Category Archives: Wage Slavery

Laurinburg native David Evans has rightly called me out over an omission from last week's column, in which I wrote: "Slavery, and the peonage that took its place until World War II, are gone."

Peonage of the kind that Douglas A. Blackmon described in his searing "Slavery by Another Name" died out about then. That was the kind that enabled a white man - be he planter, industrialist or something else - to point to an able-bodied ex-slave and tell the local constable, "Get me that one." The victim would be arrested for vagrancy and delivered into unpaid, involuntary servitude for a year or more to cover the "expenses" of the officials who had been paid to arrest and convict him. Beatings were the norm. Many lawfully shanghaied laborers died of violence or sickness before their time was up. Others had their time extended, with little explanation or none.

There has been no end, though, of opportunists eager to exploit people who aren't positioned to protect themselves. Myriad cases of migrant farmworker abuse have been preserved in state records and exposed in the pages of this newspaper and others.

Folks of David's vintage and mine well remember Tennessee Ernie Ford's "Sixteen Tons" (he didn't write it, but no one else made it a major hit in two genres) and the last line of its refrain, "I owe my soul to the company store." Credit Ernie's big bass voice for some of its success, but only some. You didn't have to be nonwhite or lack a green card to get its drift. There were many thousands of millworkers who could relate to a coal miner whose income was committed to his employer before he even got his hands on it.

Among them were David's father, grandfather, great-uncles, and great-grandfather. His father put in 46 years as a textile worker with Waverly Mills in East Laurinburg. Today, David can reel off a list of good things that the mill's owner, McNair Investments, did for East Laurinburg and add, "The mills no longer exist and we are worse off because of that." But he also remembers how things were back in the day.

Until the major civil rights legislation of the 1960s sent waves of change across the land, his daddy was paid in cash. "He was paid 60 percent American money and 40 percent 'dookie' money," redeemable only at the company store. "It was probably the best provisioned store in Scotland County and it was said that you could get anything from a chaw of Black Maria to a new wedding dress. The prices were high and every time the workers were given a 2 or 3 percent raise the prices went up 3 or 4 percent. The same thing happened for the rent in the houses that were ALL owned by the McNairs."

Not long after the Civil Rights Act was passed, though, the store and the "dookie money" disappeared and David's daddy began drawing a paycheck that could be deposited in a bank. Workers who wanted to buy their rental houses were invited to do that. So include white textile workers among the beneficiaries of the movement.

On average, American women earn much less than men doing comparable work. We quarrel about whether a minimum wage higher than $7.25 an hour would be too generous to sustain. And in some undeveloped countries where U.S. manufacturers do business, laborers living on the brink are paid much less and dare not ask for more.

It isn't over. And justice is not inevitable.

More:

Gene Smith: Hard labor, funny money and Tennessee Ernie Ford - Fayetteville Observer

By American-Statesman staff

Editors note: This article was originally published April 8, 2014

President Jimmy Carter said that although much progress has been made on human rights in the United States and around the world, much still needs to be done.

Speaking to LBJ Presidential Library Director Mark Updegrove at the Civil Rights Summit, the 39th president said womens issues including wage disparity, sexual abuse, sexual slavery and racial inequality are issues that still need addressing.

Asked if the country has progressed on race issues as much as he wouldve hoped in the years since hes been president, Carter was blunt.

No, he said. We still have gross disparity on employment, in quality of education, a good many public schools in the South are still segregated.

He also spoke at length about womens issues around the world, including the number of girls strangled at birth by parents seeking boys.

We believe about 40 million people were killed in Second World War. Four times as many baby girls have been killed in this generation by their parents, he said. That creates a shortage of girls that leads to an increase in sexual slavery, including in the United States.

Slavery at this moment is greater than it ever was in the 19th Century, Carter said, quoting state department numbers. Last year 800,000 people were sold across international borders, 80 percent are young girls. Its the worst human rights violation on earth.

In the United States, the problem is glossed over at universities and in the military by officials and commanding officers who dont want their reputations besmirched, Carter said.

Only 4 percent of rapes on college campuses are ever reported to authorities, Carter said. He also quoted a report that said only 300 of the 26,000 cases of sexual assault in the military last year resulted in punishment.

Carter also said American women get paid 23 percent less than men for doing the same type of jobs and working the same number of hours as men.

This is a human rights abuse of the grossest character that needs to be addressed by every American, and we need to set an example for the rest of the world, he said, drawing applause from the crowd.

To combat these problems, Carter said federal funds should be withheld from colleges whose administrators fail to act on sexual assault cases, commanding officers should be removed of any role in bringing forward rape charges, and cities should begin prosecuting brothel owners, pimps and male customers instead of girls.

You only have to arrest several prominent men and the situation would change overnight, he said.

Carter said his greatest concern for America is the unlimited amount of money flowing into campaigns and governments. His greatest concern for the world is the breakdown in international harmony and the abilities of countries to get together to deal with crises before they get to conflict stage.

He also gave a message to young people in the audience who might be looking for ways to create positive change. Citing his presidential inauguration, in which he quoted a high school teacher, Carter said, We must accommodate changing times but cling to principles that never change.

Read more from the original source:

President Carter: 'We must cling to principles that never change' - Austin American-Statesman

It never ceases to amazethat even students who use our school library on an everyday basis, when asked for their thoughts about slavery, immediately mention the South and the Civil War. Those who are not bIack see no connection between their present and our past. If they mention the North at all, it is as the destination point for escape from the South via the Underground Railroad. They cite Harriet Tubmanor the place from which former slaves waged mighty abolitionist battles, like those spearheaded byFrederick Douglass (dont get me started on current White House occupants ignorance on Douglass). A few mention ancestors who fought in the Civil Warfor the Union. This lopsided view of American history colors current day discussions of race and racism with too much finger-pointing only at the South and white southerners. It is rare to hear discourse on northern culpability. This oversight encourages a disassociation with white privilege benefits reaped by northerners who can say, but but my family came here after slavery was over, or my ancestors didnt own slaves.

Racism is not regional and the enslavement legacy inherited from the time of the founding of our country affectsall of us in the U.S., no matter our color, location,or date of immigration.

Last summer my husband and I paid a visit to Shelter Island, New York, and the dear friend we were visiting, who knows our deep interest in all things relating to black history, took us for a short drive to visit Sylvester Manor. The site is the subject of The Manor: Three Centuries at a Slave Plantation on Long Island,by Mac Griswold. It was a very emotional experience for me, especially seeing the large rock in the slave burial groundtopped with pebbles, placed there by people who have come to that spot to honor the spirits of the dead.

When you hear Long Island mentioned, its doubtful you associate it with slavery and the triangle trade.Yetthis is a major part of our history.

Mac Griswold's The Manor is the biography of a uniquely American place that has endured through wars great and small, through fortunes won and lost, through histories bright and sinisterand of the family that has lived there since its founding as a Colonial New England slave plantation three and a half centuries ago. In 1984, the landscape historian Mac Griswold was rowing along a Long Island creek when she came upon a stately yellow house and a garden guarded by looming boxwoods. She instantly knew that boxwoods that largetwelve feet tall, fifteen feet widehad to be hundreds of years old. So, as it happened, was the house: Sylvester Manor had been held in the same family for eleven generations. Formerly encompassing all of Shelter Island, New York, a pearl of 8,000 acres caught between the North and South Forks of Long Island, the manor had dwindled to 243 acres. Still, its hidden vault proved to be full of revelations and treasures, including the 1666 charter for the land, and correspondence from Thomas Jefferson. Most notable was the short and steep flight of steps the family had called the "slave staircase," which would provide clues to the extensive but little-known story of Northern slavery. Alongside a team of archaeologists, Griswold began a dig that would uncover a landscape bursting with stories. Based on years of archival and field research, as well as voyages to Africa, the West Indies, and Europe, The Manor is at once an investigation into forgotten lives and a sweeping drama that captures our history in all its richness and suffering. It is a monumental achievement.

New York University is now the home of an extensive Sylvester Manor archive, and the grounds and graves are a site of archaeological research.

There are thought to be up to 200 graves on the grounds, the final resting place of Manhansett Indians, enslaved Africans, and European indentured servants, who helped to supply food, timber, and materials to the West Indies including supplies for the Sylvester family sugar plantations in Barbados as part of the colonial triangle trade, in which slaves were bought on the African Gold Coast with New England rum and then traded in the West Indies for sugar or molasses, which was brought back to New England to be manufactured into rum.

An article entitledThe House that Slavery Builtexplains how anestate near the Hamptons used to be one of the largest slave-owning plantations in the North.

Northern plantations differed from those in the South in treatment of the African-born slave population. Slaves didn't live in quarters, as in the South, but in the houses of their captors, meaning that normal privacy and family life didn't exist, Griswold said. Also, as they weren't part of an immense agricultural system growing staple crops such as cotton, rice, and indigo, many were highly skilled and were hired out to other whites at slack times on their own plantations, which we can really think of as large family farms. They worked alongside their owners and with indentured servants and wage laborers, but of course the pay-out for those other workers in eventual freedom or in wages didn't exist for slaves, or for their children, for many generations.

The Manhassets, who were native to the region, were also enslaved, but more informally, Griswold said. Their wages were paid in alcohol (rum from Barbados) and goods such as kettles and blankets. Although a law was passed in 1676 in New York forbidding the enslavement of Indians, Indian slaves were often handed down as property in family wills. Others were indentured servants, like Isaac Pharaoh, a Montaukett Indian whose indenture papers Griswold found in the vault at the manor house. Esther Pharoah, Isaac's mother, signs her son away, Griswold tells me, of his own free will at the age of 5 years.

A boulder carved in 1884 marks the cemetery where Isaac Pharaoh, Julia Johnson, and some 200 others lie. The people laid to rest there were part of a society that rejected them as full human beings, Griswold writes. But as they lie here, unmarked, they are also vividly present. The Manor is a step toward restoring these once-forgotten souls to a place in our shared history.

Sylvester Manor was not the only enslavement site on Long Island, as detailed in Confronting Slavery at Long Islands Oldest Estates.

New York Citys slave market was second in size only to Charlestons. Even after the Revolution, New York was the most significant slaveholding state north of the Mason-Dixon line. In 1790, nearly 40 percent of households in the area immediately around New York City owned slaves a greater percentage than in any Southern state as a whole, according to one study.

In contrast to the image of large gangs working in cotton fields before retiring to a row of cabins, slaveholdings in New York State were small, with the enslaved often living singly or in small groups, working alongside and sleeping in the same houses as their owners. Privacy was scant, and in contrast to any notion of a less severe Northern slavery, the historical record is full of accounts of harsh punishments for misbehavior. Slavery in the North was different, but I dont think it was any easier, Mr. McGill said. The enslaved were a lot more scrutinized in those places, a lot more restricted. That would have been very tough to endure.

