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Daily Archives: March 9, 2017
Chairman of the NATO Military Committee visits Egypt – NATO HQ (press release)
Posted: March 9, 2017 at 3:00 am
General Petr Pavel, Chairman of the NATO Military Committee visited Cairo, Egypt on 6-7 March 17. During his visit he met with the Chief of staff of the Egyptian Armed Forces, General Mahmoud Hegazy.
The Generals discussed global security and regional challenges, with a special focus on the current situation in Libya. They also exchanged views on furthering practical military-to-military cooperation and increasing coordination between NATO and Egypt. General Pavel stated Egypt is a valuable and active Mediterranean Dialogue partner. Meetings such as these are important as they improve our situational awareness of the regional security challenges while also allowing the Alliance to explain firsthand its current policies and activities.
Egypt joined the Mediterranean Dialogue in 1994 and signed a Security Agreement with NATO in 2009. The Dialogue reflects the Alliances view that security in Europe is closely linked to security and stability in the Mediterranean.
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The US-NATO Plan for Macedonia: Keep Serbia Down and Russia Out – Center for Research on Globalization
Posted: at 3:00 am
The role of the United States in the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is often overlooked by people who are critical of Washingtons intervention in the internal affairs of independent, sovereign countries.
For it was in the former Yugoslavia that the precedent was set for future American intervention in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya and Syria. Croatia, Bosnia, and Kosovo provided the launch pad for the Wests concept of humanitarian intervention, which, in reality, is a pretext for safeguarding and enhancing US global hegemony.
However, intervention by Washington in the Balkans in the 1990s served a more immediate objective for the Americans. While Otto von Bismarck, the legendary first Chancellor of Germany, scoffed at the notion of intervening in the Balkans, having said that the region isnot worth the bones of a single Pomeranian grenadier,the US took a decidedly different view on the matter.
For Washington, helping to break up Yugoslavia would not only create client states for the US but would also, at best, keep Russia out of the Balkans, or, at worst, limit Russian influence in the region (historically, Russia has close connections there based on pan-Slavism and the Orthodox faith). An American presence in the Balkans would also allow US policy-makers to project American power beyond the region, as Camp Bondsteel, in Kosovo, has been helping to do for nearly twenty years now. Incidentally, it is one of the largest overseas US military bases in the world, hosting up to seven thousand soldiers and an array of military equipment.
Today, Croatia, Bosnia, and Kosovo are American client states. But the process of Washington colonizing the Balkans is not yet complete. Standing in the way of the US achieving full mastery over the region are Serbia and Russia.
Throughout its history, Serbia has resisted foreign occupiers, from the Ottoman Empire to the Austro-Hungarian Empire to the German Empire to the Third Reich. However, since the overthrow of Slobodan Milosevic, in 2000, in an election which the Americans played a decisive role in, Serbia has begun to be colonized by the US. Today, there are NATO supervisory offices in key Serbian institutions, from the Ministry of Defense to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the judiciary to the civil service. The former is all the more ironic and humiliating for Serbs given that NATO representatives sit in the very building that NATO partly destroyed during its bombing campaign against Serbia in 1999.
Further to that, to weaken Serbia and ensure that it does not resist the diktats of Washington, the US encouraged and recognized Kosovos unilateral declaration of independence in 2008, as well as having instigated and overseen the fraudulent independence referendum result in Montenegro in 2006. As a consequence of both illegal actions, Belgrade lost control of Kosovo and Montenegro, reducing Serbia in size and in clout.
But despite Washingtons penetration of Serbia, assisted by the European Union, and accelerated under the current prime minister, Alexander Vucic, more and more ordinary Serbs are coming to realize the tremendously damaging effects of American influence in their country politically, economically, militarily and socially and thus anti-Western sentiment in Serbia is now widespread.
Buoyed by its emphatic return to the international arena, and by its foreign policy successes in the Crimea and in Syria, Russia has begun to show increasing interest in the Balkans. Moscow understands the geostrategic importance of the Balkans for Russian national security and, like Tsarist Russia is starting to capitalize on pro-Russian sentiment in Serbia, Montenegro, the Republika Srpska (the Serb entity of Bosnia and Herzegovina) and Macedonia. And it is Macedonia that today the US regards as constituting an effective means of keeping the Americans in the Balkans, the Serbs down in the Balkans and the Russians out of the Balkans.
Washington, which is actively seeking both NATO and EU membership for Macedonia, is acutely aware that political, economic and cultural relations between Russia and Macedonia have been steadily progressing in recent years, demonstrated by the construction of the Holy Trinity Russian Orthodox Church in Skopje, in 2015. That groundbreaking event was presided over by Archbishop Stefan, the head of the Macedonian Orthodox Church, who also blessed the site.
While Macedonia has been independent for 26 years now, it is a very fragile country, and this is due in large part to its restless Albanian community, which makes up a quarter of Macedonians population. Enter the US.
