of widespread fraud at the turn of the decade.
It is a very responsive approach, but the fundamental difference is, it is focused relentlessly on the national interest and on ensuring that temporary migration visas are not a passport for foreigners to take up jobs that could and should be filled by Australians, said Turnbull.
But educators aired their concerns that any changes could have a mild dampening effect on student enrolments.
While the reforms do not have a direct relationship to education, international students do consider future employment opportunities in choosing study destinations, ACPET chief executive Rod Camm said in a statement.
Any perceived tightening of migration conditions may discourage some students from choosing Australia as their study destination, he added.
While the abolition of the 457 visa system has caused anxiety among students, the number of student visa holders moving to a 457 visa has been gradually decreasing over the past three years.
Since 2012/13, the number of student visa holders who moved onto a 457 visa shrunk by almost 35% to 11,696 in 2015/16, despite student numbers hitting a record 554,179 in 2016.
Conversely, the post-study work stream of the 485 temporary graduate visa, which provides up to four years work depending on level of qualification completed, saw a marked increased in 2015/16, more than doubling from 9,400 to 21,300 from the previous year.
It is unclear if the removal of the 457 visa could mean fewer international students move in the opposite direction, converting from a temporary skilled worker visa to a student visa, as DIBP does not publicly provide those figures, but Honeywood estimated the numbers would be low.
Australia has a competitive advantage right now amidst uncertainty in many other parts of the world we need to safeguard that advantage and not undermine it in any way
Meanwhile, Universities Australia also expressed concern the TSS could affect Australias university system and prevent them from recruiting the best and brightest minds from around the world.
In particular, UA said the work experience requirement would prevent universities from recruiting recent PhD graduates and also requested university lecturers and tutors be restored to the medium term skills list.
Australia has a competitive advantage right now amidst uncertainty in many other parts of the world we need to safeguard that advantage and not undermine it in any way, UA chief executive Belinda Robinson said in a statement.
The ability of our universities to bring brilliant minds into Australia is crucial to the global research collaborations that will help us to create new jobs and new industries for Australians.
Immigration minister Peter Dutton subsequently vowed to take a broad view of what constitutes work experience, with his office telling the Australian Financial Review experience may vary depending on occupation, such as research and teaching experience accumulated by PhDs.
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Migration Alert Abolition of 457 Visas! – Lexology – Lexology (registration)
Posted: at 4:56 am
On 18 April 2017, the government announced that the Temporary Work (Skilled) visa (subclass 457 visa) will be abolished and replaced with the completely new Temporary Skill Shortage (TSS) visa in March 2018.
The TSS visa programme will be comprised of a Short-Term stream of up to two years and a Medium-Term stream of up to four years, will support businesses in addressing genuine skill shortages in their workforce and will contain a number of safeguards which prioritise Australian workers.
The changes, which commence in stages from 19 April 2017 are designed to reduce the number of non-residents who are able to obtain working rights in Australia. With immediate effect the list of occupations has been reduced by 200 and applications for nominations and linked visas can no longer be granted to applicants in those occupations. This is likely to affect sponsoring employers who have commenced the nomination process in one of those occupations. Details about the retrospective effect of these changes will need to be assessed before sponsors make final decisions on withdrawing such applications.
There are a number of other relevant changes and requirements and we recommend you seek advice before entering into any material discussions with job applicants regarding their employment in Australia.
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Turnbull’s 457 visa fraud – Red Flag
Posted: at 4:56 am
The coalition government ensuring Aussie workers have priority for Aussie jobs abolishing the 457 work visa.
You can find these words on immigration minister Peter Duttons website superimposed over a picture of a giant muddy backhoe, digging dirt in some remote-looking location.
The first weird thing is, not one category of machine operator or driver was eligible for a 457 visa, even before Duttons announcement. So the backhoe picture is simply part of the theatre, a fictional prop for a bullshit so-called solution to a discriminatory, anti-worker visa category of the Liberals own creation. The effect of this theatre is to leave the core of the problem intact, and in some ways make it worse, while kicking off a wild bout of flag waving to mask more severe threats such as the Turnbull government itself.