Slavery in Southampton, the oldest English settlement in New York, dates almost to its founding in the 1640s. A slave and Indian uprising burned many buildings in the 1650s. Census records show that by 1686, roughly 10 percent of the villages nearly 800 inhabitants were slaves, many of whom helped work the rich agricultural land. But this is not a part of its history that the town, better known for its spectacular beach and staggeringly expensive real estate, has been eager to embrace. I think for a while a lot of people didnt know or didnt want to acknowledge there were slaves out here, said Brenda Simmons, executive director of the Southampton African-American Museum, which plans to open in an old barbershop the villages first designated African-American landmark on North Sea Road. Mr. McGills visit, she said, will help confirm the truth of the matter.

In the past Ive written about the enslaved Africans who built Wall Street in New York City, and about the African Burial Ground. Heading further upstate New York to Albany, we find enslavement history from the time it was settled.

Albany's long, neglected history of slavery

Here is a statistic that might shock you. In 1790, there were 217 households in Albany County that owned five or more slaves of African descent, a portion of the county's 3,722 slaves, the most of any county among New York state's 21,193 slaves counted in that year's census.

History textbooks and conventional wisdom tend to relegate slavery as an issue of the Southern states, a shameful narrative bracketed by President Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation and the grim toll of the Civil War.

But new research at the State Museum and an exhibit at Fort Crailo, a state historic site in Rensselaer, titled "A Dishonorable Trade: Human Trafficking in the Dutch Atlantic World," is bringing slavery out of the shadows and directly onto the front stoops of Albany across three centuries.

I have both enslaved people and slave owners in my family tree. Though Ive had success tracing my enslaved ancestors in the South,it was only in more recent years I uncovered both a slave owner,Jacobus Bradt, from Schenectady, New York, who owned sevenslaves in the 1790 census in my tree, and an extended family legacy of enslavement in Chester County, Pennsylvania. It was during the time of my genealogical research that I discovered a website that I have returned to frequently and often link to in response to those who still only look southward. Douglas Harper has compiled an extensive body of data on his website Slavery in the North. There is so much on his site I hardly know where to begin to quote from it. Heres a segment of Profits from Slavery.

On the eve of the Revolution, the slave trade formed the very basis of the economic life of New England. It wove itself into the entire regional economy of New England. The Massachusetts slave trade gave work to coopers, tanners, sailmakers, and ropemakers. Countless agents, insurers, lawyers, clerks, and scriveners handled the paperwork for slave merchants. Upper New England loggers, Grand Banks fishermen, and livestock farmers provided the raw materials shipped to the West Indies on that leg of the slave trade. Colonial newspapers drew much of their income from advertisements of slaves for sale or hire. New England-made rum, trinkets, and bar iron were exchanged for slaves. When the British in 1763 proposed a tax on sugar and molasses, Massachusetts merchants pointed out that these were staples of the slave trade, and the loss of that would throw 5,000 seamen out of work in the colony and idle almost 700 ships. The connection between molasses and the slave trade was rum. Millions of gallons of cheap rum, manufactured in New England, went to Africa and bought black people. Tiny Rhode Island had more than 30 distilleries, 22 of them in Newport. In Massachusetts, 63 distilleries produced 2.7 million gallons of rum in 1774. Some was for local use: rum was ubiquitous in lumber camps and on fishing ships. But primarily rum was linked with the Negro trade, and immense quantities of the raw liquor were sent to Africa and exchanged for slaves. So important was rum on the Guinea Coast that by 1723 it had surpassed French and Holland brandy, English gin, trinkets and dry goods as a medium of barter. Slaves costing the equivalent of 4 or 5 in rum or bar iron in West Africa were sold in the West Indies in 1746 for 30 to 80. New England thrift made the rum cheaply -- production cost was as low as 5 pence a gallon -- and the same spirit of Yankee thrift discovered that the slave ships were most economical with only 3 feet 3 inches of vertical space to a deck and 13 inches of surface area per slave, the human cargo laid in carefully like spoons in a silverware case.

A list of the leading slave merchants is almost identical with a list of the region's prominent families: the Fanueils, Royalls, and Cabots of Massachusetts; the Wantons, Browns, and Champlins of Rhode Island; the Whipples of New Hampshire; the Eastons of Connecticut; Willing & Morris of Philadelphia. To this day, it's difficult to find an old North institution of any antiquity that isn't tainted by slavery. Ezra Stiles imported slaves while president of Yale. Six slave merchants served as mayor of Philadelphia. Even a liberal bastion like Brown University has the shameful blot on its escutcheon. It is named for the Brown brothers, Nicholas, John, Joseph, and Moses, manufacturers and traders who shipped salt, lumber, meat -- and slaves. And like many business families of the time, the Browns had indirect connections to slavery via rum distilling. John Brown, who paid half the cost of the college's first library, became the first Rhode Islander prosecuted under the federal Slave Trade Act of 1794 and had to forfeit his slave ship. Historical evidence also indicates that slaves were used at the family's candle factory in Providence, its ironworks in Scituate, and to build Brown's University Hall.

One of those leading families andtheir wealth from slaving is documented in Traces of the Trade. I recommend it as a must see for anyone who has an interest in this history.

In Traces of the Trade: A Story from the Deep North, one family's painful but persistent confrontation with the continuing legacy of the slave trade becomes America's. Katrina Browne uncovers her New England family's deep involvement in the Triangle Trade and, in so doing, reveals the pivotal role slavery played in the growth of the whole American economy. This courageous documentary asks every American what we can and should do to repair the unacknowledged damage of our troubled past.

Katrina Browne was shocked to discover that her Rhode Island forebears had been the largest slave-trading dynasty in American history. For two hundred years, the DeWolfs were distinguished public servants, respected merchants and prominent Episcopal clerics, yet their privilege was founded on a sordid secret. Once she started digging, Browne found the evidence everywhere, in ledgers, ships logs, letters, even a family nursery rhyme. Between 1769 and 1820, DeWolf ships carried rum from Bristol, Rhode Island to West Africa where it was traded for over 10,000 enslaved Africans. They transported this human cargo across the Middle Passage to slave markets from Havana to Charleston and beyond, as well as to the family's sugar plantations in Cuba. The ships returned from the Caribbean with sugar and molasses to be turned into rum at the family distilleries, starting the cycle again.

This film explains how the New England slave trade supported not just its merchants but banks, insurers, shipbuilders, outfitters and provisioners, rich and poor. Ordinary citizens bought shares in slave ships. Northern textile mills spun cotton picked by slaves, fueling the Industrial Revolution, and creating the economy that attracted generations of immigrants. It was no secret; John Quincy Adams, sixth president, noted dryly that independence had been built on the sugar and molasses produced with slave labor. Traces of the Trade decisively refutes the widely-accepted myth that only the South profited from America's "peculiar institution."

The website for the film includes a wealth of instructional materials. One I use frequently is Myths About Slavery. Heres thePDF:

Contrary to popular belief:

A companion to the film is the book by one of the descendants who went on the journey titledInheriting the Trade: A Northern Family Confronts Its Legacy as the Largest Slave-Trading Dynasty in U.S. History, by Thomas Norman DeWolf.

In 2001, at forty-seven, Thomas DeWolf was astounded to discover that he was related to the most successful slave-trading family in American history, responsible for transporting at least 10,000 Africans to the Americas. His infamous ancestor, U.S. senator James DeWolf of Bristol, Rhode Island, curried favor with President Thomas Jefferson to continue in the trade after it was outlawed. When James DeWolf died in 1837, he was the second-richest man in America. When Katrina Browne, Thomas DeWolfs cousin, learned about their familys history, she resolved to confront it head-on, producing and directing a documentary feature film, Traces of the Trade: A Story from the Deep North. The film is an official selection of the 2008 Sundance Film Festival. Inheriting the Trade is Tom DeWolfs powerful and disarmingly honest memoir of the journey in which ten family members retraced the steps of their ancestors and uncovered the hidden history of New England and the other northern states.Their journey through the notorious Triangle Trade-from New England to West Africa to Cuba-proved life-altering, forcing DeWolf to face the horrors of slavery directly for the first time. It also inspired him to contend with the complicated legacy that continues to affect black and white Americans, Africans, and Cubans today.

Inheriting the Trade reveals that the Norths involvement in slavery was as common as the Souths. Not only were black people enslaved in the North for over two hundred years, but the vast majority of all slave trading in America was done by northerners. Remarkably, half of all North American voyages involved in the slave trade originated in Rhode Island, and all the northern states benefited. With searing candor, DeWolf tackles both the internal and external challenges of his journey-writing frankly about feelings of shame, white male privilege, the complicity of churches, Americas historic amnesia regarding slavery-and our nations desperate need for healing. An urgent call for meaningful and honest dialogue, Inheriting the Trade illuminates a path toward a more hopeful future and provides a persuasive argument that the legacy of slavery isnt merely a southern issue but an enduring American one.

Sojourner Truth is quoted as having said Truth is powerful and it prevails.

Some of those truths may make us uncomfortable. From my perspective, it is better to march forward with the truth, comfortable or not, than to be drowned and silenced in a swamp of lies and alternative facts.

Excerpt from:

Uncomfortable truths: The role of slavery and the slave trade in ... - Daily Kos

Rebecca Gayle Howell, a senior editor at the Oxford American magazine, has written a novel that strips the Southern working class' condition of its veneer, exposing a future economic and environmental catastrophe.

Set in a locale that puts the "dust" in industrial decay, Howell's broken passages recall the detailed descriptions of exhaustion and famine offered by the disenfranchised Depression-era voices in Studs Terkel's "Hard Times." That is to say, this book has happened before and believably could happen again. Before you conclude that "American Purgatory" only appeals to the most cynical of readers, though, know that the book is also a mosaic of subtle, extreme and ultimately, beautiful poetic language.

Composed of fragmentary poems, "American Purgatory" is structured as allegory, a vehicle for the lives of members of the local proletariat: Slade, the stoic preacher man; Little, the antisocial visionary; and "the Kid," a disfigured field worker. Through the eyes of an unnamed narrator, the reader observes these three enigmas in end-of-time, after-work activities like minnow fishing, hunting practice and trying to locate drinkable water. The working conditions are poor at best they include picking valuable cotton under crop dusters in an atmosphere "like breathing gasoline."

"American Purgatory" presents a nightmarish vision born of water deprivation and fatigue. To grasp the book as dystopian, though, oversimplifies the current state of the worldwide working class. In an interview with "32 Poems" magazine, Howell says, "I don't think it's foolish to think about work. I think we are in real need of a conversation big enough to include globalized war capitalism, exploitation, labor and the possibility of neighborliness. It's a necessary conversation, as necessary as our conversation about the global control of women or the brutalities of American racism." Howell's fabulist brushstrokes cover all of these heavy topics. Abusive relationships, thirst beyond hunger and the unfair vetting for the hardest of wage slavery plague these lives, as if they were a single square inch of Hieronymus Bosch's "The Garden of Earthly Delights."

I wish it meant something. I wish a moon could pull

so strong dirt would gush a well. I'd get my silver bucket.

I'd open my mouth. The fire it's a game; one guy sets it

from boredom and from boredom the other puts it out.