Since the US bombed Serbia in support of the Kosovo Liberation Army, an ethnic Albanian terrorist organization with powerful links to organized crime, Washington has cultivated an extremely strong relationship with Albanians in the Balkans in Albania, Kosovo, and Macedonia. US pre-eminence in the region rests, to a large extent, on the fervent support it receives from Albanians there (indeed, Albanians are one of the staunchest supporters of America in the world). It is a mutually beneficial relationship, too, as the Albanian goal of wrestling Kosovo away from Serbia has been realized, due to the NATO bombing of Serbia and the subsequent withdrawal by Belgrade of its army and police from the Serbian province, while the immense political power which ethnic Albanians in Macedonia today wield, is due to the Ohrid Agreement which NATO imposed on Skopje in 2001, following an Albanian terrorist campaign in the country.
Under American patronage, the foundations for a Greater Albania have begun to take shape. And the areas which fall under a Greater Albania include Kosovo, parts of Macedonia, such as Tetovo, the Presevo Valley in Serbia, and parts of Montenegro, such as Malesia.
With historic ties between Serbia and Macedonia (pan-Slavism, the Orthodox faith and a wariness of Albanian territorial ambitions in the Balkans), and developing ties between Russia and Macedonia, and with anti-Western sentiment rapidly increasing in Serbia, and with a resurgent Russian on the international stage, the US has begun to take action to preserve its dominance in the Balkans. And by what means? By playing its trump card in the region: the Albanians.
Currently, in Macedonia, there is an internal crisis, in which the two opposing sides are the Macedonian President Gjorge Ivanov and the leader of the opposition Zoran Zaev, who is backed by ethnic Albanian political parties. Mr. Ivanov will not grant permission to Mr. Zaev to form a government, rightly fearing that Albanian secessionists in Macedonia will take advantage of this and sever links with Skopje in pursuit of a Greater Albania.
Outside proponents of a Greater Albania have clearly demonstrated their involvement in the crisis in Macedonia. The self-proclaimed president of Kosovo, Hashim Thaci, has called on ethnic Albanians in Macedonia totake the destiny of their rights into their own hands.
Responding to the crisis in Macedonia, the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs has accused the US and EU of interfering in the internal affairs of the country and of supportingthe Greater Albania project which includes vast areas in a number of Balkan states.
By Washington playing the Albanian card in Macedonia, the country could cease to exist or could be reduced significantly in size, thus limiting any future Russian presence there. The Albanian-dominated parts of Macedonia could unify under a single entity and replicate what Kosovo did: become de facto independent and then one day unilaterally declares itself independent. That would also serve as a warning to Serbia: namely, if the Serbs continue with their current anti-Western sentiments, then Greater Albania could extend into Serbia, by the Americans encouraging and arming secessionists in the Presevo Valley, which could reduce the country even further in size.
Despite there being a new US administration, there is very little chance of President Donald Trump changing Washingtons policy in the Balkans and abandoning the Albanians there. Indeed, Mr. Trump demonstrated his full support to Kosovo this February when he sent a message to the self-proclaimed Kosovan President Thaci (a man with historical links to organized crime) congratulating Kosovo on its so-called independence.
In the letter, the US President wrote that:On behalf of the United States, I am pleased to congratulate the people of Kosovo on your independence day on February 17. The partnership between our countries is based on shared values and common interests. A sovereign, multi-ethnic, democratic Kosovos future lies in a stable and prosperous Balkan region that is fully integrated into the international communityWe look forward to continuing our broad and deep cooperation.
Mr Trump, who, like Thaci, has links to organized crime, is not going to relinquish Americas hold on the Balkans, for continued American dominance of the region will help to achieve the US Presidents goal of ensuring American global power remains preeminent, together with his pledge to increase the already bloated US defense budget and to make the American nuclear arsenal the largest in the world.
Macedonia is the country where Washingtons determination to remain dominant in the Balkans is beginning to play out in. The American-Albanian alliance is a lethal one for the security and stability of that historically volatile region. Yet, for the Americans and the Albanians, it is a win-win situation. With the help of the Albanians, the US will remain the leading outside power in the Balkans. And with the help of the Americans, the Albanian goal of realizing a Greater Albania will take another leap forward.
President Trump is starting to play Washingtons trump card the Albanians in Macedonia. MakingAmerica great againis beginning to take on another dimension.
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Leaked docs suggest NSA and CIA behind Equation … – PCWorld – PCWorld
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Purported CIA documents leaked Tuesday appear to confirm that the U.S. National Security Agency and one of CIA's own divisions were responsible for the malware tools and operations attributed to a group that security researchers have dubbed the Equation.
The Equation's cyberespionage activities were documented in February 2015 by researchers from antivirus vendor Kaspersky Lab. It is widely considered to be the most advanced cyberespionage group in the world based on the sophistication of its tools and the length of its operations, some possibly dating as far back as 1996.
From the start, the tools and techniques used by the Equation bore a striking similarity to those described in secret documents leaked in 2013 by former NSA contractor Edward Snowden. This relationship was further strengthened by the similarity between various code names found in the Equation malware and those in the NSA files.
