Daily Archives: April 25, 2017

A side effect of the economic growth during these fat years was a relative increase of monetary income for a growing number ofhouseholds.

This also benefited some lower income groups in resource-rich African economies. Many among these crossed the defined poverty levels, which were raised in late 2015 from US$ 1.25 a person a day toUS$ 1.90. As some economists had suggested, from as little as US$2 they were considered as entering themiddle class.

The ominous term was rising like a phoenix from the ashes to characterise this trend. It added another label to the packaging of aneo-liberal discourse. By emphasising the free market paradigm as creating the best opportunities for all, it suggests that everyone benefits from alaissez-faire economy.

But the middle class concept remained vague and limited to number crunching. The minimum threshold for entering a so-called middle class in monetary terms was critically vulnerable to a setback into impoverishment. After all, one sixth of the worlds population has to make a fragile living on US$ 2 to 3 a day.

The African Development Bank played a defining role in promoting the debate. Using the US$2 benchmark, it declared some 300 million Africans (about a third of the continents population) asbeing middle classin 2011. A year later it expanded its guesstimates to 300 million to 500 million. It also set them up as being very important.

Such monetary acrobatics aside, the analytical deficit which characterises such classification is seriously problematic. The so-called middle class appears to be a muddling class. Rigorously explored differentiation remained largely absent not to mention any substantial class analysis. Professional activities, social status, cultural, ethnic or religious affinities or lifestyle as well as political orientations were hardly (if at all) considered.

But lived experiences matter if one is in search of how to define a middle class as an array of collective identities. Such necessary debate has in the meantime arrived inAfrican studies. And the claim to ownership is also reflected in a just publishedvolumethat documents the need to deconstruct the mystification of the middle class being declared as the torchbearers of progress and development.

Politics, economic growth and the middle class

As alerted in a paper byUNU-WIDER, a new middle class as a meaningful social actor does require a collective identity in pursuance of common interests. Once upon a time this was calledclass-consciousness, based on a class in itself while acting as a class for itself. After all, which middle is occupied by an African middle class, if this is not positioned also in terms of class awareness and behaviour?

Politically such middle classes seem not as democratic as many of those singing their praises assume. Middle classes have shown ambiguities - ranging from politically progressive engagement to a status-quo oriented, conservative approach to policies (if being political at all). African realities are not different.

In South Africa, the only consistency of the black middle class in historical perspective is its political inconsistency, as political scientist Roger Southall hassuggested. They are no more likely to hold democratic values than other black South Africans. In fact, they are more likely to want government to secure higher order needs such as proper service delivery, infrastructure and rule of law according to theirliving circumstancesrather than basic, survival needs.

It remains dubious that middle classes in Africa by their sheer existence promote economic growth. Their increase was mainly a limited result of the trickle down effects of the resource based economic growth rates during the first decade of the 21st century since then in decline. This had hardly economic potential stimulating productive investment that contributes towards sustainable economic growth.

Doubt shrouds claims that a growing middle class benefits the poor.Reuters/Mike Hutchings

Theres also little evidence of any correlation between economic growth and social progress, as a working paper of the IMFconcludes. While during the fat years the poor partly became a little less poor, the rich got much richer. Even the African Development Bank admits that the income discrepancies as measured by the Gini-coefficient have increased, while six among the ten most unequal countries in the worldare in Africa.

Nancy Birdsall, president emeritus of the Centre for Global Development, is among the most prominent advocates and protagonists of the middle class. She argues in support of a middle class rather than a pro-poor developmental orientation. But even she concedes that a sensible political economy analysis needs to differentiate between the rich with political leverage andthe rest.

She remains nevertheless adamant that the middle class is an ingredient for good governance. This is based on her assumption that continued economic growth reduces inequalities. She further hypothesises that a growing middle class has a greater interest in an accountable government and supports a social contract, which taxes it as an investment into collective public goods to the benefit ofalso the poor.Dream on!

Time to lift the ideological haze

It remains necessary to put the record straight and lift the ideological haze. Already the United Nations Development Programmes Human Development2013 report, which also promoted themiddle class hype, predicted that 80% of middle classes would come from the global South by 2030, but only 2% from Sub-Saharan Africa.

Recent assessments claim that its not the middle of African societies which expands, but the lower and higher social groups.

According to a report by thePew Research Centreonly a few African countries had a meaningful increase of those in the middle-income category.

And the Economist, which earlier shifted its doomsday visions of a Hopeless Continent towardsAfrica Risingand theContinent of Hope, now concludes that Africans are mainlyrich or poor but not middle class.

Fortunately, the debate has created sufficient awareness among scholars to explore the fact and fiction of the assumedtransformative powerof a middle class. This also includes the need to be sensitive towards ideological smokescreens which try to make us believe that a middle class is the cure. In reality, little has changed when it comes to leverage and control over social and political affairs.

The current engagement with the African middle class phenomenon is nevertheless anything but obsolete. Independent of their numbers, middle class members signify modified social relations. These deserve attention and analysis with the emphasis on social relations.

Cambridge EconomistGran Therbornstresses that discourse on class is always of social relevance. The boom of the middle class debate is therefore a remarkable symptom of our decade. Social class will remain a category of central importance, and bringing the class back in can do no harm.

Henning Melber is the author ofThe Rise of Africas Middle Class.

This article was first published in The Conversation

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It's time to lift the ideological haze in debates about Africa's middle class - Times LIVE

Billy Gibbons, candidate for the B.C. Cascadia Party, talks to voters in Port Coquitlam on Apr. 21, 2017. (Rafferty Baker/CBC)

With a scruffy beard, Billy Gibbons approaches people outside the Terry Fox library in PortCoquitlamwearing a jean jacket, shortsand flanked by a1973AirstreamArgosy painted in his party's colours.