Personal bewilderment, more so than dialogue, enables the poetic narrative driving the story; bird formations are isosceles triangles, cotton field workers appear to be angels and the sky mimics an abacus tallying sins. The Bible weighs heavily on the book's symbolism, as do magic and superstition; snakes are the summation of evil in this world, and water is its salvation in an aurora borealis or ouroboros kind of way. The narrator's elliptical interior monologues are mesmerizing meditations on natural life and existential terror and the expression of "neighborliness" shared between the narrator's retinue ranks among the most lucid since that in fellow Kentuckian Maurice Manning's "A Companion for Owls":

PLEASURE DON'T QUIT

Please that old song screams, and begs me,

Don't go. I hear it in my head in a time

as this, when I am alone, and how Don't go

has all my days been my low-ditch song's refrain,

and how I have not known who it was a going,

and how, turns out, it was me. Touch is water,

when it's kind, a cool pool I can drink and sink

down into, resurrect out, rise up, rise up.

But a heat vision won't make it so.

The books and paintings I've compared to "American Purgatory" were authored by men, but Howell's poems find power in the feminine; queen ants, a pregnant dog and the narrator all share a common bond in warding off an authoritarian offense. Linguistically, death from childbirth is placed next to the burden of a hard labor, and a vision of water in a cistern is interwoven with "this is how my water breaks." As was the case for Shakespeare's heroines, or C.D. Wright's, everyday vulnerability is a prick in the side, and those who stop to muse are met with ironic overtures. For them, to dream is to encounter the brave new world, and an old one, too.

Howell, also the author of "Render/An Apocalypse" and a translation of Amal al-Jubouri's "Hagar Before the Occupation/Hagar After the Occupation," will read excerpts from "American Purgatory" in a book launch at 7 p.m. Monday, Feb. 20, at The Joint, where she'll be joined by banjoist and fellow Kentucky native Brett Ratliff. Admission is free. "American Purgatory," published by Eyewear Publishing, an independent British micropress, and distributed by Small Press Distribution in Berkeley, Calif., was the winner of the 2016 Sexton Prize for poetry.

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Believing is seeing - Arkansas Times

He arrived at the party wearing a blazer over a black T-shirt. He sported one of those fancy, new-age haircuts and wore jeans that revealed nearly half his legs. I instantly knew what I was looking at, a campus archetype more than an individual: The ripped-jeans revolutionary.

His name was Sam, andas I soon discovered, Sam was a Communist a Maoist, he quickly added, presumably worried that I might mistake him for one of those sellout Trotskyists. At 18 years of age, studying English at Stanford University, Sam wanted to assure me that he was on the Right Side of History.

I had encountered leftists like Sam before there are usually one or two in every large humanities class so I knew how to proceed. Let him talkand keep a running mental tab of his most hilarious quotes.

You cant deny the industrial achievements of the USSR, he remarked. Or better, name-dropping three philosophers in one sentence: Zizek, though he understood Hegel much better than he understood Lacan, makes a good point. There was the curious: Doesnt Judaism make so much more sense without God? And my personal favorite: Do you really think our wage-slavery is any better?

Ah yes, I had forgotten: Who are we to judge the Soviet gulag system?

One is tempted to shake such people, like an old television that has stopped working. It might bring him to his senses. But there is no need. Does this teenager really have a thoughtful objection to Zizeks reading of Lacan? Does he have the requisite knowledge to assure me, as he did, that everything would have been fine if Lenin had lived a little longer? Of course not. He probably just gets a thrill from the shocked looks he generates upon informing his peers that Bernie would have won if he wasnt so moderate.

Roll your eyes and move on.

Across the table from me in class, a different type of campus leftist rears hishead. Again. In fact, Luke constantly injects his politics into class. Luke is a Clintonite, shot all the way through. He started volunteering for Democratic candidates in New York City at the age of twelve. He even got paid to consult for the Clinton campaign this time around. What they could possibly need from this 19-year-old consultant, I havent a clue.

I dont think people realized how good of a candidate Hillary was, he remarked to me a few days ago. Gee, I wonder how they missed that about her, I thought. But unlike the ripped-jeans revolutionary, the bloodless Clintonites flaws do not usually emerge unless they are drawn out. For his Achilles heel is that he has no vision unless you consider center-left, incrementalist technocracy a vision.

Luke opposes the $15 minimum wage, finding Hillarys suggestion of $12.50 to be a more reasonable compromise. He wants commonsense regulation of Wall Street but thinks that Bernie Sanderss antagonism is unhelpful to the cause. He called his congressman to register his opposition to Betsy DeVos but has no suggestions of his own for improving education other than we need to invest more in our children.

The campus Clintonite is hyperpolitically activebut has no idea what he wants from politics. Why is this? The moment of clarity came when we spoke about Aristotle. Why would you read him? Luke chortled, His science has been totally disproven.

Putting aside the fact that I do not read Aristotle for an actionable understanding of physics, I probe deeper and discover that Luke does not believe there is anything to be gained from reading the Ethics, or Politics either.

Rather than give a one-sentence summation of Aristotles contributions, I try out an appeal to authority and explain that Aristotelian thought has heavily influenced many major traditions, citing St. Thomas Aquinas and Maimonides. Realizing that my interlocutor remains unimpressed, I go more modern, and note that both Marx and Burke profited from Aristotles teachings.

But this only reinforces the Clintonites beliefs. So why waste time on a guy from thousands of years ago when I can just read Marx, or someone even more modern?

Do you not see the value in reading what people whove come before us thought? I respond.

He doesnt. They barely knew anything back then. Even I know more about how the world works than Aristotle, he protests.

Then it hits me. The Clintonite has no vision because he cannot escape the present.

This is what Irving Kristol was getting at when he asked, Who, for example, reads Harold Laski today? Because the present is always becoming more beneficent than the past, the non-revolutionary Left inevitably finds past thinkers even its own progressive champions such as Laski inadequate, retrograde, or boring. It finds nothing of value when it looks back into the past and soon stops looking at all.

These two campus leftists are worth examining for the factions they represent. The edgy, ripped-jeans revolutionary might go on to comfortably rage against the machine in the pages of Jacobin, or perhaps hell give in to his parents and attend law school. The intellectually impoverished Clintonite is destined to work on Capitol Hill and continue striving. Having forgotten on principle not only Laski but also Aristotle and all the rest, he will search in vain for the right combination of modest policy proposals to capture voters hearts. Should he gain the power he so desperately seeks, he will not have the faintest idea what to do with it.

Elliot Kaufman is a junior at Stanford University.

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The Two Types of Campus Leftists - National Review

PEOPLE MAKE deals all the time--in markets, in politicians' offices, in alleyways. Our president established himself in the business world as the master of the deal, and now he's bringing those skills to the White House to "re-deal" the United States back to greatness.

Making deals, and the whole gamut of business and trade that goes with it, is just part of life. Commercial activity is an essential component of all human culture, and the business mindset an inherent aspect of human nature.

Or so the story goes.

The cheerleaders of the free market have come up with a story about the past that makes capitalism seem natural--the culmination of a long evolution of this innate deal-making instinct, growing in complexity until, with the rise of international trade and the Industrial Revolution, it finally took its rightful place as "the way we do things."

Trade has gone on for millennia, according to this narrative, and with it, that most important of human processes: profit. Ancient and feudal societies didn't understand that profit and the all-important accomplice of deal-making, free trade, had to be the unhindered center of the system, so they eventually failed, giving way to capitalism.

And there's the other part of this tall tale: Only with the rise of business, profit and free trade do we have democracy, freedom and human rights. After all, didn't the great revolutions of the 17th and 18th centuries, establishing democratic republics in England, the U.S. and France, coincide with the spread of global capitalism? Isn't there an essential connection between the art of the deal and the project of human freedom?

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LET'S SUSPEND this story for a moment, and look back at the past without green-tinted glasses. Instead, we'll take the Marxist view of history. Frederick Engels laid out Marx's historical materialist approach succinctly:

The materialist conception of history starts from the proposition that the production of the means to support human life and, next to production, the exchange of things produced, is the basis of all social structure; that in every society that has appeared in history, the manner in which wealth is distributed and society divided into classes is dependent on what is produced, how it is produced and how the products are exchanged.

For Marxists, history changes on the basis of the way humans transform their world to meet their needs, how they turn natural objects into human products and then distribute those products through exchange--not on the basis of some innate instinct to barter or profit.

For the vast bulk of the time that humans have existed as a distinct species, there were no classes. Like most of the Indigenous cultures of North America prior to European colonization, work and the products of work were shared in common by small bands of people, which operated democratically.

Starting around 10,000 years or so, settled societies emerged in a number of places on the planet, and class distinctions developed for the first time in human history--with a small minority of people ruling over the majority.

Eventually, complex social systems arose in which a ruling class lived off the labor of the vast majority of the population--who were sometimes owned directly by the ruling class as slaves and sometimes bound to a piece of land as peasants and forced to give up some of what they labored to produce to the elite.

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THE PROCESS of classes emerging varied in different parts of the world, but human labor and who possessed it produced was the central factor.

Humans have always made tools to help them survive. But at certain points--when humans settled in one place, rather than lived in nomadic bands--the tool-making progressed from basic items used in hunting and gathering to more complex tools, like methods of irrigation to grow cultivated plants, to take one example.

As the tools improved, these groups of people could produce more than was necessary for basic survival--they produced a surplus. Over a long period of time, a small group within these societies came to control that surplus, and that control became the basis of a social distinction and political authority. Next to emerge were centralized states, exercising military and legal authority as a way to protect the wealth of this minority.

The Marxist historian Chris Harman summarized how this dynamic led to another--one more directly involved in the rise of capitalism as a distinct form of class society:

[T]he ruling classes of the new civilizations...demanded distantly obtained products on a scale that could not be satisfied by the old-established customary networks. At the same time, they were rarely prepared to face the hardship and risks involved in procuring such things themselves.

People soon emerged who were--in return for a share of the surplus the ruling class had obtained through exploiting the cultivators. So specialized traders got a "mark-up" by selling to the ruling class goods from a great distance away. Some were individuals from the exploited cultivator class, others from the nomadic peoples living between the centers of civilization. But regardless of their origins, they began to crystallize into a privileged class separate from the old ruling classes.

As this not-yet-ruling class developed its economic strength, there were power struggles with the established elite. Often, the ruling state apparatus was too powerful to be overthrown--in China, for example, the development of capitalism was held back for centuries by this.

In medieval Western Europe, where the various states were more primitive and constantly at war with each other, the merchant class organized itself into a more powerful grouping, with its representatives emerging to vie for political power.

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THE EMERGENCE of merchant networks went along with what Marx and Engels classified as "the production of commodities"--defined as "that economic phase where articles are produced not only for the use of producers, but also for the purpose of exchange."

Through all previous history, production of what humans needed to survive--whether hunting and gathering in pre-class societies or the predominantly agricultural systems in class societies before capitalism--was mainly organized around meeting the consumption needs of those doing the producing or the minority who ruled over them.