The new CIA documents leakedby WikiLeaks include a 2015 discussion between members of the agency's Technical Advisory Council following Kaspersky's analysis of the Equation group.
The discussion focused mostly on what the Equation did wrong that allowed Kaspersky's researchers to establish relationships between various tools and link them to the group. The goal was for the CIA's own cyber teams to learn from those mistakes and avoid them in their own tools and operations.
The Equation's errors identified during the discussion included the use of custom cryptographic implementations instead of relying on standard libraries like OpenSSL or Microsoft's CryptoAPI, leaving identifying strings in the program database (PDB), the use of unique mutexes, and the reuse of exploits.
"The 'custom' crypto is more of NSA falling to its own internal policies/standards which came about in response to prior problems," one team member said during the discussion. "In the past, there were crypto issues where people used 0 [initialization vectors] and other miss-configurations. As a result, the NSA crypto guys blessed one library as the correct implementation and everyone was told to use that."
"The Equation Group as labeled in the report does not relate to a specific group but rather a collection of tools (mostly TAO some IOC)," another member wrote.
TAO is a reference to the NSA's Office of Tailored Access Operations, a large division that specializes in the creation of hacking tools for infiltrating foreign computer systems. Meanwhile, IOC refers to the Information Operations Center, a CIA division that, according to a leaked 2013 budget justification for intelligence agencies, has shifted focus from counterterrorism to cyberespionage in recent years.
The CIA analysis of Kaspersky's Equation report highlights how hackers can learn to better hide their attacks based on research published by security companies. This raises the question of whether security vendors and independent researchers should be so forthcoming with the methods they use to establish links between malware tools.
It is a proven fact that attackers learn from public analyses, and this is something that all researchers consider when publishing material," researchers from Kaspersky Lab said in an emailed statement. "It is a calculated risk. Of course, not all companies choose to disclose all their findings. Some companies prefer to keep some of the details for private reports, or not to create a report at all."
"We believe that, going forward, a balance will be achieved between the amount of publicly disclosed information (just enough to highlight the risks and raise awareness) and the amount of information kept private (to allow for the discovery of future attacks)," the Kaspersky researchers said.
According to them, this new information ties into the escalating cyber arms race that has been going on since 2012 and shows no signs of slowing down.
Lucian Constantin is an IDG News Service correspondent. He writes about information security, privacy, and data protection.
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Leaked docs suggest NSA and CIA behind Equation ... - PCWorld - PCWorld
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Controversial NSA Surveillance Programs Up for Renewal at Year’s End – Government Technology
Posted: at 3:00 am
(TNS) -- WASHINGTON Nearly four years after National Security Agency whistleblower Edward Snowden blew the lid off domestic spying, the vast surveillance programs cherished as the crown jewels of the U.S. intelligence establishment are about to spring back into public debate and not just because of Donald Trumps allegation that hes been the subject of wiretaps.
The legal framework for some of the broadest U.S. surveillance programs, authorized for a five-year period in 2012, will expire Dec. 31 unless Congress reauthorizes it. Already, the debate about those programs has begun, with members of the Senate Intelligence Committee focused on finding an answer to a simple question: How many Americans have emails, text messages and telephone conversations picked up in the governments electronic sweep?
Is it a few thousand? Or is it a lot higher?
We need that number, Sen. Ron Wyden, D-Ore., told Dan Coats, Trumps nominee to serve as director of national intelligence, at a confirmation hearing Feb. 28. We have sought it for years and years. More and more Americans are getting swept up in these searches.
Wyden pressed Coats on whether he would nail down a number. Coats hedged.
It has been extremely hard to come up with that number for various reasons which I dont fully understand, said Coats, a former member of the Intelligence Committee now weighing his nomination. I will do my best to work to try to find out if we can get that number, but I need first to talk find out about why we cant get it.
Trumps allegation that President Barack Obama ordered his phones tapped last fall, a claim for which he has offered no evidence, has little to do with the coming debate. But it is an indication of the sensitivities surrounding surveillance practices that do not cleave easily along party lines.
While the issue is often cast as a balance of privacy vs. national security, many Republicans, especially those with libertarian streaks, are troubled by what they see as invasive practices. And many Democrats offer strong support of the intelligence community.
At a separate hearing before a House of Representatives committee, Rep. Jim Jordan, an Ohio Republican who earns a perfect score from the American Conservative Union, read incredulously a response he had gotten to his official query to the U.S. intelligence director in which he was told it would be difficult if not impossible to calculate the number of Americans whose communications are intercepted.
That seems like baloney to me, Jordan said. Were talking about the greatest intelligence service on the planet. Youd think they would be able to know that, right?
Rep. John Conyers, a Michigan Democrat far to Jordans political left, said, The government can, and does, collect massive amounts of information about our citizens under this authority.
At hearings, Snowdens name hardly arises. But few doubt that his revelations in 2013 helped mold the current debate. Worldwide, Snowden is seen from sharply distinct angles traitor and villain, or global celebrity for data privacy. From his exile in Moscow, where he fled after spilling the secrets, Snowden continues to cast a long shadow.
