Category Archives: Republican

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Photo via Dr. Oz/Twitter

Dr. Oz, who is running one of the most dogshit Senate campaigns in history.

When Specter realized that he would lose the Republican primary to Pat Toomey, the head of Club for Growth, he switched parties, hoping to find succor among Democrats. Though the party establishment lined up behind him, Specter lost the Democratic primary to Joe Sestak, who lost the general election to Toomey, who took office on the vanguard of the conservative right.

Twelve years later, Toomey isnt seeking a third Senate term. If he did, he almost certainly would have lost in the Republican primary. He, too, was labeled a RINO for not wholeheartedly embracing President Donald Trump.

And that was before he voted to convict Trump following the second impeachment. The state GOP publicly rebuked him. Instead, Pennsylvania Republicans have backed the Trump-selected Dr. Oz, who is running one of the most dogshit Senate campaigns in history. They also supported Doug Mastriano, another Trump-backed, far-right election denier who pals around with antisemites and appears likely to lose a winnable election for governor in November.

Thats become a common refrain this year: Trumps preferred candidates have dominated Republican primaries but struggled to build mass appeal. Oz looks hapless. In Georgia, Herschel Walker cant string together a coherent sentence. JD Vances snide populism is turning a safe bet in Ohio into an actual horserace. Blake Masters, a subsidiary of right-wing billionaire Peter Thiel, is the Democrats best friend in Arizona. Even Sen. Ron Johnson of Wisconsin, whos been huffing the MAGA glue like a fiend, is behind.

Republicans are starting to recognize their vulnerability. Having amateur candidates whove never run for office before carrying the banner for the Republican Party in critical Senate races is a risky maneuver, a Republican pollster told The Washington Post.

Last week, Mitch McConnell came close to admitting that the Senate was slipping from his grasp. I think theres probably a greater likelihood the House flips than the Senate, he said. Senate races are just differentthey're statewide, candidate quality has a lot to do with the outcome.

And Republicans can no longer bank on President Joe Bidens unpopularity tanking his party this fall. The Supreme Courts abortion decision rattled not just the Democratic base but also suburban and young voters. In addition, gas prices are falling, and Biden has racked up a series of legislative wins, over blanket Republican opposition, on issues like veteran health care and Medicare drug pricing that poll in the stratosphere. (Meanwhile, under Sen. Rick Scott, who ran one of the largest Medicare fraud schemes in American history, the National Republican Senatorial Committee is lighting money on fire.)

Not coincidentally, Democrats have regained the (very narrow) lead on the generic ballot for the first time since November.

Due to gerrymandering, that lead probably isnt strong enough to keep the House in Democratic hands, and it might prove ephemeral anyway. Biden remains less popular than Trump was at this point in his presidency, and Republicans got smashed in 2018. And the axiom that the general public doesnt tune in until after Labor Day isnt wrong.

But think about what regular people will see when they start paying attention: a crop of candidates so infected by Fox News Brain that they wont pivot to the general election. They denied the 2020 election results, committed to banning abortion, and backed Trump like drones prostrating before a cult leader during the primary; now they wonder why that strategy doesnt have mass appeal.

As Trump and his acolytes celebrate Rep. Liz Cheneys 37-point loss in the Wyoming primary last week, they fail to imagine what everyone else sees: a party rejecting a conservative apostate whose only crime was prizing democracy over Donald Trump. As they attack the FBIone congressional candidate called for Attorney General Merrick Garlands executionfor recovering stolen classified documents from Trumps house, they fail to realize that beyond their base, the public believes the Mar-a-Lago search was justified.

Trump, for example, believes the Mar-a-Lago search helps him politically. In a way, it does. By playing martyr-in-chief, he raised a ton of money that might have otherwise gone to Jim Bakers apocalypse buckets. He also got a huge bump in the polls against Florida Gov. Ron DeSantiswho was just in Pennsylvania campaigning for the antisemite-curious Mastriano.

I dont think him being behind bars would stop him from winning the Republican nomination, a Republican consultant told NBC News, quite accurately.

But winning a nomination and winning an election are different things. Even in a polarized era, in which most voters care more about the party than the candidate, extremists and idiots lose votes. The more extreme and idiotic the candidate, the more votes they lose. The far-right positions and jackass bellicosity required for a candidate to win a Republican nomination are going to cost the party seats this year.

I cant help but wonder if Ron DeSantis and Doug Mastriano will be 2034s Pat Toomeycandidates who redefined extremism, only to have someone else redefine it later. A party on this trajectory should have trouble competing outside of the reddest districts in the reddest states. Of course, I said the same thing in 2010.

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The Republican propaganda machine is eating its own - Creative Loafing Tampa

Rusty Bowers is headed for the exit. After 18 years as an Arizona lawmaker, the past four as speaker of the states house of representatives, he has been unceremoniously shown the door by his own Republican party.

Last month he lost his bid to stay in the Arizona legislature in a primary contest in which his opponent was endorsed by Donald Trump. The rival, David Farnsworth, made an unusual pitch to voters: the 2020 presidential election had not only been stolen from Trump, he said, it was satanically snatched by the devil himself.

Bowers was ousted as punishment. The Trump acolytes who over the past two years have gained control of the states Republican party wanted revenge for the powerful testimony he gave in June to the January 6 hearings in which he revealed the pressure he was put under to overturn Arizonas election result.

This is a very Arizonan story. But it is also an American story that carries an ominous warning for the entire nation.

Six hours after the Guardian interviewed Bowers, Liz Cheney was similarly ousted in a primary for her congressional seat in Wyoming. The formerly third most powerful Republican leader in the US Congress had been punished too.