Making things to sell them--which the ideologists of capitalism tell us is instinctive--was the exception. But that changed with capitalism and the emergence of a new ruling class, whether still vying for power or already installed, organized around the exchange of goods.

The most peculiar commodity of all is human labor. On one level, wage laborers--workers who sell their ability to labor for a wage--are free of the compulsion that characterized previous systems like feudalism or slavery. But they aren't free not to work.

And in the process of work, they are robbed. Workers aren't paid on the basis of the full value of what they produce. They are paid enough to keep them coming back to work--usually just enough to meet their daily needs and those of their families.

The difference between this wage and the value that capitalists realize in selling the commodities made by others, but owned by them, is the source of profit--what Marx called surplus value. This, according to Marx, is the basis of the capitalist system: "Only where wage-labor is its basis does commodity production impose itself upon society as a whole; but it is also true that only there does it unfold all its hidden potentialities."

These "hidden potentialities" include the way that workers become dependent on commodity production.

Wage-labor had existed on and off for millennia, but only became established as the norm in Western Europe after centuries of crisis within the feudal system, in the form of war, plagues and famine.

In order to make sure the wage labor system would be the only alternative for the majority in society, the phenomenon of "enclosure"--where, for example, landlords kicked peasants off their traditional lands, forcing workers into the cities to be wage laborers--became synonymous with capitalism's rise.

Over time, food, clothing and housing all became commodities, to be paid for in money. The growing working class competed for jobs, which gave capitalists their most effective tool in controlling wages. Workers who feared being replaced could be forced to work longer hours in degrading conditions just to make starvation wages.

Marx described this as "wage slavery": "The Roman slave was held by chains; the wage-laborer is bound to his owner by invisible threads."

The threads are invisible because workers aren't directly expropriated of a portion of what they produce. By contrast, capitalists pay workers what is supposed to be "a fair pay for a fair day's work"--only workers are paid a fraction of the value they produce, and the capitalists pocket the difference.

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PROFITS AREN'T just the source of luxury lifestyles for the capitalists. Unlike feudalism, capitalists reinvest their profits in more machinery, warehouses, raw materials and wages. Newer technology enables workers to make more products faster, and the capitalist can gain even more surplus value, at least at first. Thus, capitalism has expanded at greater and greater speed over time.

To acquire raw materials and markets to sell to, capitalism drove the expansion of the European empires. In the Americas, gold was extracted and land stolen from the Indigenous. Africans were kidnapped and enslaved in order to produce sugar, cotton and other critical commodities. The civilizations of India and China were subjugated as well, to convert them into markets for European goods and sources of cheap labor.

Without the expansion of "free trade" through campaigns of terror, there would have been neither the raw materials nor the international markets to sustain the rapid growth of European capitalism.

This process reached a new level with the introduction of large-scale industrial machinery and the modern factory. But this in turn gave rise to another essential feature of capitalism--recurring economic crises. In the Communist Manifesto, Marx and Engels and Marx wrote:

Modern bourgeois society, with its relations of production, of exchange and of property, a society that has conjured up such gigantic means of production and of exchange, is like the sorcerer who is no longer able to control the powers of the nether world whom he has called up by his spells...

It is enough to mention the commercial crises that by their periodical return put the existence of the entire bourgeois society on its trial, each time more threateningly. In these crises, a great part not only of the existing products, but also of the previously created productive forces, are periodically destroyed. In these crises, there breaks out an epidemic that, in all earlier epochs, would have seemed an absurdity--the epidemic of overproduction.

Capitalism is capable of producing enough to meet the needs of the entire human population and enable the full development of individual human capabilities. However, since its productive forces are directed toward making profits, the wealth of the few comes before the good of all, even if this means mass suffering.

In The Grapes of Wrath, John Steinbeck described a common scene during the Great Depression:

Carloads of oranges dumped on the ground. The people come for miles to take the fruit, but this could not be. How would they buy oranges if they could drive out and pick them up? And men with hoses squirt kerosene on the oranges...A million people hungry, needing the fruit--and kerosene sprayed over the golden mountains.

And the smell of rot fills the country.

Capitalist crises are the result of material abundance subordinated to the drive for profit. Working-class people are the living source of that profit, yet they can't share in the abundance.

But by organizing together, workers have the power to challenge the system and ultimately to win an alternative society, based on the democratic organization and fair distribution of that material abundance. That is socialism.

Read this article:

Where did capitalism come from? - Socialist Worker Online

By the 1880s the post-slavery institutionalization of national oppression and economic exploitation of people of African descent was well underway in the United States.

Although a series of presidential orders, constitutional amendments and legislative measures enacted during 1862-1875 sought to breakdown the legal basis for the enslavement of African people, these actions were restricted by the entrenched interests of both the militarily defeated Southern planters and the emerging Northern industrialists, the two factions of the American ruling class which fought bitterly between 1861-65 for dominance over the economic system which would determine the future of society for the remaining decades of the 19th century.

President Abraham Lincoln, who was assassinated at the conclusion of the Civil War in April 1865, had no definitive plan for a post-slavery reconstruction of republican democracy as it related to African people. The Emancipation Proclamation was essentially a war document designed to undermine the political and economic basis of the South and its secessionist aims designed to preserve slavery as a system of exploitation, oppression and social containment.

The 13th Amendment to the Constitution passed in 1865 declared that involuntary servitude was prohibited unless carried out against people who are incarcerated. Nonetheless, state laws passed by the planter class in the readmitted Confederate states were designed to reinstitute slavery just the same through the mass criminalization and imprisonment of African labor power.

In 1868, the 14th Amendment was passed by Congress ostensibly to grant Africans the rights of citizenship through the application of due process, equal treatment under the legal system and access to public facilities. Later in 1870, the 15th Amendment was drafted and passed to enshrine the right to vote for African men as well as to hold public office.

In a general sense the process of the reversal of the gains of Federal Reconstruction began in the aftermath of the 1876 elections where a split within the electorate created the necessity for the Hayes-Tilden Compromise. The Republican Party candidate Rutherford B. Hayes was allowed to take the presidential office in exchange for the withdrawal of federal troops from the South.

Consequently, a process of re-enslavement in fact continued throughout the 1880s to the beginning of the 20th century. Africans resisted the imposition of the black codes and other pseudo-legalistic forms of racial dominance. In response the whites established work camps through penal administration and extra-legal methods such as economic sanctions and lynching.

It has been reported that Anna Julia Haywood was born into slavery on August 10, 1858 in Raleigh, North Carolina. Her mother, Hannah Stanley Haywood, was an African woman. The identity of her father was never clear due to the legacy of slavery and the exploitation of African women. Many white slave owners, male members of their families and employees routinely sexually assaulted and exploited African women. The paternity of these offspring was often denied by the perpetrators. These children of African women were subjected to the same degree of discrimination and repression as others who were not of mixed ancestry.

The mother of Anna J. Haywood was said to have been illiterate and therefore encouraged learning for her daughter. By the age of nine, Haywood was attending the St. Augustines College, an institution designed for former enslaved Africans. She studied in the fields of math, Greek and philosophy. Overcoming gender barriers, she persisted in excelling in the curriculum exclusively designed for males.

Haywood academic achievements landed her a position as a teacher at the school. She would later marry another instructor named George Cooper, a teacher of Greek and the second African American in North Carolina to be ordained as an Episcopal minister. Haywood took a leave of absence from the education profession for two years until her husband died suddenly.

Returning to her academic pursuits, she would study at Oberlin College in Ohio earning a bachelors degree in mathematics in 1884. Three years later in 1887, Cooper completed a masters degree and returned to teaching math, Greek, Latin and science. She also became a renowned public speaker.

It was in 1892 that Cooper would produce her seminal work entitled A Voice from the South: By a Black Woman of the South. The book is considered a milestone in African womens social and political philosophy.

Undergirding the thesis laid out in the text is the belief that African American women are most capable of achieving higher levels of education. In addition, the education of women and their involvement in public life would make a monumental contribution to not only African American communities but U.S. society as a whole. The harnessing and unleashing of the enlightened power of women would transform historical processes leading to greater awareness of human potentialities.

A chapter in this book entitled Higher Education of Women, asserts

Now I claim that it is the prevalence of the Higher Education among women, the making it a common everyday affair for women to reason and think and express their thought, the training and stimulus which enable and encourage women to administer to the world the bread it needs as well as the sugar it cries for; in short it is the transmitting the potential forces of her soul into dynamic factors that has given symmetry and completeness to the worlds agencies. So only could it be consummated that Mercy, the lesson she teaches, and Truth, the task man has set himself, should meet together: that righteousness, or rightness, mans ideal,and peace, its necessary other half, should kiss each other. (Cooper, p. 57)

Nonetheless, the woman question in the U.S. is linked with the problems of racism and national oppression. The African American woman faces discrimination on the basis of national origin as well as gender and social class.

Cooper surmises in The Voice from the South on the issue of racial oppression:

We would not deprecate the fact, then, that America has a Race Problem. It is guaranty of the perpetuity and progress of her institutions, and insures the breadth of her culture and the symmetry of her development. More than all, let us not disparage the factor which the Negro is appointed to contribute to that problem. America needs the Negro for ballast if for nothing else. His tropical warmth and spontaneous emotionalism may form no unseemly counterpart to the cold and calculating Anglo-Saxon. And then his instinct for law and order, his inborn respect for authority, his inaptitude for rioting and anarchy, his gentleness and cheerfulness as a laborer, and his deep-rooted faith in God will prove indispensable and invaluable elements in a nation menaced as America is by anarchy, socialism, communism, and skepticism poured in with all the jail birds from the continents of Europe and Asia. I believe with our own Dr. Crummell that the Almighty does not preserve, rescue, and build up a lowly people merely for ignoble ends. And the historian of American civilization will yet congratulate this country that she has had a Race Problem and that descendants of the black race furnished one of its largest factors. (pp. 173-4)

Laying the groundwork for broader intervention in the international situation, Cooper later addressed the World Congress of Representative Women in May 1893. The event was held in conjunction with the World Columbian Exposition (the Chicago World Fair). There were 81 meetings held on the conditions of women spoken to by 500 women from 27 different countries.

This Worlds Congress of Representative Women was organized, funded and publicized through the womens branch of the Worlds Congress Auxiliary. This section of the Chicago gathering was directed by the President of the Womens Auxiliary Bertha Honor Palmer, the wife of wealthy Chicago retailer Potter Palmer. The mens section of the Auxiliary ran seventeen departments and convened over 100 panels including discussions related to political, social and technical affairs. The womens division organized one phase of the event. Out of all the congresses activities held by men at the Worlds Columbian Exposition, the Worlds Congress of Representative Women attained the largest attendance.

A number of leading African American women presented papers at the Congress of Representative Women including Hallie Quinn Brown, who was born in Pittsburg in 1849 to free African parents. She earned a bachelors degree at Wilberforce University in Ohio. Brown later went on to teach and administer at Allen University in South Carolina and Tuskegee Institute in Alabama. She would become a professor at Wilberforce.