It was his disclosures that let Americans and people around the world learn of NSA programs like PRISM, Dishfire and XKeyscore, which, respectively, allowed for the monitoring of electronic data retrieved from nine large tech companies, grabbed 200 million text messages a day and saw nearly everything a targeted user did on the internet.
Leaders of allied nations like Germany and Brazil bristled when they learned from Snowdens disclosures that their officials were among dozens of leaders tapped by the NSA.
Much of the bulk collection of data by the NSA was rolled back or halted in 2015 under the USA Freedom Act.
On Capitol Hill, Snowdens name is sometimes uttered with revulsion mixed with recognition that his actions accelerated change.
What he exposed, Im glad that we learned about it. It allowed us to make reforms that were necessary, said Rep. Eric Swalwell, a California Democrat who sits on the House Intelligence Committee. But the way that he did it was so reckless. He exposed information that put our troops at risk and hurt important relationships with our allies.
Trump called Snowden a terrible traitor in a 2013 television interview and suggested he should be executed.
Digital rights activists credit Snowden with forcing major intelligence agencies to talk more openly about surveillance.
What Snowden did was enable the debate and provide more disclosures by the intelligence community when it saw the debate move in a direction it didnt like, said Gregory T. Nojeim, senior counsel at the Center for Democracy & Technology, a Washington research group that advocates for an open and free internet.
Civil rights activists voice concern over what they describe as gaps in Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, which provides the legal framework for the NSA to monitor non-U.S. persons without warrants.
As of 2015, the Office of the Director of National Intelligence reported that 94,368 foreigners or entities abroad were targets of U.S. surveillance for intelligence purposes. The NSA is presumed to vacuum up hundreds of millions of electronic communications a year from those foreign targets, including any they may have had with Americans.
The impact is actually much greater than 94,000 because each of these individuals talks to potentially hundreds of people, said Neema Singh Guliani, legislative counsel for the Washington office of the American Civil Liberties Union.
How many Americans have their communications monitored in so-called incidental collection remains a guess. In the House hearing last week, Rep. Louie Gohmert, R-Texas, pressed Elizabeth Goitein, an expert on surveillance at the Brennan Center for Justice at New York University Law School, for an estimate.
If you conservatively assume that even 1 out of 100 of every foreign targets communications was with an American that would still be millions of American communications, Goitein said.
Pressed further at another point, Goitein said: I had said millions earlier, which I think is conservative. Potentially tens of millions. I dont know. I really hesitate to speculate.
Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act regulations require the NSA, CIA and FBI all of which have access to the database of collected communications to minimize information about U.S. citizens or green card holders when it is incidentally swept up.
But the databases are widely available one report on how the FBI handles searches of the databases monitored use in 13 FBI field offices and agents in those offices can query the databases even when they have no suspicion of wrongdoing, said David Medine, who until July 1 was chair of the Privacy and Civil Liberties Board, a bipartisan watchdog that seeks to ensure government compliance with privacy and civil liberties rules.
They are just sort of entitled to poke around and see if something is going on, Medine told a Senate panel in May.
Critics of Section 702 say that sort of backdoor search allows authorities to snoop on citizens without having to show probable cause and obtain constitutionally required warrants.
You have this authority, and the government says the goal is national security and to help us prevent terrorism. The reality is that they can collect information that has no connection to terrorism, national security or weapons of mass destruction, Guliani said.
Defenders of Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act surveillance said they hoped legislators reauthorized its use. They say evidence of abuse is minimal.
Throughout my time at NSA, I routinely saw analysts self-report if they ran an improper query, April Doss, a former assistant general counsel at the agency, wrote in her submitted testimony to the House Judiciary Committee on March 1.
Auditors review logs for signs of improper queries, Doss said in an interview, calling existing laws robust and effective and noting the oversight of three branches of government.
Doss and other supporters of the status quo make an unusual argument: Simply trying to satisfy legislators who want to know how many U.S. citizens turn up in the electronic sweeping would require the NSA to act intrusively, would divert analysts from hunting terrorists and would possibly even break the law by actively tracking the Americans they find, raising new privacy concerns.
It would prompt intelligence analysts to look for communications that they would not otherwise see, communications that have no intelligence value, Doss said.
For his part, Swalwell, the California legislator, said convincing the citizenry that surveillance was being done properly was vital to the health of the intelligence community.
The more transparent we are about 702, the better, he said. When Americans understand how their government is protecting them, theyre more willing, I think, to go along with whats necessary to keep us safe.
2017 McClatchy Washington Bureau Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.
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How do WikiLeaks’ CIA hacking claims differ from Snowden NSA?: CNET News Video – CNET
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CNET | How do WikiLeaks' CIA hacking claims differ from Snowden NSA?: CNET News Video CNET Top tech companies begin issuing official statements in response to the "Vault 7" documents released by WikiLeaks. Play video. Video: 'Twin Peaks' posters ask where is Laura Palmer? 'Twin Peaks' posters ask where is Laura Palmer? 0:34 March 7, 2017. |
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NSA Whistleblower Backs Trump Up on Wiretap Claims – Fox News
Posted: at 3:00 am
By Curt Mills | U.S. News
President Donald Trump is "absolutely right" to claim he was wiretapped and monitored, a former NSA official claimed Monday, adding that the administration risks falling victim to further leaks if it continues to run afoul of the intelligence community.