In Bowerss case, his assailants in the Arizona Republican party wanted to punish him because he had steadfastly refused to do their, and Trumps, bidding. He had declined to use his power as leader of the house to invoke an arcane Arizonan law whose text has never been found that would allow the legislature to cast out the will of 3.4 million voters who had handed victory to Joe Biden and switch the outcome unilaterally to Trump.

Bowers has a word for that kind of thinking. The thought that if you dont do what we like, then we will just get rid of you and march on and do it ourselves that to me is fascism.

Come January, Bowers will no longer be an Arizona politician. He can now speak his mind. He did just that, for more than two hours in an interview with the Guardian this week.

He spoke his mind about the phone conversations he had with Trump and his lawyer Rudy Giuliani at the height of the stolen election mayhem in 2020. He spoke about the clown circus of Trump loyalists who tried to bully him into subverting the election, and about the emotional violence that has been embraced by increasingly powerful sections of the Republican party in Arizona and nationally.

He spoke his mind too about the very real danger facing democracy in America today to his astonishment, at the hands of his own party.

The constitution is hanging by a thread, he told me. The funny thing is, I always thought it would be the other guys. And its my side. That just rips at my heart: that we would be the people who would surrender the constitution in order to win an election. That just blows my mind.

Bowers will talk about all that, and much more. But first, he wants to show me around his spiritual home. He arranged to meet me at his familys ranch, so you can see a bit of why I think the way I do.

The ranch is nestled in a hollow among desert hills about 90 minutes drive east of Phoenix, at the end of five miles of dramatically snaking dirt road. Fifteen months ago a wildfire swept through the area, destroying majestic cottonwoods and sycamores and sending flames high up above the hills. The main house came within 10 feet of being destroyed and his art studio, replete with many of his landscape paintings and a large portion of his legislative papers, was burnt to ashes.

I ask him what this extraordinarily beautiful and harsh landscape reveals about his political character. Well, Im not a man of means, he said. We pay for things as we go. We are compelled to work, to do things with our hands. That gives you a different appreciation of life. Things have a bigger meaning.

Bowers said that his core values were instilled in him as a child growing up within a conservative Republican tradition. He is the father of seven children, one of whom, Kacey, died last year. Family, faith, community these are values at a very core level. You dont survive out here, on land like this, alone.

A fourth-generation Arizonan, Bowers, 69, grew up within the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, better known as the Mormon church. His faith, along with his other great passion for art he is a painter and sculptor is visible all around. The front of the main house is lined with three large bronzes depicting the epic 1,100-mile journey across America that the Mormons undertook in 1846-47.

From the beginning, conservatism and the Republican party were interchangeable for Bowers. Belief in God, that you should be held accountable for how you treat other people, those were very conservative thoughts and the bedrock of my politics.

He identifies as pro-life, sees the US constitution as being inspired by God, and voted for Trump in the 2020 election. I campaigned for Trump, I went to his rallies, I stood up on the stage with him, he said.

Somewhere along the line, though, things started to come unstuck. A rift opened up between his old-school Republican values and those of a new cadre of activists who were energized by Trump and his embrace of conspiracy theories and strongman politics.

In hindsight, Bowers now recognizes that the opening shots of the conflict were fired not around the 2020 presidential election but earlier in the year, in the initial days of Covid. Trump-fanatical Republicans in the Arizona house displayed in their anti-mask antics the same disdain for the rules, the same bullying style, that was later to erupt in the stolen election furor.

It was like a prep show, he said.

Then came the first signs of Trumps refusal to accept defeat in the 2020 election. Bowers himself always expected that the presidential race in Arizona would be close. We were very much aware that a demographic of women, 18 to 40, college-educated, professional, with small children, were not voting for Donald Trump, he said.

When the results were confirmed, and Biden had won by 10,457 votes, the slimmest margin of any state, Bowers was unsurprised. But such was the brouhaha as armed Trump supporters protested outside counting centers in Maricopa county demanding audits that he decided to take a look for himself.

He gathered a group of trusted lawyers and went to investigate the counting process close up. I saw incredible amounts of protocols that were followed and signed off by volunteers Democrats, Republicans, independents. Yes, Republicans for crying out loud! And they did it by the book.

On 22 November 2020, two weeks after Biden had been declared the next president of the United States, Bowers received a call from the White House. Trump and Giuliani were on the line.

After exchanging niceties, they got down to business. Giuliani said they had found 200,000 illegal immigrants and 6,000 dead people who had voted in Arizona. We need to fix that, Giuliani told him, cajoling him to call a special committee of the Arizona legislature to look into the supposed fraud.

Bowers remembers vividly how Trump and Giuliani played good cop and bad cop on that call. Trump, you know, he wasnt angry. He wasnt threatening. He never said to me, Im going to get you if you dont do this. Giuliani, he was the bulldog.

In return, Bowers was polite but firm. He told the duo that they had to provide hard evidence. I said, Im not doing anything like this until you bring me something. Lets see it. Im not going to have circus time at the house of representatives.

Thats when Trump and Giuliani unveiled their second, even more incendiary, proposal. They had heard that there was an arcane Arizona law that would allow the Republican-controlled legislature under Bowers to throw out Bidens electors and send Trump alternatives to Congress in their place.

It took a moment for the penny to drop. Bowers was being asked to overturn the election through diktat.

Im not a professor of constitutional law, but I get the idea. They want me to throw out the vote of my own people, he recalls thinking. I said, Oh, wait a minute. Wait, wait, wait. So now, youre asking me to overthrow the vote of the people of Arizona?