Brown was a leading force in the founding of the National Association of Colored Womens Clubs (NACWC). The organization grew out of a merger of other similar groups concerned with womens suffrage, an end to lynching and the end of racial oppression.

Other African American women presenters were Fannie Barrier Williams, born in 1855 in New York State. Barrier Williams earned a bachelors degree from Brockport College, a division of the State University. Despite her educational achievements for the period, she was subjected to severe racial discrimination.

Barrier Williams was an advocate for the social and political advancement of African American people through community activism, professional achievement and the acquisition of the vote for women. She would marry S. Laing Williams, an attorney, and they later settled in the city of Chicago.

At the World Congress of Representative Women in Chicago, Williams presented a paper entitled The Intellectual Progress of the Colored Women of the United States Since the Emancipation Proclamation. She also delivered a paper to the World Parliament of Religions entitled What Can Religion Further Do to Advance the condition of the American Negro?

In the address to the World Parliament of Religions, she decried the segregation of churches and spoke on the ability of sacred institutions to bring about change within American society.

She was a co-founder of the National League of Colored Women, which eventually became the National Association of Colored Womens Clubs (NACWC).

Fanny Jackson Coppin also spoke at the gathering. She was born into slavery in 1837 in Washington, D.C. and later attended Oberlin College where she became an educator. Later she would be employed as a teacher in Philadelphia where she instructed in Greek, Latin and mathematics.

Another African American woman who spoke at the 1893 World Congress was Sarah Jane Woodson Early. She was born as a free African in 1825 in Ohio where her parents had settled after being liberated from slavery. She was educated at Oberlin College and later taught at Wilberforce, becoming the first African person to teach at a Historically Black College and University (HBCU).

Woodson Earlys paper delivered at the Chicago Congress was entitled The Organized Efforts of the Colored Women of the South to Improve Their Condition. In previous years Early held the position as national superintendent (18881892) of the African American section of the Womens Christian Temperance Union (WCTU). She delivered over 100 lectures in five states. The public speaker authored a biographical sketch of her husbands life focusing on his liberation from enslavement making a contribution to a number of such narratives published after the conclusion of the Civil War.

Finally, in relationship to the World Congress of Representative Women, a paper presented by Frances E.W. Harper entitled Womans Political Future, was one of the most notable. Born in 1825 in Baltimore, Harper was a published poet even during the era of antebellum slavery. She was born a free African but pursued a career of advocacy for the abolition of involuntary servitude and womens suffrage.

Her speech was indicative of some within the womens movement including African Americans who also spoke in favor of the need for literacy as a prerequisite to access to the ballot. She was as well an official in the WCTU. The notion of literacy and voting rights would become controversial during the proceeding decades of the 20th century since this was one mechanism utilized to deny the vote to millions of African Americans in the South.

Although many of the references to educational achievement, economic self-reliance, sobriety, and religious adherence, suggests that the influence of western bourgeois values informed the thinking and organizational approaches to the leading African American women intellectuals and activists, however what must be taken into consideration is the contradiction of the overall social conditions created by the failure of Reconstruction during the previous decades.

A profit-driven system of institutional racism and national oppression required the super-exploitation of the African people. They were systematically denied access to education, adequate wages, quality housing and opportunities within the labor market. The criminalization of the rural and urban communities across the U.S. represented through law-enforcement key aspects of the repressive mechanism which served the capitalist system.

Knowing and acknowledging that there would be in all likelihood no assistance from the federal government and the corporations in regard to alleviating the social conditions of the masses of workers and farmers, African Americans out of necessity were compelled to create their own institutions to foster social reproduction and to ensure survival. Consequently, there was a strong emphasis on self-improvement through education, personal discipline and the adoption of what was perceived societal norms during this period in history.

Nonetheless, the anti-lynching crusader Ida B. Wells would expose the fallacy of the myths of the criminally-driven over-sexed Black man who was a threat to the sanctity of white womanhood. When Wells wrote in an editorial for her paper the Free Speech and Headlight that in many cases white women sought social relations with African American men she was subjected to threats and the destruction of her offices in Memphis in 1893.

Born in Holly Springs, Mississippi in 1862 as an enslaved African child, Wells parents instilled in her a sense of pride and yearning for education. Her parents died in the late 1870s during the yellow fever epidemic which hit northern Mississippi and Southwest Tennessee.

Wells went to Memphis to live with relatives and became a school teacher in the Shelby County school system. She would file a lawsuit against the Chesapeake, Ohio Railroad Company in 1884 for discrimination after being ejected from a train in Woodstock, Tennessee because she refused to move out of the ladys coach. Prevailing in the lower courts and winning a judgement, the railroad line appealed to the Tennessee Supreme Court which ruled in favor of Chesapeake, Ohio, overturning the settlement won earlier by Wells.

In later years Wells became well known as a public school teacher and newspaper editor. She was eventually relieved of her duties with the school system after criticizing the inferior education provided to African American students.

Wells had protested the lynching of three African American men in Memphis in 1892 whom were guilty of only defending themselves against a lawless white racist mob. A subsequent boycott of the street car services, white-owned businesses and a mass exodus of Black people from Memphis to Oklahoma, served to create the conditions as well for Wells to be driven out of the city.

Wells intervened in opposing the terms under which the Columbian Exposition was held in Chicago. African American organizations, churches and newspapers had called for a boycott of the Worlds Fair in 1893. The community was demanding positions on the board of directors and planning committees designing the project. These legitimate requests were rejected by the ruling class interests involved in the project. Eventually some concessions were made although many remained dissatisfied and refused to attend.

Prior to the beginning of the Chicago Worlds Fair, a document was edited and published by Wells with the majority contributions written by her along with other sections by Frederick Douglass, Ferdinand L. Barnett and I. Garland Penn. This attack on the Worlds Fair was released as a pamphlet entitled The Reason Why: The Colored American is not in the Worlds Columbian Exposition, the Afro-Americans Contribution to Columbian Literature.

In the preface to The Reason Why, Wells notes that: Columbia has bidden the civilized world to join with her in celebrating the four-hundredth anniversary of the discovery of America, and the invitation has been accepted. At Jackson Park are shown exhibits of her natural resources, and her progress in the arts and sciences, which would best illustrate her moral greatness has been ignored. The exhibit of the progress made by a race in 25 years of freedom as against 250 years of slavery, would have been the greatest tribute to the greatness and progressiveness of American institutions which could have been shown the world. The colored people of this great Republic number eight millions more than one-tenth the whole population of the United States. They were among the earliest settlers of this continent, landing at Jamestown, Virginia in 1619 in a slave ship, before the Puritans, who landed at Plymouth in 1620.

They have contributed a large share to American prosperity and civilization. The labor of one-half of this country has always been, and is still being done through them. The first credit this country had in its trade with foreign nations was created by productions resulting from their labor. The wealth created by their industry has made it possible for them to make the most of their progress in education, art, science, industry and invention.

Wells continues saying:

Those visiting the Worlds Columbian Exposition who know these facts, especially foreigners will naturally ask: Why are not the colored people, who constitute so large an element of the American population, and who have contributed so much to American greatness, more visibly Present and better represented in this Worlds Exposition? Why are they not taking part in this glorious celebration of the four hundredth anniversary of the discovery of their country? Are they so dull and stupid as to feel no interest in this great event? As far as possible, this exhibition has been published.

Throughout the pages of this pamphlet, documented proof of the exclusion, exploitation and repression of the African American people are laid out for examination. Wells had returned from a speaking tour of England, Wales and Scotland in 1893 while the Worlds Fair was already underway. It appears in the existing evidence that Wells did not address the participants of the Columbian Exposition. However, through the publication of the document her voice was heard loud and clear.

In highlighting the dangerous situation facing the African American people, Wells recounted many extra-judicial mob killings throughout the U.S. She writes on the March 1892 atrocities against the three men which were never punished by the courts.

Taken directly from chapter four entitled Lynch Law, Wells says: A lynching equally as cold-blooded took place in Memphis, Tennessee, March, 1892. Three young colored men in an altercation at their place of business, fired on white men in self-defense. They were imprisoned for three days, then taken out by the mob and horribly shot to death. Thomas Moss, Will Stewart and Calvin McDowell, were energetic business men who had built up a flourishing grocery business. Their business had prospered and that of a rival white grocer named Barrett had declined. Barrett led the attack on their grocery which resulted in the wounding of three white men. For this cause were three innocent men barbarously lynched, and their families left without protectors. Memphis is one of the leading cities of Tennessee, a town of seventy-five thousand inhabitants! No effort whatever was made to punish the murderers of these three men.

It counted for nothing that the victims of this outrage were three of the best known young men of a population of thirty thousand colored people of Memphis. They were the officers of the company which conducted the grocery: Moss being the President, Stewart the Secretary of the Company and McDowell the Manager. Moss was in the Civil Service of the United States as a carrier, and all three were men of splendid reputation for honesty, integrity and sobriety. But their murderers, though well-known, have never been counted, were not even troubled with a preliminary examination.

Douglass although submitting an article for The Reason Why, was in attendance and delivered an address. Within those aspects of the Exposition which focused on the affairs of African people some administrative control was relinquished. The formerly self-emancipated enslaved African turned abolitionist and propagandist in opposition to slavery as early as the 1840s, Douglass, was placed as the administrator over the Colored American Day.

Despite the concessions related to Douglass, an article on this opposition to the Columbian Exposition written by Christopher Robert Reed of Roosevelt University in 1999 emphasizes the role of Wells and others recounting: Nonetheless, some prominent African Americans declined to appear, such as the renowned coloratura soprano, Sissieretta Jones, known as the Black Patti. Whether it was a matter of contractual misunderstanding or support for the boycott, she nonetheless canceled her appearance. Ida B. Wells stayed away from the celebration but retroactively reversed her assessment both of the propriety of staging the event and of its value to racial progress. Originally motivated by a whimsical impulse, it appeared she responded to favorable white newspaper accounts to the event, especially in the Inter Ocean, by later seeking out Douglass at the Haytian Pavilion. There, she apologized to the grand old man for placing her youthful exuberance before the qualities of racial leadership he had displayed in deciding to participate. African Methodist Episcopal Bishops Benjamin Arnett and Henry McNeal Turner absented themselves from the event while two of the organizing committees vice presidents also avoided the event. Former U. S. Representative John Mercer Langston skipped the event after having urged Chicago audiences previously that they should follow his lead.

During the course of the time in which the Columbia Exposition was being held, there was another historical gathering which took place known as the Chicago Congress on Africa. This gathering is referred to by some as the First Pan-African Conference or Congress in world history. The event took place in several areas of the city of Chicago including venues associated with the Exposition and others which were not.

It was during this period that the rise of colonialism in Africa was intensifying at a rapid rate. Just nine years before the Berlin Conference was held in Germany which divided the continent up as political spheres of economic influence by Europe and the U.S.