Even the least attentive media commentators have picked up on the large element of make-believe in Dutton and Turnbulls breathless announcement that 457 employer-sponsored visas will be abolished in March next year. For starters, theres the fact that 457 visas will be instantly replaced by two new visas that work on exactly the same principles of employer sponsorship (the Temporary Skills Shortage or TSS visas).
Much media, union and political commentary has mocked Turnbull and Dutton for posing as mighty friends of the working class by saving Australia from some alleged influx of employer-sponsored goat farmers, magistrates and tribunal members some of the occupational categories that employers can no longer sponsor under these latest reforms.
The bullshit goes much deeper than this, however.
The threat to workers in Australia from the 457 visa, and similar schemes, has never depended on the size of occupational categories under which workers can be sponsored. Rather, the problem with 457 visas is built into the visa itself.
Employer-sponsored temporary work visas such as the 457 severely limit the most fundamental right that a worker can have under capitalism our right to quit one job and search for another. This right is what is meant to mark out capitalist free labour from slavery, serfdom and other forms of bonded labour. The 457 visa is a serious attack on that right. Any worker employed under a 457 visa who is sacked or who leaves their job has a limited period currently just 60 days, reduced from 90 days late last year to find a new employer (who must be approved to employ workers on a 457 visa) or face deportation.
Its this that gives the whip hand to the employer in what is already an unequal relationship. Throughout history and around the world, when a worker depends on the boss for their immigration status, the door is wide open for gross exploitation, regardless of the supposed protections built into the visa.
So its no surprise to find widespread abuses of workers on 457 visas, or on the working holidaymaker 417 visas, in which an extension of the visa depends on regional or rural employers attesting that the worker has completed 88 days work in primary industry or construction. Similarly, workers on student visas face sharp restrictions on the number of hours that can be worked. To make ends meet, international students are often forced to work beyond their visa limitations, pushing them into the jobs black market and leaving them open to exploitation. And workers on seasonal worker programs can be employed only by a restricted group of bosses, limiting their ability to quit bad jobs and find new ones. In all of these cases, restrictive visas along with employer self-monitoring and light touch regulation (which amounts to the privatisation of the border) lead to gross and systematic exploitation.
The solution isnt to keep workers out its to have full work rights for all migrant workers, dramatically reducing the scope for employer coercion. At one stroke, this would significantly lessen the pressure that the exploitation of migrant workers puts on the whole labour market. However, this is exactly not what is on the federal governments agenda in these latest reforms. In 2006, Liberal then immigration minister Amanda Vanstone gloated that the 457 visa undermines the unions ability to exploit high wages amid the skills shortage. The ruling class want to keep it that way, which is why fundamental reform or actual abolition of restrictive, anti-worker visas is not on the cards from either major party, despite the ritualised huffing and puffing.
The changes announced by the government arent just political theatre, however. One of the better informed commentators, journalist Peter Mares, points out that the Dutton-Turnbull changes are likely to make the pathway from temporary to permanent status longer and harder or, in some cases, to close it altogether. A recent Productivity Commission report notes that the average migrant going through a multi-step migration process already takes 6.4 years, and more than three visa grants, before they become a permanent resident.
Thats a huge amount of time to survive as a precarious worker on various types of exploitative visas and its about to get longer. Tighter English language requirements, a new requirement for two years work experience before getting a temporary visa, and the fact that workers on temporary employer-sponsored visas will have to wait three years before applying to be sponsored for a permanent visa, up from the current two years all of this will lead to a longer period as a precarious worker. As Mares points out, the result will be a larger body of migrants who live, work and pay taxes without accruing any of the rights and entitlements that come with membership of the political community.
This is obviously an attack on the migrants themselves. And by extending the period in which migrants are tied to their boss, it facilitates gross exploitation and wage cutting for workers on temporary visas. The point of this, as Vanstone explained, is to produce downward pressure on wages which, the ruling class hopes, would leave all workers worse off.
However the primary motive of the governments pronouncement on 457s and the accompanying frenzy of flag waving, tub thumping and fake memes featuring backhoes is political. The 457 issue was deliberately chosen to kick off a renewed wave of government-sponsored anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim hysteria, two weeks out from the budget. The government wants to use the 457 issue to distract from its attacks, and to convince us that a vicious political campaign against migrants and Muslims is somehow in workers interests. As usual, with anything that comes from Turnbull and his gang, nothing could be further from the truth.