Bowerss response to the good cop, bad cop routine was categoric. He told them: I took an oath to the American constitution, the state constitution and its laws. Which one of those am I supposed to break?

It didnt stop there. Bowers was pounded by wave after wave of demands that he subvert the election, some coming from the White House, some from America First politicians closer to home.

The speaker continued to be lobbied right up to the eve of January 6 when John Eastman, the conservative law professor advising Trump on his attempted electoral coup, rang him and exhorted him to decertify the electors. Just do it and let the courts figure it all out, Eastman said.

Bowers was direct on that occasion too. No, he said.

As January 6 approached, and the cries of stolen election reached fever pitch, the attacks on Bowers became personal. A Trump train of angry fanatics blaring their horns in pickup trucks festooned with Maga flags turned up at his home in Mesa, some bearing digital boards proclaiming him to be a pedophile.

To protect his family, he would step outside the house and confront the protesters. One man had three bars on his chest, signalling he was a member of the far-right militia group the Three Percenters. The man was screaming obscenities and carrying a pistol. I had to get as close to him as I could to defend myself if he went for the gun.

The worst of it was that during several of these menacing protests, his daughter Kacey was inside the house mortally ill in bed with liver failure. She would say, What are they doing out there? She was emotional. She told me, Im going to die. I said, Honey, youre not going to die. So she had feelings, we were trying to keep her positive.

Kacey Bowers did die, on 28 January, three weeks after the insurrection at the US Capitol.

I asked Bowers whether, through all this, he had ever doubted his strength to stand up to the onslaught. Were his values tested?

I never had the thought of giving up, he said. No way. I dont like bullies. Thats one constant in my life: I. Do. Not. Like. Bullies.

In July, the executive committee of the Arizona Republican party censured Bowers. Its chairwoman, Kelli Ward, a Trump devotee, said that he was no longer a Republican in good standing.

Then on 28 July, Bowers was effectively turfed out of the Arizona legislature when he was defeated in the primary by the Satan-evoking Farnsworth. That same night, the slate of election deniers standing for statewide positions won a clean sweep.

Republican nominations for governor, a US Senate seat, state attorney general and secretary of state all went to enthusiastic backers of Trump and his 2020 attempted coup. They included Mark Finchem, who was present at the attack on the US Capitol on January 6 and who continues to try to decertify Bidens presidency to this day.

Finchem is now the Republican candidate for secretary of state. Should he win in November, he would be in charge of Arizonas election administration through the 2024 presidential contest, in which Trump has indicated he is likely to be competing.

The ascent of election deniers across the board marks the final transformation of the Republican party in the state. Trumps grip is now complete; the strain of constitutional conservatism epitomized by Bowers is in the wilderness.

I think its a shame, was his rueful reflection on that transition. The suite of candidates that we now have representing what used to be a principled party is just like, wow Its like being the first colonizer on Jupiter.

In February, a mega election integrity bill was introduced into the Arizona legislature that was the culmination of the anti-democratic drift of the party. House bill 2596 would have given the Republican-controlled legislature the power to reject any election result that the majority group didnt like.

Bowers resoundingly killed off that bill by sending it to languish not in just one house committee, but in all 12 of them. I was trying to send a definitive message: this is hogwash. Taking away the fundamental right to vote, the idea that the legislature could nullify your election, thats not conservative. Thats fascist. And Im not a fascist.

Bowers said he remains optimistic that the party will one day find its way back on to the rails. He draws succor from the many people who have come up to him since his defeat telling him quietly, so that nobody can hear that they admire him and back him.

Its not like Im alone in the wilderness. Theres a lot of people from all over the United States thanking me.

But for now, he accepts that things are likely to get much worse before they get better. I ask him, at this moment, is the Republican party in Arizona lost?

Yeah, he said. Theyve invented a new way. Its a party that doesnt have any thought. Its all emotional, its all revenge. Its all anger. Thats all it is.

He held the thumb and digit finger of his right hand so close together that they were almost touching. The veneer of civilization is this thin, he said. It still exists I havent been hanged yet. But holy moly, this is just crazy. The place has lost its mind.

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Ousted Republican reflects on Trump, democracy and America: The place has lost its mind - The Guardian US

Eric Trump said on Wednesday that his father, former President Donald Trump, is the key defining feature of the GOP and that the Republican party should be known as the "Trump party."

He made the comments while speaking with Eric Bolling on Newsmax as they discussed Rep. Liz Cheney's recent loss in the Wyoming GOP primary election to Trump-backed lawyer Harriet Hageman.

"Any question, Eric, that the Republican party is the party of Trump?" Bolling asked him.

"There's no question. I mean, it's not even the Republican party, I'd say it's actually the Trump party," Trump said, referencing his father's endorsement record. Per Ballotpedia, the elder Trump's endorsement record stands at 92%, with 183 victories and 17 defeats.

"My father has really redefined what the party is, how the party speaks to its constituents," Eric Trump told Newsmax.

He said that his father had "literally brought in a whole new party that stands for something totally different than the RINO class of the Republican party ever stood for."

RINO, which stands for "Republican in name only," is a term commonly used in Trumpworld as an insult to GOP lawmakers who do not support Trump.

Trump also gloated over the margin by which Cheney the daughter of former Vice President Dick Cheney lost the Wyoming Republican primary, saying that his father had "killed another political dynasty."

"He first killed the Bushes and then he killed the Clintons. Last night, he killed the Cheneys. He's been RINO-hunting ever since he got into politics," he said.

Hageman's win over Cheney on Tuesday, in which the lawyer received 66.3% of the vote, marked the largest victory margin that a Trump-backed candidate has earned.