"I think the president is absolutely right. His phone calls, everything he did electronically, was being monitored," Bill Binney, a 36-year veteran of the National Security Agency who resigned in protest from the organization in 2001, told Fox Business on Monday. Everyone's conversations are being monitored and stored, Binney said.
Binney resigned from NSA shortly after the U.S. approach to intelligence changed following the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001. He "became a whistleblower after discovering that elements of a data-monitoring program he had helped develop -- nicknamed ThinThread -- were being used to spy on Americans," PBS reported.
On Monday he came to the defense of the president, whose allegations on social media over the weekend that outgoing President Barack Obama tapped his phones during the 2016 campaign have rankled Washington.
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US Government for Kids: Fifth Amendment
Posted: at 2:59 am
History >> US Government The Fifth Amendment was part of the Bill of Rights that was added to the Constitution on December 15, 1791. It covers a number of topics and issues including the grand jury, double jeopardy, self-incrimination ("taking the fifth"), due process, and eminent domain. We'll explain each of these in more detail below.
From the Constitution
Here is the text of the Fifth Amendment from the Constitution:
"No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation."
The Grand Jury
The first part of the amendment talks about a grand jury. The grand jury is a jury that decides if a trial should be held. They look at all the evidence and then decide if a person should be charged with a crime. If they decide there is enough evidence, then they will issue an indictment and a regular trial will be held. The grand jury is only used in cases where the punishment for the crime is severe such as life in prison or the death sentence.
Double Jeopardy
The next section protects the person from being tried for the same crime more than once. This is called double jeopardy.
Taking the Fifth
Perhaps the most famous part of the Fifth Amendment is the right to not testify against yourself during a trial. This is often called "taking the fifth." The government must present witnesses and evidence to prove the crime and cannot force someone to testify against themselves.
Miranda Warning
You've probably heard the police on TV say something like "you have the right to remain silent, anything you say or do may be used against you in a court of law" when they arrest someone. This statement is called the Miranda Warning. Police are required to tell people this before they question them as part of the Fifth Amendment. It reminds citizens that they don't have to testify against themselves.
Due Process
The amendment also states that a person has a right to "due process of law." Due process means that any citizen charged with a crime will be given a fair trial that follows a defined procedure through the judicial system.
Eminent Domain
The last section says that the government can't take a person's private property without paying them a fair price for it. This is called eminent domain. The government can take your property for public use, but they have to pay you a fair price for it.
Interesting Facts about the Fifth Amendment
To learn more about the United States government:
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A Parallel Universe: Navigating Discovery in Concurrent Civil and Criminal Proceedings – JD Supra (press release)
Posted: at 2:59 am
As criminal law has expanded into almost every sector of the American economy, one byproduct is the rise of "parallel proceedings"lawsuits that proceed concurrently in criminal and civil court based on largely the same facts. Often times, the government is a party to both proceedings. This is most common in False Claims Act cases or in securities enforcement proceedings. But that is not always the case. Civil litigation, especially cases involving claims of fraud and deceit, may also attract the government's attention (sometimes in response to a request by one of the parties). In those cases, at least one of the parties will be confronted with the difficult task of navigating the two proceedings without doing violence to the client's interest in either.
The discovery process typically presents the most treacherous waters for the lawyers tasked with handling parallel proceedings. Criminal and civil practitioners who rarely venture over to the "other side" may forget or be unaware of the dramatic differences in a defendant's ability to request and obtain evidence when the defendant is the subject of an indictment instead of a civil complaint. This article explores some of those differences in the discovery contextthough litigants who find themselves involved in parallel proceedings will quickly find that differences in discovery are only one of the many factors that must be carefully considered as part of an overall litigation strategy.
United States v. Rand and Federal Discovery
A helpful case study of the different tools available to litigants in the civil and criminal context is the Fourth Circuit's recent decision in United States v. Rand. The government began investigating Michael T. Rand in 2007 in relation to alleged mortgage fraud that occurred while he was acting as chief accounting officer at Beazer Homes USA, Inc. ("Beazer"). In 2009, the SEC brought charges against Rand in a civil, regulatory proceeding on allegations that he had conducted a multi-year fraudulent accounting scheme. Then, in 2010, the government charged Rand criminally with accounting fraud and with obstructing the investigation into Beazer's mortgage practices. Before his trials, Rand sought leave of court to issue subpoenas pursuant to Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 17(c) to obtain information regarding, among other things, Beazer's accounting systems. Rand's subpoena for documents to Beazer asked for "accounting entries, budgets, budget entries, and financial reports for seven categories of reserve accounts over an eight-year period (the timeframe of the alleged conspiracy)." Rand sought this information to bolster his defense of his accounting practices. The district court denied Rand's requests.