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The government is jeopardising progress on child sexual exploitation – The Guardian
Posted: at 4:56 am
The controversial children and social work bill is dismantling the systems that promote strong, effective safeguarding. (Picture posed by model.) Photograph: Rex
A bad idea drawn up by Whitehall that has not been properly evaluated or impact-assessed. This was Lord Ramsbothams scathing verdict on clause 29 of the children and social work bill, the controversial provision allowing local authorities to opt out of legal obligations to vulnerable children.
Quite rightly, the government has abandoned that clause after a concerted campaign by childrens charities. But in the furore over clause 29, other equally misguided parts of the bill have escaped proper scrutiny.
Over the past five years, I have provided legal representation to girls and young women caught up in the child sexual exploitation scandals in Rochdale and elsewhere. In bringing legal cases, we are shining a light on the failings of agencies that were supposed to protect these young people. Some of these failings were attitudinal: the credibility of victims was too often assessed with reference to ill-informed stereotypes, such as the myth that sexually exploited children were making lifestyle choices. But a central problem was the failure of different agencies to work together: social workers did not listen to sexual health workers, and schools did not recognise the warning signs.
Given those past failings, it is heartening to see the progress now being made in many parts of the country towards more effective multi-agency responses to child sexual exploitation. But I am very concerned that one proposal in the children and social work bill to dispense with local safeguarding childrens boards (LSCBs) puts this progress in jeopardy.
The abolition of LSCBs is proposed in clauses 16 to 23 of the bill, after a review of their role was undertaken for the government by Alan Wood in May 2016. The suggestion is to replace the existing LSCB structure with new local safeguarding arrangements, the key feature of which is that there would be only three mandatory local safeguarding partners: the local authority, the local NHS clinical commissioning group and the local police force. These agencies could choose to involve others but there would be no statutory obligation to do so.
Lets recall what LSCBs are for: to coordinate local attempts to safeguard and promote the welfare of children, and to monitor and ensure the effectiveness of what its member organisations do, both individually and collectively. They scrutinise local organisations to ensure they are fulfilling their statutory obligations and, where mistakes are made, that lessons are learned.
Where multi-agency coordination has been inadequate the answer is to strengthen it, not reduce it
Importantly, LSCBs are independent of the agencies they coordinate. Even more importantly, LSCBs have drawn in partner organisations not previously involved in local safeguarding arrangements: sexual health services, youth offending teams, probation services, the voluntary sector and schools. This has been crucial; it is only recently, for example, that schools have started to become fully involved in tackling child sexual exploitation. Under the regime proposed in the new bill, I fear there may be no involvement of schools outside the local authority orbit such as academies and free schools and no effective monitoring of their safeguarding work where they do participate.
The bill is now more than half way through the parliamentary process, with royal assent likely in autumn 2017 subject to any change to the timetable caused by the general election. Looking at Woods report, which among other things highlighted the cost of LSCBs, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that their abolition is austerity driven.
That is not to dismiss the potential value of structural reform, but as a cross-party inquiry into social work reform suggested last year [pdf], improvements are more likely to come from concentrating on the basics, such as reducing caseloads. Where structural reforms are proposed, they need proper analysis first. It would be far better to let the Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse examine this issue properly than rush into yet another legislative change that has not been properly evaluated or impact-assessed.
LSCBs are not perfect. They could and should have done more to challenge some of the agencies involved in recent child sexual exploitation scandals. But where multi-agency coordination has been inadequate the answer is to strengthen it, not reduce it. Strong, effective safeguarding arrangements do not simply happen; they demand commitment and collaboration. With the abolition of LSCBs, we may be about to lose that. The real losers will be our most vulnerable children.
Richard Scorer is head of abuse law at Slater & Gordon Lawyers
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Government and AIMPLB must empower Muslim women to solve triple talaq issue – DailyO
Posted: at 4:55 am
The government intends to prohibit triple talaq practice through constitutional amendment for the betterment of Indian Muslim women, whose marital life is instantly spoiled by the utterance of the three words on the whim of the husband.