The former president's endorsement has been key to helping several candidates, such as J.D. Vance and Dr. Mehmet Oz, win their respective GOP primaries.

However, The New York Times reported that the elder Trump also has a track record of supporting candidates who run unopposed or against poorly-funded opponents. The former president sometimes also waits to choose a candidate only after they begin emerging as the likely winner, per the outlet.

Some Trump-backed candidates have also been defeated by large margins, such as gubernatorial hopeful David Perdue, who lost his Georgia primary to the incumbent Gov. Brian Kemp. Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger also fended off his Trump-endorsed opponent, Rep. Jody Hice, by ahealthy margin.

The resounding losses of some of Donald Trump's favored candidates have caused some to question the true power of his endorsements. Moreover, Trump's popularity amongst those thought to be his loyal supporters also appears to be dwindling amid a bevy of lawsuits and investigations.

For instance, former Vice President Mike Pence has increasingly voiced differing opinions from those circulating in Trumpworld. He recently condemned the far-right's calls to defund the FBI following the agency's raid on Trump's Mar-a-Lago residence last Monday.

Similarly, Maryland Governor Larry Hogan claimed last month that the former president's influence has "decreased dramatically" and pointed to five GOP governors who have withstood Trump's attacks.

Even Alex Jones, a conspiracy theorist once loyal to the former president, has said he would no longer "pigheadedly" support Trump and is now backing Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis instead.

Despite this turnaround, Trump continues to chart high in polls. One recent survey by Politico found that 57% of registered voters would choose the former president if he were to run for re-election in 2024. Another poll by CBS in March found that 52% of polled Republicans wanted their midterm candidates to talk about being loyal to Trump.

Originally posted here:

Eric Trump claims the Republican Party is 'actually the Trump party' - Business Insider

Despite probably realizing it on some subconscious level, it took my own pregnancy for me to accept that I was in a controlling and unhealthy relationship. My boyfriend had broken down so much of my self-worth and confidence that I didnt have the courage to tell myself the truth about the relationship. But that pregnancy forced me to face it all. Having a child links you to their father for the rest of your life, and this link gives him control over that child in ways you cant predict or stop. For days after leaving the hospital, all I could see were the red flags I had been ignoring, including one harrowing incident I was so ashamed of I kept it hidden. Unlike Juno, I did not have a loving, nerdy best friend as the father, and unlike her, I did not want to go through parenting or a long adoption process with him.

I had an abortion despite the shame I felt about my circumstances. I had an abortion despite a high school friend writing baby killer on my Facebook wall. I had an abortion despite feeling so conflicted due to my Catholic education and confused about how this choice could turn me into a bad person. I had an abortion without a supportive partner or community. I wasnt Juno: I had an abortion.

At the time, I was scared and alone and confused. I certainly didnt recognize the privilege I had. The clinic was two miles away from my childhood home. The procedure was affordable. The staff was kind and professional. The abortion was legal and safe and regulated. And I left for my four-year college three months later.

My abortion story, and everything that happened afterward, is the kind of story that makes political strategists jobs very difficult. As an expert in political data, my job is to put people in boxes. Are you a young person with an electric vehicle that you drive around an urban area? Youre likely a Democrat, and I bet you care about climate change. Are you white, male and the owner of a pickup truck that bumps down country roads? Then you probably have a Donald Trump bumper sticker on that truck, and you probably arent happy about rising gas prices. We can even use the most sophisticated data to find unique cross-sections of voters, those hard-to-reach boxes, such as Republicans who are pro-gun control, or Democrats who dont believe in defunding the police. This is how my world works.

Republicans talk as if abortion is something only Democrats seek and undergo. Not in my home. Not in my church. Not in my community.

The problem with these boxes is that most people are actually far more complex than they appear in even the data. Abortions polls are notoriously inconsistent and vary wildly depending on how questions are asked. Most people hold a complex set of beliefs and ideologies across a spectrum, and I fear that we cant own this complexity out loud in general, but especially on abortion, because of how the abortion debate has become increasingly partisan in recent years. If youre a Republican, you show up in the surveys as being anti-abortion and in favor of fewer exceptions to abortion bans than Democrats. If youre a Democrat, youre probably in favor of abortion rights and more exceptions to abortion bans. If you, like many Americans, fall into the very wide gray space, we might see you show up across some of the more nuanced surveys, but we likely dont have much more specific knowledge about your views.

Republicans talk as if abortion is something only Democrats seek and undergo. Not in my home. Not in my church. Not in my community. The data tell us that at least 600,000 people get abortions annually. Statistics vary and only account for legal abortions. But some of the reddest states in the country states that struggle to even elect Democrats to public office still see significant numbers of abortions, even with very few clinics operating in these states. In 2019, here were some of the numbers of abortions coming out of the reddest states in America: 2,922 in Utah, just over 1,100 in North Dakota, 2,963 in Arkansas and 6,009 in Alabama. The faces and stories behind these abortions would likely surprise us. They shouldnt.

Beyond the statistics on who gets abortions, there is also some agreement across the two parties on who should have access to abortion. According to Pew, 61 percent of voters believe abortion should be legal in some or all cases. Only 8 percent of voters believe abortion should be illegal in all cases. Given these numbers, it should seem that Democrats and Republicans in red states and blue states alike should get to work on deciding what the restrictions and exceptions should be; a law that bans nearly all abortions is unlikely to align with popular opinion, no matter how red the state.

In the community Ive been a part of, I dont see people coming forward to share their personal stories with abortion. And why would they? Its clearly not safe to have had an abortion and its particularly not safe to say it out loud.