The impact of the Atlantic Slave Trade from the 15th through the second half of the 19th centuries had set the stage for the rise of colonialism in Africa, Central America, South America and the Caribbean. However, there was a long time commitment among African Americans to either repatriate to the continent or to play some role in its reconstruction from slavery and colonialism.

This was reflected in the mass outpouring surrounding the Chicago Congress on Africa. Reed illustrates:

From August 14, 1893, to August 21, 1893 probably the largest number of African American participants in a worlds fair event assembled as part of the Congress on Africa, or as it was sometimes referred to, the Congress on African Ethnology, or the Congress on the Negro. Its eight-day length included a citywide Sunday session that entered the sanctuaries and pulpits of scores of churches, so thousands of interested church congregants listened to information on the status of the global African population. Identified fully for what it was, the Congress on Africa combined the intellectual with the ideological, religious, philosophical and scientific to formulate an agenda facilitating, in effect, a dualistic American African public policy on the status of continental and Diaspora Africans.

Well known political figures such as Edward Wilmot Blyden, a repatriated African born in the Caribbean and living in Liberia, along with Booker T. Washington of Tuskegee Institute in Alabama, had been anticipated to attend and present papers, however neither appeared at the gathering. Nevertheless, there were papers delivered on The African in America; Liberia as a Factor in the Progress of the Negro Race; and a very challenging presentation entitled What Do American Negroes Owe to Their Kin Beyond the Sea.

Bishop Henry McNeal Turner of the African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church was joined with Bishop Alexander Walters of the African Methodist Episcopal Zion (AMEZ) and Alexander Crummell of the Episcopal Church. Turner during the Chicago Congress advanced the notions of the African origins of humanity and civilization.

He also strongly advocated for the repatriation of Africans to the continent as a means of exercising self-determination and nation-building. Turner had stated several months prior to the Congress that France was enhancing its territorial ambitions towards Africa, particularly Liberia, being a major factor in the colonization of the continent.

This Congress provided the impetus for another Pan-African Conference held in Atlanta, Georgia two years later in 1895. This gathering was sponsored by the Steward Missionary Foundation for Africa of the Gammon Theological Seminary. This meeting was attended by John Henry Smyth, who was the minister resident and consul general to Liberia.

In his paper presented to the Atlanta conference, Smyth emphasized that:

European contact has brought in its train not merely the sacrifice, amid unspeakable horrors, of the lives and liberties of twenty million Negroes for the American market alone, but political disintegration, social anarchy, moral and physical debasements.

Two years after the Atlanta meeting, the African Association (AA) was formed in Britain on September 24, 1897 led by Barrister Henry Sylvester Williams, who was born in Trinidad. Minkah Makalani of Rutgers University wrote of the AA noting:

[T]he Trinidadian barrister Henry Sylvester Williams began thinking about a political movement organized around a series of conferences that would draw representatives of the African race from all the parts of the world. In September 1897, Williams established the African Association (AA) to encourage a feeling of unity [and] facilitate friendly intercourse among Africans, and promote and protect the interests of all subjects claiming African descent, wholly or in part, in British Colonies and other place, especially in Africa. Based in London, the AA published studies, news reports, and appeals to Imperial and local governments. The AAs leadership came from throughout the African diaspora: Rev. H. Mason Joseph of Antigua served as chairman; T. J. Thompson of Sierra Leone was deputy chairman, while the South African woman A. V. Kinloch was treasurer. As honorary secretary, Williams quickly directed the African Association into politics. In October of that year, he submitted a petition to Joseph Chamberlain, secretary of state for the colonies, to include a clause in the Rhodesian constitution to protect native Africans interests, respect their customs, create industrial schools, and teach a simple and true Christianity. News of the African Associations lobbying British government and members of parliament on behalf of Africans spread throughout the continent and served as the basis for enthusiastic response from Africans toward the organization.

Inns of Court law students Henry Sylvester Williams of Trinidad and Thomas John Thompson of Sierra Leone are often recognized as the principal organizers of the Pan-African Conference held in London during July 1900. This conference, which is also characterized as the First Pan-African Congress, was attended by Dr. W.E.B. DuBois, the Harvard graduate in history who wrote his Ph.D. dissertation at Harvard in 1896 on the Suppression of the African Slave Trade.

However, the formation of the African Association (AA) which organized the Pan-African Conference of July 1900, was encouraged by the work of a South African woman, Alice V. Kinloch, originally from Natal. It is possible that Kinloch traveled to Britain in 1895 with her mixed race husband Edmund, the offspring of a Scottish man and his Zulu wife. Edmund Kinloch had worked in the mining industry in South Africa.

In 1897, Kinloch met H.R. Fox Bourne, the Secretary of the Aborigines Rights Protection Society (ARPS) and was invited to deliver a lecture on the conditions of African workers in the mining industry in South Africa. A series of lectures were given in early May 1897 and attended by a large audiences at the Central Hall, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, the Friends Meeting House in York, and in Manchester. (David Killingray, South African Historical Journal, Vol. 64, Issue 3, Aug. 2012)

The theme for these discussions was The Ill treatment of the Natives throughout South Africa, but principally on the Compound System as Obtains throughout the Mining Districts. Mrs. Kinloch addressed a meeting in Newcastle on May 3, in York on May 4, and the following day in Manchester.

At the Newcastle-upon-Tyne gathering a resolution was passed emphasizing: that this meeting having heard the statements of the present position from Mrs. Kinloch and Mr. Fox Bourne, calls upon Her Majestys Government to take such action as shall effectually stop the cruel and violent measures by which the native races in South Africa and elsewhere are being deprived of their lands and liberty. Later the same year, Kinloch was invited by Jane Cobden Onwin to address the Writers Club in London, where her address, Are South African Diamonds Worth their Cost?, was eventually published as a pamphlet by the Labour Press in Manchester under the authorship of A.V. Alexander, her maiden name.

Williams in his correspondence to Harriette Colenso, written in June 1899, he conveys that The Association is the result of Mrs. Kinlochs work in England and the feeling that as British subjects we ought to be heard in our own affairs. After the convening of the Pan-African Conference in 1900, the following year, Williams returned to Trinidad and Emmanuel Lazare, who introduced Williams at a public meeting in Port of Spain, recounted Kinlochs pivotal role in the founding of the AA.

In an article published in the Quaker weekly, Alice Kinloch acknowledged that

with some men of my race in this country, I have formed a society for the benefit of our people in AfricaI think the time has come for us to bear some of our responsibilities, and in so doing we will help the Aborigines Protection Society. I am trying to educate people in this country in regard to the iniquitous laws made for blacks in South Africa.

Alice and Edmund Kinloch returned to South Africa in February 1898 and therefore were not present for the Pan-African Conference of 1900. Coming out of the London gathering was a further consolidation of the AA, which changed its name to the Pan-African Association (PAA). The organization published a short-lived journal called The Pan-African.

Two women who did present papers at the 1900 Pan-African Conference were Anna Julia Cooper whose topic was The Negro Problem in America. Another woman, Anna H. Jones of Missouri, was a leader in the State chapter of the NACWC. She delivered a paper on The Preservation of Racial Equality.

Williams returned to Britain to complete his examinations and was qualified as a lawyer. He practiced in the Cape Colony of South Africa during 1903-1905, becoming the first person of African descent under the colonial system to be admitted to the bar. Having taken a position against the racist colonial system, Williams was eventually banned from practicing law in South Africa and went back to live in Britain where he became involved in electoral politics.

He died in1911 in Trinidad at the relatively young age of 42. Williams death would place a damper on the development of the Pan-African Movement. Nevertheless as result of the rise of industrialization and the mass migration it fostered, African people were dislocated and dispersed into many other areas of the world.

The advent of World War I would spark a renewed sense of national consciousness and internationalism. In 1919, following the conclusion of the War and the negotiations surrounding the Treaty of Versailles, DuBois and others reactivated the Pan-African struggle through the convening of the Pan-African Congress in Paris.

Addie Waites Hunton was a central figure in the development of the Pan-African Movement during this period. She was born in 1866 in Norfolk, Virginia to Jesse and Adeline Waites.

Waites earned a high school diploma at the Boston Latin School and in 1889 became the first African American woman to graduate from Spencerian College of Commerce in Philadelphia.

She would marry William Alpheus Hunton, Sr. in 1893. Hunton was a pioneer in the Young Mens Christian Associations (YMCA) work among Africans in the U.S.

The family moved to Atlanta, Georgia after their marriage, where Addie worked as a secretary at Clark College. Later in the aftermath of the 1906 race terror leveled against the African American community, the Huntons relocated to New York City. Between the years of 1906-1910, Addie Hunton worked as a staff organizer for the NACWC. In addition, she was a proponent of womens suffrage advocating in the campaign for the ratification of the 19th amendment which granted the right to vote to white women. Hunton urged leaders in the white womens movement to also support the abolition of disenfranchisement of African people as a whole in the U.S.

During the U.S. involvement in World War I, which came late towards the end of the imperialist conflagration, Hunt along with Kathryn Johnson, served on behalf of the YMCA in Paris, assisting the hundreds of thousands of African American troops deployed there. Hunton and Johnson published a book about their observations and experiences in France entitled Two Colored Women With the American Expeditionary Force (AEF) released in 1920.

This book provides first-hand accounts of the horrendous conditions that the African American troops were subjected to during their terms of service in France. There was widespread discrimination by the U.S. armed forces where Black soldiers were routinely denied food, medical treatment and access to public accommodations.

Hunton attended the Pan-African Congress organized by W.E.B. Du Bois in Paris. The event has been labelled the Second Congress by historians. Du Bois requested the intervention of a Senegalese parliamentarian for the French assembly Blaise Diagne in order for the gathering to be held.

According to Du Bois:

Diagne secured the consent of Clemenceau to our holding a Pan-African Congress, but we then encountered the opposition of most of the countries in the world to allowing delegates to attend. Few could come from Africa; passports were refused to American Negroes and English whites. The Congress therefore, which met in 1919, was confined to those representatives of African groups who happened to be stationed in Paris for various reasons. This Congress represented Africa partially. Of the fifty-seven delegates from fifteen countries, nine were from African countries with twelve delegates. Of the remaining delegates, sixteen were from the United States and twenty-one from the West Indies. (Andrew G. Paschal, Editor, A W.E.B. Du Bois Reader, 1971, p. 242)

In addition to the participation of Addie W. Hunton, another African American woman, Ida Gibbs Hunt, the daughter of a U.S. diplomat who had been stationed in Madagascar, delivered a paper at the 1919 Congress. Ida Alexander Gibbs was born November 16, 1862 in Victoria, British Columbia in Canada.

Gibbs later attended and earned both bachelors and masters degrees from Oberlin College in Ohio in 1884. She became an instructor at the M Street High School in Washington, D.C. Gibbs retired from teaching after marrying career diplomat William Henry Hunt in 1904.