"Hi there.I'm Billy Gibbons.I'm running for MLA in the upcoming provincial electionfor the CascadiaParty of British Columbia," hesays, explaining that it's a new party.

Some people keep walking, but manystopto listen to the 46-year-old'spitch for the Cascadia movement based on the west coast of B.C., Washington State and Oregon. Somepeer curiously at the business card heholds out.

He's one of two candidates from the Cascadia Party, and one of 114 candidates in this election who aren't part of the three major parties, all hoping to buck historical trends and become MLAs.

Like most of the so-called fringe candidates, Gibbons lacks the multi-million dollar war chest. He lacks the small army of staff and volunteers.He lacks the experience and name recognition that incumbentpoliticians enjoy, and he's running against NDP candidate Mike Farnworth, who has held this seat for 22 of the last 26 years.

Gibbons lives in theArgosy trailer he tows behind a 1991 GMC pickup truck. The truck has big hand-painted signs advertising his candidacy on each side, and the trailer has been hand-painted with the Cascadia colours blue, white and green.

"We've rolled up our sleeves and put in some honest effort to get it done," he said, adding that he paid buddies to help roll on the Tremclad paint.

Gibbons has taken time off from his job in film production and managed to put away about $5,000 to get him to the election.

"I think I'm down to about $1,500 left that I can spend," he said. "That's it, and if it runs out before the election's up, I have to go back to work."

The candidate is earnest, down to earthand acutely aware he's facing an uphill battle.

"Let's call it a race. Let's look at a foot race. You don't expect to win your first race going out as a runner," said Gibbons, who's proud to have gotten his papers filed in time to run and already considers the huge effort a success.

Gibbons speaks to voters outside the Terry Fox library in Port Coquitlam, B.C., on Apr. 21, 2017. (Rafferty Baker/CBC)

Gibbons believes his new party can lead British Columbians to a better futurebut others are inspired by the past.

Mike Henshall is running for the Social Credit Party,which led B.C. for 36 of 39 years from 1952 to 1991but hasn't run more than a handful of people in any election since.

"The B.C. Social Credit brand, it's like a breath of fresh air," said Henshall, a real estate agent.

"Historically, the province has never been as prosperous as it was with the Socreds ... underW.A.C Bennett, every sector of B.C. society was working, and I believe that provides a healthy foundation for an economy, when you have a resource-based economy that is booming," said Henshall, who is running in Fraser-Nicola.

But he's aware of the challenges.

"It's tough sledding.We're dealing with parties that have a lot of money. It's tough for individuals that are actually considering taking part in the political process to actually get momentum to stand up and havea voice."

Your Political Party Leader James Filippelli campaigns outside Science World on Apr. 21, 2017. (Rafferty Baker/CBC)

Some have been trying to chip away at the established parties for a while.

James Filippelli, a 34-year-old electrician who's running in Vancouver-False Creek, founded the Your Political Party in 2002 and first ran for office in 2005.

This year, the YPP has 10 candidates, and plenty of signs, banners, volunteers and professional branding.

"We really want to bring complete transparency to the people of British Columbia," said Filippelli. "What gets me up is talking to people every day and hearing that that's a big issue of concern of them."

On Friday, Filippelli, a few of his YPP candidates and some volunteers were in front of Science World in Vancouver waving signs and getting honks from passing motorists.

Filippelliwas handing out pamphlets, pens and mints with the line, "Fresh breath, fresh ideas?"

Plenty of passersby took the mints, and some people stopped to engage in discussion about their political ideas.

"We are working with a pretty low budget, but we have got a lot of great volunteers that have helped us create the branding, helped us to put together a good website. When people hear the ideas, they're willing to step forward," saidFilippelli,

He hopes to see YPP run candidates across the province in 2021 an optimistic goal only matched by his optimism for the democratic process.

"I'm going to live here in B.C. my whole life," he said.

"I can sit back and complain about politicsor I can get out here and try and make a difference in it."

Follow Rafferty Baker and Justin McElroy on Twitter

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To dream the impossible dream: the major ambitions of BC's 'minor' parties - CBC.ca

Local investors have high hopes for Calgary start up Micro Mech the company managed to secure 1.1 million in funding in just a few months.

Alberta investors are looking for other things and definitely more open to technology and start ups than they were in the past, when they had the option of a resource-based economy to put their money, said Jeff Ehmann, co-founder of Micro Mech.

Micro Mech allows users to order an experienced mechanic right to their door, with the goal to save time and money for services like oil changes, brake service or general problems, like if your car just didnt feel like starting that day.

Ehmann felt incredibly supported by investors in the province, managing to raise the capital in only 2.5 months. Thats adding to the $500,000 they raised a year ago.

CEO Richard Roseboom feels it would have been much harder to raise this kind of money, a majority of which came from Alberta investors, only a decade ago.

I think a decade ago, people were much more interested in keeping their money in oil, he said. Theres definitely a more diversified interest in investment now.

Diversification is a key word investors are now starting to look beyond the oil patch into new industries. Roseboom added that as much as investors like stability, they also like to support big dreams.

Theres a number of big name investors, like W. Brett Wilson, who have invested and helped make other investors feel secure about funding the company.

Backing a company with a quality service that solves customer's problems, while at the same time attracting top talent is a no brainer, said Wilson in a statement.

They found they were able to raise money quicker than some companies in Silicon Valley have.

The investment will help Micro Mech grow their team both in the office and in the field. The company currently operates in Calgary and Edmonton, but hopes to expand into Toronto in the next few months, as well as the U.S. by the end of the year.

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Calgary startup raises $1.1 million in funding - MetroNews Canada