If we dont allow people access to this context about their lives and nuanced feelings on abortion, if we dont see people step outside of these boxes in a real way, then how can Republicans meaningfully engage on the issue of abortion access? If we cant even talk about it, how can we legislate on it? If you dont truly think you know someone who has had an abortion, how can you empathize?

In the years since my abortion, I havent felt safe to tell this story. Frankly, I still dont. I know there are many, many more people with stories like mine who dont have the privilege to speak out. I hope we make it safe for them to do so because yes, this is happening in your home. Yes, this is happening in your church. Yes, this is happening in your community.

Perhaps youll find empathy for me as I step outside of this box. Perhaps youll even consider whether your own box is serving you and the people around you. Im a married, white woman, who lives in the suburbs, has worked for many Republicans, and I believe in access to safe, legal abortion.

More:

Opinion | More Republican Women Than You Think Have Had Abortions. Here's How I Know. - POLITICO

Dear Editor:

What is the Republican Party in Wyoming afraid of? Why are they supporting those in the GOP leadership that dont want January 6 investigated? Whats to hide if you were not involved? Dont we want to know the facts?

What if in 2016 Vice President Biden said, No I certify that Hillary Clinton really won the election? We would be outraged and rightly so. Dont we want to know what or who triggered January 6? Oops sorry trigger like compromise are bad words.

Why are they afraid of Congressman Liz Cheney? If the party is as conservative as they say they are then why would they kick out a congressman who voted over 90% of the time with Trump? All the sudden she isnt conservative enough?

In fact, in the latest missive from the WY GOP Liz is called Woke. What is the new definition of conservative? Who changed the definition? All of this should make you wonder, is the Former President a man or a golden calf we now must worship because we got tired of waiting on Moses to bring the 10 commandments down from the mountain.

In this case Rudy Giuliani to bring actual evidence, not hearsay, actual evidence that showed there was voter fraud and Trump won. Believe me, I wanted there to be evidence. I could not believe a bumbling glad hander who campaigned from his basement won.

I streamed news on my computer at work all day then beat it home to watch the news with my dad.Many hoped for a News Alert that said, Major Smoking Gun; Biden concedes, and Trumps stay in WH. But it didnt happen. And after a few weeks it started getting old and embarrassing listening to we have the proof we have the proof only to find out the sky was not going to fall, and that Giuliani used a bad batch of Just for Men hair color.

Some still believe and blame the judicial system. Really? The emperor doesnt have any clothes on, there is not any evidence, and someone needs to tell him. Oh, wait that is what Liz is doing but she is being tarred and feathered for speaking and searching for the truth. Remember she was on the floor of the US House when rioters were trying to break down the doors of the Capitol and the House and Senate chamber.

We were not there. If you still believe the big lie look up a PBS Frontline interview with Frank Luntz the Republican Pollster. He told President Trump the polls are NOT in your favor; you are going to lose. But Trump mocked him and like the smarmy salesman he is convinced others to mock Luntz also. Its hard to hear but sometimes the truth is hard to hear.

Rally calls in Wyoming are, cross over voting is bad. There always is cross over voting. And why do you think that is? Because the GOP in the state is angry with a petite conservative blond who believes the brand, she rides for is the Constitution of the United States and it is her duty to protect it.

This small powerhouse is not afraid to speak truth to power and say, hey what Trump was asking Vice President Pence and others to do regarding the certification of the election was unconstitutional. This is not a controversial stance to take. Its the only stance to take.

The WY GOP is so afraid of Liz they have disavowed her. Yep friends, the State GOP are acting like Liz is a rouge CIA agent the Russians have caught, and the CIA is no longer recognizing her as a member of their gang. If you voted for Liz last election, the GOP is now disenfranchising you.

Again, what is the GOP afraid of? Why is Trump afraid of Cong Cheney? She is one member from a small population state, a fly over state. There is a bur under Trumps and the WY GOPs saddle over Liz. Could it be that what she has been saying is hitting too close to the mark, so they want to deflect and say, she isnt Republican enough?

When you go to the county clerk to register to vote there is no written test. You choose. It would be unconstitutional to do otherwise.

What made Liz a RINO? Ive heard she does nothing for Wyoming. Seriously? She introduced legislation to protect fire fighters, coal, guns, stop Executive orders that hinder oil and gas production without Congressional approval, protecting and strengthening rural healthcare, access to tele-health, working to stop the 30 by30 Biden land grab.

There is more but Im over my word limit. Republicans are in the minority. Getting anything passed is impossible. No new congressman from WY will do a quarter of what shes done. Besides that, anyone but Liz, will listen to a guy from New York City on how to vote. NEW YORK CITY?!

Please dont take the constitution for granted. If you choose to vote for someone other than Congressman Cheney, remember, she is working right now to keep your right to vote against her, she knows full well she could lose but defending the constitution is more important for her.

This Cowgirl is riding for the Constitution not a New Yorker that has weaponized the English language to con people into following him.

Sincerely,

Jackie Van MarkTorrington, Wyoming

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Letter To The Editor: What Is The Wyoming Republican Party Afraid Of - Cowboy State Daily

PONTIAC, Mich. Dear Mr. President, the letter began.

Donald J. Trumps estranged former education secretary, Betsy DeVos last seen trying to remove him from office using the 25th Amendment after the Capitol riot took pen in hand the other day to plead with him to look past Michigans no-holds-barred Republican infighting and side with her powerful political familys choice for governor.

I hear that some have implied that my family and I are working against you in Michigan, Ms. DeVos wrote in looping cursive on personal stationery. That is fake news. Those telling you that are doing so for their own personal gain.