On appeal, the Fourth Circuit examined Rule 17(c) and held that the rule is "not intended to provide a means of pretrial discovery." Instead, the purpose of the rule is to expedite the trial by providing time and place before trial for the inspection of subpoenaed materials. Although requests like those contained in Rand's proposed subpoena would be considered commonplace in civil litigation, the Fourth Circuit found this request to be too broad under the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure, comparing it to a "fishing expedition."
Criminal vs. Civil Discovery
The court's assessment highlights the differences in discovery in criminal and civil proceedings. Rand's options for discovery were more limited than they would have been in a civil case, as illustrated by the following chart listing the discovery tools available to criminal and civil litigants:
The Civil Side Methods for Obtaining Discovery under the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure
The Criminal Side Methods for Obtaining Discovery under the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure
Rule 26(b)(1) permits discovery of "any non-privileged matter relevant to any party's claim or defense."
Rule 16 permits discovery, upon the defendant's request, of the defendant's statements, criminal record, and certain documents and tangible evidence the government intends to use in its case-in-chief at trial. Once the government has complied, Rule 16 triggers reciprocal obligations on the defendant's part.
Rule 27 Depositions to perpetuate testimony before an action is filed
Rule 15 Depositions are not allowed by right. Upon a party's motion, the court may allow oral depositions "to preserve testimony for trial" if there are "exceptional circumstances" and it is "in the interest of justice."
Rule 30 Depositions by oral examination
Rule 31 Depositions by written questions
The Criminal Rules do not provide a mechanism to require the opposing party to prepare written responses to questions. Accordingly, this method is not available to force the opposing party to take positions or forecast strategy.
Rule 33 Interrogatories to parties
Rule 36 Requests for admission
Rule 34 Requests for production of documents
Rule 16 The defendant has to make a request to trigger this Rule, which then creates reciprocal obligations to produce pre-existing documents that fit into broad categories articulated in the rule.
Brady v. Maryland, 373 U.S. 83 (1963), established that the government must turn over evidence that is exculpatory, or might exonerate the defendant. This includes evidence that might prove the defendant's innocence or reduce his or her sentence, as well as evidence that impeaches or discredits the government's case.
Giglio v. United States, 405 U.S. 150 (1972), provides that the government must disclose information relating to any deals that witnesses have received in exchange for their cooperation.
The Jencks Act, 18 U.S.C. 3500, requires the government to produce written statements and reports of its witnesses. This law only requires the production of Jencks material after the witness has testified, although the government frequently delivers the materials pre-trial in the interest of efficiency.
Rule 45 Subpoenas to third parties, which may command attendance at a deposition or command a party to produce or permit inspection of documents, electronically stored information, or tangible things.
Rule 17 Does not provide the defendant with a broad-reaching subpoena power. The court authorizes the issuance of a subpoena only if the terms meet the high standard articulated in United States v. Nixon: (1) that the documents are evidentiary and relevant; (2) that [the documents] are not otherwise procurable reasonably in advance of trial by exercise of due diligence; (3) that [the subpoenaing] party cannot properly prepare for trial without such production and inspection in advance of trial and that the failure to obtain such inspection may tend unreasonably to delay the trial; and (4) that the application is made in good faith and is not intended as a general fishing expedition.
By contrast, the government's ability to subpoena third parties through the power of the grand jury is almost unlimited.
As the chart makes clear, a civil litigant has far more ability to obtain information from the opposing side and third parties through a wide variety of tools. While the 2015 amendments to the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure impose a "proportionality" requirement, the civil rules remain designed to help the parties fully flesh out their theories and collect the evidence necessary to support them. It is also critical to remember that civil litigation can, and routinely is, resolved short of trial by jury based on the evidence collected through the discovery process and presented to the court in support of summary judgment. There is no analogous vehicle for challenging a criminal indictment.
The exchange of information in criminal cases, by contrast, is designed to expedite the decision to seek a trial of the case, or negotiate a plea. The government's obligation to produce information obtained during the course of the investigation is fairly broad, though the timing of the disclosures can often be a source of dispute since there are few firm deadlines established by the criminal rules. However, nothing obligates the government to investigate potential defenses to a charge. As such, the decision to accept a plea offer is made based not on a thorough review of all the available evidence, but on an evaluation of the evidence the government intends to present at trial. To the extent an affirmative defense rests on facts not collected during the government's investigation, the burden falls to the defendant to use the limited criminal discovery tools in his arsenal to collect potentially exonerating evidence.
This is precisely where Mr. Rand found himself. Rand's subpoena requests to Beazer would have been routine in a civil case. But because Rand was a defendant in a criminal matter, his ability to obtain such information from Beazer was significantly, if not entirely, diminished. Rand may have utilized civil discovery tools in the SEC's case against him, but that civil suit settled prior to the resolution of the criminal matter. While Rand would have had the opportunity to serve discovery and subpoena third parties in the civil matter, whether or not he would have elected to do so raises a number of critical strategic and legal questions that all litigants in parallel proceedings must consider.