Although she traveled with her husband in his diplomatic assignments, she continued the activism in the areas of civil rights, womens affairs and Pan-Africanism. An entry on the Black Past website notes: In 1905, she joined a handful of black women in founding the first Young Womens Christian Association (YWCA) in Washington, D.C. for African Americans. She participated in the Niagara Movement, the Femmes de France, the Bethel Literary Society, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), the Washington Welfare Association, the Womens International League of Peace and Freedom, and the Red Cross. (http://www.blackpast.org/aah/hunt-ida-alexander-gibbs-1862-1957)

This same biography continues saying:

While traveling abroad with her husband, Ida Gibbs Hunt published various articles and wrote reviews on literary and cultural themes. She also wrote and gave speeches in support of peace, womens suffrage, and civil rights for African Americans. She was able to promote her ideals internationally, an influence no doubt from her husband and father who had been diplomats. Ida Hunt was the assistant secretary for the Second Pan-African Congress in Paris in 1919. She delivered a paper entitled The Coloured Races and the League of Nations at the Third Pan-African Congress in London in 1923 and co-chaired the Conferences Executive Committee with W.E.B. DuBois. Ida Gibbs Hunt died in Washington, D.C. on Dec. 19, 1957.

1919 was a tumultuous year in the U.S. as it relates to race relations. A series of race riots occurred with the largest and most deadly being in Chicago, Illinois. African American troops who had served in France were not about to suffer the same indignations as their ancestors. Out of the 1919 disturbances came a plethora of political, cultural and literary outpourings popularly known as the Harlem Renaissance.

Marcus Garvey, the Jamaican-born Pan-African propagandist and organizer, established his headquarters in New York City after coming to the U.S. in 1916. By 1920, his organization, the Universal Negro Improvement Association and the African Communities League (UNIA-ACL) had gained the membership and support of millions throughout the U.S. the Caribbean and Central America.

In 1921, Du Bois sought to organize another Pan-African Congress, known as the second, through a succession of meetings in London, Brussels and Paris. The editor of the Crisis Magazine of the NAACP, worked to build a broader representation for the movement. He would invite people from various geo-political regions of the world to the meetings that did convene in England, Belgium and France during August and September of that year.

At the meeting there were 113 delegates who attended, forty-one of which originated from the African continent, thirty-five from the U.S., twenty-four living in Europe and seven more with Caribbean nationalities. Much emphasis was placed on condemning the atrocities committed by the Belgian colonial authorities in Congo where millions were slaughtered during the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

By 1923, Addie W. Hunton had focused her attention on the world peace movement seeing a direct link between the ending of imperialist war and national liberation of the colonial territories as well as the African American people. A secretariat was established in Paris in the aftermath of the 1921 Congress which gained limited success. By 1923, the funding for the Pan-African Movement was largely carried out by the International Womens Circle for Peace and Foreign Relations which made it possible for Du Bois to travel to London and Lisbon for the holding of the Third Pan-African Congress.

Du Bois sought to hold another Pan-African Congress, considered the fourth, in 1925. However, the venture gained insufficient support for it to be realized. The Circle for Peace and Foreign Relations took up the cause in 1925 pledging to raise the funds for the convening of the Fourth Congress in New York City in August 1927.

Du Bois was forced to admit in 1955 that: In 1927, American Negro women revived the Congress idea and a fourth Pan-African Congress was held in New York. Thirteen countries were represented, but direct African participation lagged. There were two hundred eight delegates from twenty-two American states and ten foreign countries. Africa was sparsely represented by representatives from the Gold Coast, Sierra Leone, Liberia and Nigeria, Chief Amoah II of the Gold Coast, and Anthropologist like Herskovits, then at Columbia, and Mensching of Germany and John Vandercook were on the program. (Du Bois taken from Pan-Africanism: A Mission in My Life, 1955)

In an article published by the New York Amsterdam News on August 23, it reported: For the afternoon the Congress considered African Missions, with Coralie Franklin Cook in the chair. Helen Curtis gave the principal address, in which the missionary opportunities were stressed. She believes that the responsibility of Africas redemption rests with the Negro race in America. She pleaded that hard economic opportunities and climatic conditions as arresting agents of the natives progress. She thought that the churches carrying on missionary labors ought to be diligent in sending supplies and money promptly and ought to pay the workers living wage.

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Post Slavery Feminist Thought and the Pan-African Struggle (1892-1927): From Anna J. Cooper to Addie W. Hunton - Center for Research on Globalization

Gov. Tom Wolf has been urging lawmakers to raise the minimum wage since his campaign days. On Tuesday, he took matters into his own hands.

His 2017-18 executive budget proposal calls for raising the minimum wage from $7.25 to $12 an hour.

Advocates say the two-thirds increase would make it easier for families to earn life-sustaining pay.

Critics say it will force business owners to slash staff rosters or raise prices.

I love when my employees are making more money. Theyre more well-off. Theyre happier, said Joe Fasula, owner of Scranton-based Gerritys Supermarkets. But the issue is that any increase in wages has to be offset by prices.

Grocers industry-wide operate on a 1 percent to 2 percent margin, he said, and even a 10 percent payroll increase could wipe that out.

Pennsylvania last raised its minimum wage in 2009, in step with the federal standard.

Tried before

In March, Gov. Wolf urged the legislature to raise it to $10.15, but repeated pleas from his office have failed to gain traction.

In his Tuesday budget proposal, Gov. Wolf estimated raising wages would bolster state revenue by about $95 million.

State Rep. Eddie Day Pashinski, D-121, Wilkes-Barre, said higher wages could give relief to those working full-time plus second and third jobs.

In many cases, companies have been raising wages to attract higher-caliber workers.

Recent employment numbers from the state Department of Labor and Industry show Northeast Pennsylvanias labor force is shrinking, which could push wages higher as companies compete for talent.

Full-time employees at Gerritys start at $9 per hour. Only part-time employees who start with no experience in supermarkets make minimum wage, Mr. Fasula said.

Wage slavery

Families might be able to climb just beyond the federal poverty limit if wages reach $12 an hour, said Alex Lotorto, a union delegate with the Industrial Workers of the World, Northeast Pennsylvania chapter, quoting numbers from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology Department of Urban Studies and Planning.

Every neighboring state has increased their minimum wage, but Pennsylvania lingers in wage slavery at $7.25 per hour, he said.

Its too early to tell whether the governors proposal is too high or too fast, said Jennifer Kocher, a spokeswoman for Senate Majority Leader Jake Corman, R-34, Centre County.

We are taking all the parts and pieces of the budget and digesting them and (studying) how they fit together what the impact of raising the minimum wage would be on employers, while at the same time, what are the other areas that might be benefiting them, she said.

JEFF HORVATH, staff writer, contributed to this report.

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Wolf budget proposal calls for $12 minimum wage - Scranton Times-Tribune

An anarchist communist approach of the recent protests in Romania

The law, in its majestic equality, forbids rich and poor alike to sleep under bridges, to beg in the streets, and to steal their bread. Anatole France

In the following text we are going to try and express an anarchist communist assessment, in as much a coherent manner as it is possible at the present time, of the recent protests against some of the decisions made by the governing party and the manner in which these were perceived as an atack on the rule of law, the post-state capitalist trajectory of Romania, and on the progress made in the last 27 years.

In a few words, we are of the opinion the we are witnessing to a war for power inside the state between representatives of the political class and the hard-power institutions of the state, and that this event does not provide for an interesting subject for the working class and its self-emancipation. The way we see things the main actors of these protests are on the one side the numerous members of the so-called middle class, president Iohannis, and some of the repressive institutions of the state, such as the secret service, DNA (National Anti-corruption Department), and so on, and on the other side PSD (Social Democratic Party) and the political class as a whole. The reason we say this is a war involving the entire political class, and not just PSD, is that despite the oposition parties stating different for reasons regarding electoral interests, we consider that the struggle is carried in these terms. We consider this to be a struggle between rival factions because the legislative changes made by the ruling party are trying to eliminate some legal instruments that have been used by the aforementioned repressive institutions in order to exert control over the politicians in the last decade, in many cases commiting abuse while acting in this manner.

At the same time we are not denying the fact that among the people protesting in the streets, one can find many working class members, many dispossessed people, and generaly people that cant be counted among the winners of the transition to market capitalism. The reason for this might be the mass-media intoxication and the general pro-capital speech that has dominated the romanian society for the last 27 years. Another factor that can be taken into consideration, and which cannot be ignored, is the total lack of a credible alternative able to support the cause of the working class. Many statements, many actions are definitely inconsistent at this moment, and for this reason we can not express a final approach, capable of taking all factors into consideration.

The middle class; the beautiful young people (this term is used regularly to describe the young middle class people which are presented as taking care of the future of the country and moving the country in a positive, european, western direction; the opposite of this segment is usually made up of poor pensioners, and people on welfare, which are associated en masse with the communist times and make the electoral base of the Social Democratic Party)

The romanian middle class is composed of those parts of the population that have an above average standard of living, that have hope for achieving a standard of living similar to that of their counterparts in the Western world, and that generally subscribe to the whole perception of civilised progress that the western colonial capitalist culture stands for. Although many of them remain wage slaves, some of them have the possibility to acumulate important capital, others not, their class betrayal shows itself in their aspirations to join the ranks of the bourgeoisie, with which they identify themselves.

Their class consciousness resumes to that of soon to be bourgeoisie, or of temporary embarassed bourgeoisie. Another important feature of the romanian middle class is its total contempt for the working class masses and the poor, which they associate with communism (state capitalism), material scarcity, and the reasons for why their path to joining the ranks of the bourgeoisie is so wavy. Inside the ranks of this class, the most active elements are the urban, westernised ones (they desire a country like in the West), which can often be described by their affiliation with both the multinational corporations operating in Romania, and the NGO industrial complex, where they are payed above average.

The Social Democratic Party party of the corrupt

PSD is a political party that is no different in any important fashion from other european parties that lay claims to a social-democratic tradition (a reformist and capitalist tradition, but this is an entirely different discussion). One can hardly say that PSD is a more corrupt party, or that is different in a profund manner from other parties both in the past, or in the present. Because we do not wish to talk of PSD as a neoliberal party (although it definitely is), in the sense that a political party takes more care of the interests of capital, than of those of the workers the opposite of this was bassicaly never true, the pre-neoliberal exceptions in the so called welfare western states having more to do with the historical conditions in which capitalism found itself at the end of WWII) we shall refer to it as a political party whose traditional electoral base was made up of both large parts of the working class, and the most dispossessed sections of the romanian society.

Heir of the National Salvation Front (the descendant of the former single rulling party), like other parties PSD also enabled the primitive accumulation process that started after the former regime was overthrown when the country moved in the direction of a capitalist market economy. During PSD rule many privatisations took place, new markets were created for investments, many lay offs and social spending cuts were made. Looking at things from this angle it is difficult to point to clear differences between PSD and other ruling parties since the 90s, considering this was the main line adopted by all governments, one that was concerned in furthering the interests of capital (and mostly those of the foreign capital) and that totally ignored the growing precariousness of the working class.