She added that her preferred candidate, Tudor Dixon, a former conservative media personality, was the only one who can stand toe to toe with that woman from Michigan Mr. Trumps sobriquet for Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, a Democrat whom Republicans desperately want to topple.

Your support of Tudor can make the winning difference! Ms. DeVos closed her Wednesday letter. Very sincerely, Betsy.

The letter worked, to an extent: Late Friday, Mr. Trump issued an 11th-hour endorsement of Ms. Dixon ahead of Tuesdays primary. But it also highlighted what has been the fiercest, bitterest and potentially most consequential Republican infighting in the country.

For much of the spring and summer, Ms. DeVos and her billionaire relatives the most influential Republican family in Michigan have been at war with Mr. Trumps followers in the state, choosing different sides in consequential primaries for the state Legislature and endorsements at the state partys convention.

The former presidents late nod in the governors race only compounded the confusion and heightened the suspense about what his followers would do on Primary Day. Just the day before the endorsement, eight of his chosen down-ballot candidates sent him an open letter urging him not to do political business with the DeVos family.

The open hostilities have emboldened an ascendant grass roots wing of Michigan Republicans who are devoted to Mr. Trump and his agenda. And his endorsement will test the degree to which the former president has the wherewithal to lead them.

All told, Republicans are in danger of bungling what earlier this year appeared to be a promising opportunity to oust Ms. Whitmer. The partys strongest two candidates were jettisoned from the ballot because of a signature-forgery blunder. The resulting field, aside from the untested Ms. Dixon, includes one candidate facing misdemeanor charges related to the Capitol riot and another dogged by years-old lawsuits over allegations that he made racist and sexually explicit comments to employees.

The state of the midterms. We are now over halfway through this years midterm primary season, and some key ideas and questions have begun to emerge. Heres a look at what weve learned so far:

At the same time, Michigan Republicans have elevated two Trump-endorsed election deniers to run for attorney general and secretary of state key posts overseeing the election machinery in a vital 2024 presidential battleground state.

And the weak candidates and intraparty chaos have presented Democrats who are aided by a new state legislative map drawn for the first time by an independent commission with a real opportunity to win control of the State Senate for the first time in 40 years.

That Ms. DeVos felt compelled to appeal to Mr. Trump as if Jan. 6 had never happened was a measure of how bad things had gotten.

A major funder of Mr. Trumps two presidential campaigns, the family was cast out by the Republican base after Ms. DeVos committed the apostasy of seeking to remove Mr. Trump from office over the Capitol riot, arguing that he was no longer fit to serve. Ms. DeVos has said her entreaty was rejected by Vice President Mike Pence, and she resigned the day after the assault.

In Michigan, Mr. Trump and the DeVos family have backed opposing candidates in seven Republican primaries for state legislative seats. (Mr. Trump has endorsed 11 such candidates in all, more than in any other state.)

Endorsing Ms. Dixon on Friday night, he took credit for her campaigns success which he attributed to his shout-out to her during an April rally in Michigan, a moment she memorialized in her campaigns TV ads. Her campaign took off like a rocket ship, he said.

Jase Bolger, a former speaker of the Michigan House who is allied with the DeVos family, said the states Trump loyalists had tried to drive a wedge between Republicans, adding, They have to be careful because otherwise they could be helping Democrats.

The down-ballot G.O.P. primaries in Michigan are emblematic of skirmishes across the country, where Trump-inspired insurgents are vying to wrest control from Republican power brokers who have long controlled purse strings and nominations.

Candidates endorsed by Mr. Trump won primaries for governor in Pennsylvania, Illinois and Maryland, while the G.O.P. establishment prevailed in Georgia and Nebraska. Similar Republican showdowns will unfold in primaries for governor on Tuesday in Arizona and on Aug. 9 in Wisconsin.

In the state of Michigan, especially in the Republican Party, its fractured, said Garrett Soldano, a chiropractor and leading Republican candidate for governor who entered politics by organizing opposition to Ms. Whitmers pandemic mitigation efforts in 2020. We have the old guard, the establishment, the DeVos empire that are putting their thumb on the scale. And we have we the people, these grass roots folks that are standing up.

But the Republican strife has national Democrats newly optimistic about taking control of the State Senate for the first time in generations.

Theres no better state legislative opportunity in America than the Michigan Senate, said Daniel L. Squadron, a former New York state senator who leads the States Project, a Democratic group focused on winning state legislative chambers. What were seeing in the primaries is just how deeply Trumpism and the Big Lie has infected the Republican Party.

For decades, the DeVos family has been synonymous with Republican politics in Michigan. Ms. DeVos has twice been the chairwoman of the state Republican Party, and her husband, Dick DeVos, was the partys nominee for governor in 2006.

The family, which founded and still runs the Amway multilevel marketing company, has given at least $23 million to Republican candidates, political action committees and conservative causes in the state since 2015, according to an analysis by Progress Michigan, a liberal organization.

In almost any recent election, a Michigan Republican would use an endorsement from the DeVoses as a badge of honor and a catapult to fund-raising success. But Ms. Dixons rivals have attacked her for associating with the family, and she has found herself explaining that she does not agree with Ms. DeVos about Mr. Trumps actions on Jan. 6, 2021.

Ive come out publicly and said that in that case, we dont agree, Ms. Dixon said in an interview, adding of the family: Theyre supporting what I want to do for the state. Its not that Im supporting what theyve done in the past.

Her rivals have not found that explanation sufficient.

Recent debates have devolved into a DeVos family pile-on. This past week, Mr. Soldano turned to Ms. Dixon and said the DeVoses wanted to implement the 25th Amendment against President Trump they abandoned President Trump.