Triple talaq through the instant messaging methods of mobile and internet or in drunken condition without giving the couple the opportunity of reconciliation is undesirable, according to Islamic jurisprudence.
Many Muslim countries have already abolished this method. The All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB), an umbrella body for safeguarding Islamic laws in India, opposes the government's intervention in personal laws of Muslims.
However, it now advocates the formulation of some guidelines according to Islamic law to discourage practices of divorce that are not in compliance with religion. The AIMPLB also plans to create awareness and suggests social boycott for those men who adopt unlawful methods for separation.
Beyond the religious line, if the practice of triple talaq violates rights and creates a sense of insecurity among Muslim women, then it is the responsibility of both the government and AIMPLB to take measures to redress complaints about the same within the ambit of the Constitution.
The divorce issue is widely linked with Muslim women though the highest rate of divorce in India is among Christians and Buddhists. As per Census 2011, the crude divorce rate - number of divorces per thousand female population - was 2.53 among Muslims, 2.66 among Christians and 3.33 among Buddhists. The number for separated women is lowest among Muslim women - 3.43 - and the highest among Buddhists, 7.12, and Christians, 6.65, for the year 2011.
Before the divorce or separation, a mechanism needs to be formed for reconciliation among couples, with divorce being regarded as the last solution to avoid the worst circumstances, such as torture by husband or suicide.
Along with divorce, suicide is another major social evil that has caused the deaths of 6,95,000 women during the last 15 years, from 2000 to 2015. Interestingly, the most common reason behind suicide among women was found to be family problems - 40 per cent - and then marriage-related issues, 9 per cent, in the year 2015.
Women are also badly treated by family members in the absence of divorce; incidences of cruelty against women by husband and his relatives were 1,13,403, according to NCRB estimates for 2015.
Before the divorce or separation, a mechanism needs to be formed for reconciliation among couples. Photo: Reuters
The aforementioned figures apparently indicate that women, irrespective of religious affiliation, are maligned via different means in our male-dominated society.
To avoid danger to a woman in a bad marriage and during family conflict, divorce is permissible and considered as a solution under Indian laws.
However, its instant imposition without an effort towards reconciliation has the whooping impact on the couple, specifically on the future livelihood of the woman as she is more financially dependent on the male partner.
Empowering of women could avert its bad consequences as they could become more self-reliant. Instead of meddling with personal laws, the government can contribute largely towards empowerment of Muslim women via reforms in education, health, employment and representation in legislative bodies - so that they can take better decisions and become capable of managing unwanted situations.
Out of 429lakh married Muslim women, only 2lakh women are affected by divorce but the illiterate women make up 267lakh (38 per cent) of total 702lakh women.
Muslim women also have fewer opportunities in higher education - only three per cent have attained the graduation level according to the 2011 Census while their share is less than five per cent in enrolment for higher education, according to 2014-15 data.
An estimate derived from a government survey conducted in 2014 on education showed that 20 per cent Muslim women between 5-29 years of age discontinued education due to financial constraints and 23 per cent due to engagement in domestic services, while this number for boys was 30 per cent due to financial issues and 24 per cent due to engagement in economic activities.
Muslim women are largely underrepresented in state legislative bodies and Parliament. They constitute around 7 per cent of the countrys population but have worse representation than men in Parliament.
According to the population ratio, their ideal representation should be around 35 out of 543 seats but unfortunately only four and three candidates won in the last two parliamentary elections of 2014 and 2009, respectively.
Uttar Pradesh, a state with 19 per cent Muslim population, doesnt have any Muslim woman representative. The BJP, a party raising the triple talaq issue ostensibly for the betterment of Muslim women, did not consider allotting a single ticket to Muslim women in the recent Assembly and earlier parliamentary elections.
Similarly, the government can find wider scope for empowerment of Muslim women in many other segments.
The AIMPLB also cant rid itself of responsibility by calling the proposed ban on triple talaq as unconstitutional and an act of interference by the government in personal laws.
Empowerment of women should be initiated within the community itself. The AIMPLB needs to formulate a detailed multi-prolonged vision with the help of all stakeholders for the betterment of Muslim women in India - and a line of action must also be laid down against triple talaq.
Also read:BJP affidavit on triple talaq is part of saffron agenda - even Muslim women are jittery
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