There are many reasons for why PSD is so popular amongst the working class people. One of them is, of course, the fact that there is no other practical alternative that could at least offer the ilusion of focussing its speech on the interest of the lower classes, another one might be the good organizational infrastructure that PSD has in the poorest urban and rural areas. That being said, we think that its possible to identify some differences between the parties, even if not very profound ones. This can be revealed best when we take into consideration the public speech of the former technocratic government as opposed to that expressed by PSD (at least the one they had in the electoral campaign).

The technocratic government, which was run by a highly paid european birocrat, opposed the increase in the minimum wage (which was to be increased to around 920 lei, aprox 200 euro net, one of the smallest in Europe) which was decided by the Ponta government (PSD), and also told the romanian working class that it is too expensive and that wages should be around 2 lei per day (50 euro cents) like it is in other underdeveloped or developing countries. However, PSD promised in the previous electoral campaign an increase in wages and pensions, and also the creation of other social programs a very important one would consist in providing one hot meal per day for every pre-college student (Romania having one of the largest child poverty and extreme poverty rates in Europe). Despite these promises, PSD did not adress the many issues important to its electoral base, and sought to gain votes from traditional voters of the right by promising cuts in taxes and contributions, or the altogether elimination of many.

This strategy proved a winning one, in the last elections PSD reaching outside the borders of its traditional base and managing to get votes from the urban, more educated, previously out of reach portions of the population (an important factor contributing to this event might be the threat of scarcity that its starting to make itself felt in parts of the population that previously considered themselves safe from the moods of capitalism). Far from representing a local type of opposition to the neocolonial regime that dominates the population, PSD might be perceived by the foreign institutions that are ruling de facto the country as being less agreable in some moments than say an outspoken right wing (or technocratic) government willing to center its speech on the interests of capital and the class that mostly represents those interests.

Another direction for PSD comprised of making a nationalist, conservative, traditionalist call aimed both at the explicitly reactionary parts of the population, and at a working class that at this moment is far from understanding the different internal divisions and hierarchies that are imposed and reproduced for the benefit of the rulling class. That being said we should not be so surprised at the position taken by PSD on the side of the crypto-fascist Coalition for the Family, and of its president that expressed his support for a conservative notion of the family, one that excludes same sex marriage, and even the possibility of forming legal partnerships between non-hetero adults. In a few words, PSD is a very capital friendly party, has a very strong nationalist and conservative flavour, doesnt question and doesnt try to oppose the foreign institutions and power structures that have turned the country into a neocolonial subject (such as NATO, IMF, EU, the american Embassy regarding the Embassy it is interesting to witness the local political rulers being called for explanations every time a threat to the american interests in the area is perceived; on another note we are eager for the day when the romanian embassy in Washington will ask for explanations from high officials of the american state, in regards to the direction in which the american state is heading; and so on), but at the same time PSD has a discourse that sometimes might be translated into social policies which is not to be found on the side of the outspoken right-wing parties and which sometimes can bring some minimum temporary benefits for the working class (for example, raising the minimum wage).

Anti-corruption, Iohannis, and the rule of law

A main part of the ideology of anti-corruption is Romanias path towards a western type market capitalist economy and the drawbacks that must be fought. What were trying to say by this is that the main accepted discourse starts from the assumption that the best way to achieve the development of the country is by obliterating its industrial infrastructure, cheapening its qualified and educated work force, maintaining the country attractive for foreign investments (keeping some of the lowest wages in Europe), lowering or eliminating taxes on the profits made here and then exported to western countries. What were describing here is the type of colonial capitalism that rules the country. Whereas corruption is seen as a major obstacle for reaching that type of western capitalism, and that country like in the west. Most of the supporters of the ideology of anti-corruption belong to the middle-class, that privileged portion of the population, which considers anti-corruption in a political form as it was constructed under the Bsescu ten year rule of the country as the main source of its well-being.

That same time period, starting with 2004, marks the more recognisable formation of a middle class segment at the same when the foreign investments of multinational corporations were starting to grow. This, however, for the large part of the population meant more poverty and a bigger exodus of the local work force (again in the benefit of western capital, which had a lot to gain from the wave of cheap labour force that became available after the colapse of the former regimes in Eastern Europe). At an ideological level the middle class considers the brutality of the transition period towards a market capitalist type of economy (a period of capitalist primitive accumulation of plain and simple robbery of public wealth which was handed to private owners) of the 90s to be connected with the corruption of the political regimes that ruled the country in that period. Although between 1996 and 2000 PSD was not part of the government, it is still considered as the main responsible for that dark period, and at the same time it is linked with the pre 90s regime and considered an obstacle for capitalist development. The discourse of the middle class tends to delimit itself from PSD and its electoral base which is considered to be ignorant, precarious, exposed to all the wrongdoings of capitalism, hence an enemy of european values (of capitalist values), of the rule of law and of western culture which are all considered the main source responsible for their well being.

By engaging in electoral giveaways, PSD is actually trying to hide its own corruption and contempt for these european values, making itself guilty of attacking the well being of the privileged parts of the population (by preventing the process of capital accumulation through its corruption and incompetence, and by directing funds to social spending instead of investing in the infrastructure needed for the capitalist exploitation).

President Iohannis, on the other hand, is considered the stuff that the highest values of western culture and civilization are made off. German, former mayor of Sibiu, former highschool teacher and tutor par excellence (when he was asked how he managed to raise enough money to buy all his property since he has always worked in the public sector he responded that he offered a lot of tutoring; he also said that other teachers who didnt manage to do so had bad luck), owner of 6 houses, he is seen as the perfect opposite of the PSD president and its electoral base. By contrast, Dragnea, president of PSD, is looked upon as a provincial, balcanic, corrupt, despotic, uncivilised character. Iohannis is the defender of Romanias european path, the guarantor of the rule of law, of anti-corruption, and of the strategical partnership with the american fascist empire. Basically Iohannis is the enemy of all those things that could stand against the process of capitalist accumulation and against imperialist interests. Not even by far are we saying that Dragnea is somewhat of a defender of the workers struggle for emancipation. Dragnea, as well as the entire political class, represents the interests of the bourgeoisie. But in this kind of terms, or in similar ones, do the representatives of the middle class which is protesting these days express themselves.

The working class

Unlike many people which constitute the tiny and mainly irrelevant world of the romanian left, we state that for the working class the anti-corruption fight is not important, at least not in the sense of gaining freedom from capitalist exploitation and the state domination. When under the guise of fighting corruption we are spectators to a struggle for power between different sides of the state, when no matter who wins this battle the interests of capital and the bourgeoisie are the ones important, when we know that in the capitalist mode of production governments are nothing else but committees for managing the affairs of the rulling class, we state that the emancipation of the working class can only come from the working class. The working class needs to develop consciousness of its own condition and then needs to organise both in the workplace, and in its own communities to put an end to the class domination of the bourgeoisie which is long due to leave the stage of history.

The so-called rule of law is nothing but the political expression of the current social order, a order which is built on the suffering, on the tragedies, poverty, exploitation, on the spirit crushing pressure felt daily by millions of people inside the country and by billions of people on a global scale. For the working class capitalism is the most corrupt system for its daily extortion, for the exploitation of labour power, for its wage slavery that makes victims of all the workers. The historical role of the state is that of ensuring the continuation of class society and the reproduction of capitalism, of making sure that one class is able to live off the work of another class, of doing everthing possible to please the rulling elites. In this sense, the political oppression of the state has to leave the stage at the same time as the capitalist exploitation. However, we cannot help but see how in this struggle for power between parts of the political class and the repressive institutions of the state, the privileged portions of the middle class take the side of the latter. The protesters have no restrains in showing their support and choice for a set of completely undemocratic institutions, totally lacking in transparency, which lack any serious accountability, such as DNA (anti-corruption department). Somehow this thing makes us wonder if their contempt for the popular vote that brought the PSD government and for political parties which might be prone to implementing certain populist measures (social spending, wage increase) could not be viewed as an aversion for some deficiencies of bourgeois democracy, things such as the popular vote. Plenty of voices could be heard during the last days calling to take away the right to vote for the poor population that constitutes the majority of the PSD voters. From an ideological perspective we might ask ourselves if behind this statement of the middle class one could not see a historical tendency towards fascism and authoritarianism from this class, a tendency that expresses itself by a profound contempt for people representing a class they see as inferior (the working class and poor people) and to which they always turn their heads whenever they consider their privileges are in danger and they feel the need to strike.

Link:

The Rule of Law and The Working Class - Anarkismo.net

The Governments system of permits for migrant fishing workers is legitimising slavery, a trade union official told a meeting in Liberty Hall, Dublin on Monday. Up to 70 fishermen, mainly Egyptian, heard International Transport Workers Federation (ITF) co-ordinator Ken Fleming demand immediate action to halt abuse and exploitation within the Irish industry.

Egyptian embassy representative Hatem Elsisi also called on the Government to provide a safe and legal system for Egyptian crew to work on Irish vessels.

These are very skilled men, mainly from the Alexandria area, who want to work here but they need a system that protects them and gives them an opportunity to apply for residence which will give them rights, Mr Elsisi said.

Up to 2,000 Egyptians may be working on vessels based at ports north and south of the Border, Mr Elsisi said.

The embassy has received reports of injury and hardship, and was aware of several cases where men who sustained injury could not return home to their families while legal cases were in train.

Instances where many migrant crew were underpaid and overworked were outlined at the meeting, which is the second hosted by the ITF.

Mohamad Abbasy, who took up a berth on a vessel in Union Hall, Co Cork, 18 months ago, said he lost his job last September and his visa was cancelled after he had secured a permit.

This permit system is for slaves, not humans,when you work 150 hours a week and are paid for just 39 hours, he said.

The permit system for migrant workers was initiated by the then minister for marine Simon Coveney last year in the wake of a year-long investigation by the Guardian newspaper on exploitation within the Irish fishing industry.

Industry organisations said they had lobbied for such a system to meet crew shortages within the industry. However, the system had failed, Mr Fleming said. Boat owners have used the scheme to move from paying crews on a share system to paying the minimum wage, with crew working over 100 hours for 350 a week, Mr Fleming said.

The permit system closed in June 2016, but at least 20 permits had since been issued illegally, facilitated by the Department of Justice, Mr Fleming claimed.

Only one of the fishermen at the meeting said he held a permit issued before June last year, while two said they held permits issued in December 2016.

Mr Fleming said he was aware of the risks many of the men took to attend the meeting, and issued an information leaflet in Arabic relating to steps to take if contacted by the Garda National Immigration Bureau.

The ITF plans to highlight the situation at the European Parliament later this month and is holding a meeting with the Workplace Relations Commission chairman.

Last October, the WRC, Garda, Naval Service and State agencies held joint inspections of 41 fishing vessels in Castletownbere, Co Cork, and Howth, Co Dublin. The Garda said a relatively small number of suspected breaches were found, all relating to the work permit scheme, employment law and immigration and tax offences.

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Scheme for fishing crews is 'legitimising slavery' - Irish Times