On Wednesday in Pontiac, Ms. Dixon came under fire from Kevin Rinke, a self-funding candidate and former car dealer who is running television ads saying that Ms. Dixon has taken millions from the same billionaires who tried to remove Trump from office.

The truth hurts, Mr. Rinke said. Fess up.

Gustavo Portela, a spokesman for the Michigan Republican Party, said in an interview that the party was not worried about the fractious nature of the primaries and that at the end of the day, folks are going to get together, and theyre going to do everything possible to elect a Republican this fall.

The four leading Republican candidates for governor, including Ms. Dixon, have all fostered doubts about the 2020 election outcome and say they are staunch allies of Mr. Trump. During a May debate, three said he was the real winner in Michigan (he lost by 154,000 votes), while Mr. Rinke said that fraud had occurred but that he wasnt sure if it was enough to tip the election. (There is no evidence of widespread fraud.)

One candidate, Ryan Kelley, a real estate agent, has sought to parlay notoriety from being charged with four misdemeanors for his actions at the Capitol on Jan. 6 into momentum for his campaign. Voters, he argued in an interview, are sick of this insurrection charade.

A super PAC funded by the DeVos family and backing Ms. Dixon has also bashed Mr. Rinke, calling him simply unelectable in a TV ad. It recalls two lawsuits from the early 1990s in which he was accused of gender and age discrimination and of using sexually explicit and racist language toward his employees.

Mr. Rinke settled the cases and, in an interview, said the accusations were absolutely false.

The G.O.P. primary was never supposed to be this contentious.

Heading into this year, Republicans had made Ms. Whitmers office a prime target.

Party insiders looked to two top recruits James Craig, a former Detroit police chief, and Perry Johnson, a wealthy businessman to contend for the nomination. But both failed to qualify for the ballot after contractors for their campaigns submitted petitions with forged signatures.

The DeVos wing of the party took major losses in April when, at the Michigan G.O.P.s endorsement convention, delegates elevated two Trump-backed candidates, Matthew DePerno and Kristina Karamo, for attorney general and secretary of state. Both have said the 2020 election was stolen, and neither has received support from the DeVoses.

Ms. Whitmer appears to be more resilient than expected months ago. Her approval rating was 55 percent in a July survey conducted for The Detroit News. Among independent voters, 61 percent approved of Ms. Whitmer, compared with just 33 percent for President Biden, the poll found.

A similar uncertainty has settled over the State Senate. Though Republicans currently hold a 22-to-16 advantage in the chamber, new maps have upended the partys grip; Ms. Whitmer would have carried 23 of 38 districts in 2018.

In one district just south of Detroit, a Republican candidate named James Chapman attended election-denial protests at the State Capitol in 2020, including one where he held a brunette doll hanging by a noose.

After months of intense political conflict, some candidates showed no signs of dtente, even after Mr. Trump backed Ms. Dixon.

From what I know about President Trump, he likes winners, Mr. Soldano said in a statement late Friday in response to the former presidents endorsement. I look forward to his support on Aug. 3.

Michael C. Bender contributed reporting.

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Could the G.O.P. Beat Whitmer in Michigan? Party Chaos Has Hurt Its Chances. - The New York Times

OPINION:

The Republican National Convention is coming to Milwaukee, Wisconsin.

Well, technically, the members of the Republican National Committee (RNC) must vote on the matter during their meetings in Chicago this week. The site selection committee recommended the Badger States largest city be the host of the 2024 convention and themembers of the RNC should affirm that decision at their summer meetings. So why will it be in Milwaukee?

First, it is a turnkey proposal. The region was successful inwinning the bid for the 2020 Democratic National Convention. Arrangements for hotel accommodations, catering and other food services, security concerns, and other issues were worked out for a national political convention and can be used again in 2024.

In addition, much of the money raised for the 2020 convention comes from sources that can be tapped again for the 2024 convention. Most of the businesses, foundations, and individuals who were interested in hosting a convention in Milwaukee were motivated by civic pride and economic impact. The groundwork was done andis largely transferable to the next convention.

Overall, the local convention and visitors bureauVisit Milwaukeeput together an impressive proposal. Because they had done the same for the Democrats convention in 2020, the people making the recommendation for the RNC knew Milwaukee could deliver on their promises. The new Mayor of Milwaukee did an excellent job convincing the selection panel that they would be welcome. The chairman of the Wisconsin Republican Party did a great job of bringing people together in the region. Local activist Gerard Randal helped lead the charge with former RNC Chairman Reince Preibus. John Hiller and others helped behind the scenes. It was a great team effort.

Many might not know this, but Milwaukee sits on the shores of Lake Michigan with one of the most open lakefronts in the Great Lakes region. It is the home of several professional sports teams, arts and entertainment, museums, an award-winning zoo, outstanding restaurants and bars, and Summerfestthe worlds largest music festival.

Second, the Fiserv Forum is a state-of-art facility perfect for hosting a national convention. The home of world champion Milwaukee Bucks is the second newest arena in the National Basketball Association. I was with members of the site selection committee when they toured the Fiserv Forum earlier this year. They were impressed with the complex. It has sufficient seating, excellent access for staging and equipment, and a remarkable entertainment area outside called the Deer District.

In addition, the Fiserv Forum was built with the latest technology.Chairman Preibus noted that it cost the party organizers around $1 million to install 5G equipment at the arena in Cleveland, Ohio for the 2016 national convention. That technology is already built into the Fiserv Forum.