Discovery Issues in Parallel Proceedings
Access to Discovery
For a defendant in a criminal case, the expansive discovery power in a civil action might seem to be an attractive way to get additional information. However, there are downsides to attempting to use a parallel civil case to obtain discovery that would also be useful for a criminal defense. First, courts are wary of criminal defendants skirting the criminal rules by using civil discovery tools. Despite the broad latitude civil litigants generally enjoy in conducting discovery, the court may be more willing to quash or limit requests geared towards the criminal defense, particularly if the government objects.
Additionally, the litigant must also consider that the same discovery tools used to obtain information may be used against him or her. While the discovery rules (especially the civil rules) often allow for broad investigation of the opposing side's case, they simultaneously create broad exposure to respond to civil discovery requests, which can multiply costs and create self-incrimination issues. These considerations become particularly complicated when the opposing civil litigant is a government entity. Federal agencies involved in civil enforcement actions work closely with the Department of Justice, and information obtained in these civil actions can be used in a later criminal proceeding.
Along the same lines, civil litigants also must exercise caution regarding the discoverability of materials provided to the government if the parties are in a cooperative posture. Regulatory agencies provide strong incentives for companies and individuals to cooperate in civil and administrative regulations. However, statements and documents provided in these civil proceedings are likely to be shared among agencies and may form the basis for a subsequent criminal prosecution.
Fifth Amendment Implications
The Fifth Amendments protection against self-incrimination applies to individuals in both civil and criminal proceedings. However, the application of this right differs in each arena. A criminal defendants decision to invoke his or her Fifth Amendment rights may not be used against him or her. Because the government cannot force a defendant to make pre-trial statements or testify at trial, a fact-finder is unlikely to even hear a defendant invoke his or her right against self-incrimination.
By contrast, in a civil setting, a party has no ability to assert a blanket invocation of his or her Fifth Amendment rights. Instead, these rights must be asserted on a question-by-question basis in response to written discovery requests, deposition questions, or even examination at trial. Further, unlike in the criminal setting, the invocation can be used against the individual who makes it. If an individual invokes his or her Fifth Amendment privilege against self-incrimination in a civil proceeding, the opposing party is entitled to an instruction to the fact-finder that it may draw an adverse inference from the invocation of Fifth Amendment rightsin other words, the fact-finder may infer that the invoking party is guilty of some wrongdoing.
Moreover, business entities have no testimonial protection under the Fifth Amendment, and cannot assert the privilege on behalf of individual employees. The Fifth Amendment does protect a witness from having to produce documents if doing so would be testimonial in nature by revealing the witness's mental processes. However, the privilege does not apply to corporate records or documents kept pursuant to law.
Stays of Litigation
Due to these complications, parties frequently seek stays of civil litigation pending the resolution of the related criminal matter. Criminal defendants might seek a stay to avoid making damaging admissions in the civil proceeding, or to avoid the application of the adverse inference. The government might wish to stay the civil litigation to prevent the defendant from using civil discovery to prepare his or her defenses, particularly since the defendants Fifth Amendment rights prevent the government from using civil discovery similarly. While requests for stays technically are not granted as a matter of course, courts generally will stay the civil litigation if one or more parties can demonstrate true risk of injury arising from the concurrent proceedings.
Conclusion
Successfully litigating through parallel proceedings is an endeavor fraught with peril. Litigants involved in concurring civil and criminal matters, like the defendant in Rand, should seek the advice of counsel skilled in navigating parallel proceedings to avoid potential discovery pitfalls.
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A Parallel Universe: Navigating Discovery in Concurrent Civil and Criminal Proceedings - JD Supra (press release)
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Daniela Vargas embodies the casual cruelty of Trump’s war on … – Slate Magazine
Posted: at 2:59 am
Daniela Vargas speaks at news conference on March 1 about her deportation fears.
ABC News
Last week, officers from Immigration and Customs Enforcement arrested 22-year-old Dreamer Daniela Vargas, a Mississippi resident who has been living in the United States since she was 7. But for a temporary lapse in her status under the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals immigration policy, Vargas has been everything America says it wants in an immigrant: well-educated, ambitious, law-abiding, and patriotic. It should surprise nobody that she is about to be deported.
Dahlia Lithwick writes about the courts and the law for Slate, and hosts the podcast Amicus.
Vargas was taken into ICE custody just moments after she publicly criticized the Trump administrations immigration raids, a move that makes it appear as if she was swept up by the immigration agency on account of what she said to the press. ICE agents have confirmed that Vargas was taken into custody during a targeted immigration enforcement action. One may well wonder what was being targeted in that action, if not her speech. In part because her arrest seemed so deliberately linked to her decision to speak out, her lawyers, the Southern Poverty Law Center, and other civil rights groups filed a petition in the U.S. District Court for the Western District of Louisiana on Monday to stop her deportation. Her attorneys are claiming that Vargas arrest amounts to retaliation against someone exercising her First Amendment rights.
The petition explains that Vargas graduated high school in 2013 with honors and that she has attended East Central Community College and the University of Southern Mississippi, where she has studied to be a math teacher. In addition to her pending DACA renewal, she also has a petition pending for a U nonimmigrant visa, which is set aside for victims of certain crimes who have suffered mental or physical abuse and are helpful to law enforcement or government officials in the investigation or prosecution of criminal activity.
Vargas was at home in February when her brother and father were taken into ICE custody. Having lost her DACA status last Novemberher attorneys say she could not afford the $495 renewal fee at the timeVargas had reapplied last month. When ICE agents raided Vargas home on Feb. 15, they led her father and brother away in handcuffs. According to her petition, Vargas told the agents she had been granted DACA status. She then went into her house, locked the door, and hid in a closet. The ICE agents returned with a search warrant. The petition alleges they broke down the front door and that an agent pointed a gun at Vargas when she emerged from the closet. Before they left the house, Vargas was allegedly told that they knew her DACA had lapsed, but that they were giving her a hall pass. Vargas then left the house and spoke to local media , which had gathered outside during the raid.
Vargas hall pass apparently expired a few weeks later. On March 1, she spoke at a press conference, describing the raid on her home and the need for a pathway to citizenship. Moments later, she was pulled out of her friends car by ICE agents and arrested. According to her petition, one of the ICE agents who had been at the raid at her home said, Remember me? You know who we are; you know why were here, and youre under arrest for being an illegal immigrant. Vargas has been in an ICE detention facility ever since. Her petition concludes that she is now at imminent risk of deportation to Argentinaa country she left in 2001 at age seven, that she scarcely knows, and to which she fears returning.
Nobody knows whether DACA is at risk under the Trump regime.
ICE originally stated that Vargas case would be heard before an immigration judge. The Department of Homeland Security has apparently gone back on its word; it is now taking the position that Vargas is not entitled to contest her deportation as she entered this country in 2001 through the Visa Waiver Program. The statute establishing the VWP requires any noncitizen entering the U.S. to waive his or her right to contest, other than on the basis of an application for asylum, any action for removal of the alien. Her lawyers argue that detaining and deporting Vargas without a hearing violates her Fifth Amendment due process rights, because at age 7 she could not have knowingly and voluntarily waived her right to seek a hearing to contest deportation.
Vargas speech claims have broad implications not just for DACA recipients but for whistleblowers and immigration activists around the country. Her petition cites cases from the Fourth and Ninth Circuits, holding that everyone in the United States, including noncitizens, enjoys the right to peaceful expression of views through public demonstration. Vargas lawyers argue that the First Amendment prevents law enforcement officials from retaliating against speakers by targeting, detaining, arresting, and/or seeking to deport an individual engaging in protected speech where the officials actions caused [the speaker] to suffer an injury that would chill a person of ordinary firmness from continuing to engage in that activity and when those officials were substantially motivated against the plaintiffs exercise of constitutionally protected conduct.
There can be no dispute that Vargas remarks about the ICE raid on her family home represent the kind of core political speech the First Amendment is designed to protect. Its also beyond dispute that Vargas had been permitted to stay in the country only days before and that the speech seems to have triggered a change in ICE policy. The Trump immigration effort, we were told, was supposed to consist of stepped-up deportations of criminalsnot lawful political speakers. Vargas did nothing to warrant deportation without due process.
The other problem, as her lawyers contend, is that nobody knows whether DACA is at risk under the new regime. DACA has afforded protections to 750,000 immigrants since the Obama administration launched it in 2012. In the weeks since his inauguration, Trump has given wildly conflicting messages about whether it will continue to be in effect. If Vargas is now at risk because of a brief technicality around her Dreamer status, its hardly clear that DACA still has real force. And if Dreamers can be removed for little more than giving a political speech, they are now as much at risk as other noncriminals in Trumps America.
The casual cruelty of Trumps war on lawful immigrants depends on the complicity of citizens, and the chilling of both protest and media watchdogging. In addition to our collective vigilance, the solution for the cruelty around the action against Daniela Vargas will be the same as the solution to Trumps original, vicious travel ban: lawyers. Lots of them. The Southern Poverty Law Center announced Tuesday that its launching a new project to ensure that detained immigrants will have access to free lawyers. We are going to need them.
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Daniela Vargas embodies the casual cruelty of Trump's war on ... - Slate Magazine
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Will Trump Roll Out the Big Guns on Second Amendment Issues … – CALIFORNIA
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TCPalm | Will Trump Roll Out the Big Guns on Second Amendment Issues ... CALIFORNIA Avowed Second Amendment enthusiast Donald Trump drew plenty of scorn and outrage recently when he signed a bill overturning an Obama era restriction on ... Bill to end 'reckless' denial of Second Amendment rights in businesses Other viewpoints: 2nd Amendment doesn't trump 1st - Opinion - The ... How America's Courts Are Threatening the Rule of Law - theTrumpet ... |
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Will Trump Roll Out the Big Guns on Second Amendment Issues ... - CALIFORNIA
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