Financing for the new construction was unique. In Wisconsin, professional basketball players (home and visiting teams) pay a prorated income tax for each game. These funds were used to cover the commitment from the state government. The current and former owners of the team matched the public commitment to the newarena. Unlike most sports construction projects, it was done without a new or increased tax.

Overall, the pitch was simple: Milwaukee could match the plans of any of the other sites under consideration for the convention. Once we made the case that we were equal to or better than the other regions, my final push was to go to a state that matters.

In 2016, Wisconsin was key to the election of President DonaldTrump. In 2020, the reverse was true for President Joe Biden. In 2000 and 2004, the margin was less than one vote per ward across the state. Wisconsin is a true battleground state.

In contrast, the other finalist for the 2024 Republican National Convention is Nashville. It is a great city in a wonderful state. But Tennessee has not gone for a Democrat in a presidential election in decades. Even former Vice President Al Gore could not carry his home state twenty-two years ago. The electoral college votes of the Volunteer State are going for whomever the Republican candidate for President is in 2024.

With that in mind, why not pick a city in a state that matters?

Improving the margins in Milwaukee can help make that happen in 2024. Former Wisconsin Governor Tommy Thompson carried Milwaukee County in one of his re-election campaigns. And I was elected the Milwaukee County Executive three times in an area that traditionallyvotes for Democrats by about a two-to-one margin.

Making inroads in Milwaukee could help carry the State of Wisconsin,which might be the key to a Republican President winning in 2024. That is why all roads appear to be headed to Milwaukee, Wisconsin for the next Republican National Convention. We will have a cold beer ready for you!

Scott Walker is the president of Young Americas Foundation and served as the 45th governor of Wisconsin from 2011 to 2019.

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Why the Republican National Convention should be held in Milwaukee - Washington Times

Republican flamethrowers and culture warriors like Donald Trump and Representatives Matt Gaetz and Marjorie Taylor Greene typically draw an outsize amount of media attention.

Americans may conclude from this that there is a striking, and perhaps unfortunate, relationship between extremism and political success.

But Republicans arent hoping for a red wave in the midterms only because norm-thrashing or scandal sells. The truth is much more banal, yet also important for parties to internalize and better for politics generally: In states across the country, Republican governors are delivering real results for people they are physically more proximate to than federal officials.

Now, its true that the party that controls the presidency nearly always gets whipped in midterm elections, and inflation would be a huge drag on any party in power. And its also true that among those governors are culture warriors like Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida and Gov. Greg Abbott of Texas.

But people too often overlook the idea that actual results, especially ones related to pocketbook issues, can often be as important as rhetoric. Looked at that way, lots of Republicans some with high public profiles, and some who fly below the radar are excelling.

Start with the simplest measure: popularity. Across the country, 13 of the 15 most popular governors are Republicans. That list does not just include red states. In fact, blue-state Republican governors like Phil Scott of Vermont, Charlie Baker of Massachusetts and Larry Hogan of Maryland are among the most popular.

There are many reasons that G.O.P. governors seem to be succeeding. Its true that governors cant take credit for everything. Sometimes they just get lucky. But they do make policy choices, and those made by governors since the start of Covid have made a difference in particular.

For example, take a look at the most recent Bureau of Labor Statistics data on unemployment. In the 10 states with the lowest rates as of June, eight were led by Republican governors. Several governors who dont make frequent appearances in national news stand out, like Pete Ricketts of Nebraska, Chris Sununu of New Hampshire, Spencer Cox of Utah and Phil Scott of Vermont. Their states have unemployment rates under 2.5 percent, and of the 20 states with the lowest unemployment rates, just four are led by Democrats.

States with Republican governors have also excelled in economic recovery since the start of the pandemic. Standouts in this measure include Mr. Abbott and Doug Ducey of Arizona.

These results reflect many things some states have grown and others have shrunk, for example but are at least in part a result of policy choices made by their elected leaders since the start of the pandemic. For example, governors like Kristi Noem in South Dakota often rejected lockdowns and economic closures.

Republican governors were also far more likely to get children back to in-person school, despite intense criticism.

Covid policy doesnt explain everything. Fiscal governance has also made a difference. The Cato Institutes Fiscal Report Card on Americas governors for 2020 (the most recent edition available), which grades them on tax and spending records, gives high marks to many Republicans. Nearly all of the top-ranked states in this report have Republican governors, like Kim Reynolds of Iowa or Mr. Ricketts. (Some Democratic governors also ranked highly, including Steve Sisolak of Nevada and Roy Cooper of North Carolina.) Some have made their mark with employer-attracting tax cuts, others with spending controls, others with a mixture.

Most states mandate a balanced budget, so taxing and spending policies are important for fiscal stability. Low taxes tend to attract and keep employers and employees. Restrained budgets help ensure that taxes can be kept low without sacrificing bond ratings, which may matter if debt-financed spending is needed in a crisis or to try to stimulate businesses to hire more.

Asa Hutchinson of Arkansas has cut taxes for individuals, reduced the number of tax brackets and cut the corporate income tax rate. Mr. Sununu has restrained spending, vetoed a payroll tax proposal and cut business taxes. Brian Kemp of Georgia, by contrast, actually paused some tax cuts that had been scheduled and focused almost exclusively on spending restraint, issuing a directive for state agencies to generate budget cuts and keeping 2020 general fund growth to a tiny 1 percent.

Even in blue Vermont, Mr. Scott despite being an odd duck among governors because he is not constrained by a balanced-budget amendment kept the increase in general fund spendingto an annual average of just 2.4 percent between 2017 and 2020, and he has also cut taxes. He signed a bill to ensure that the federal tax reform instituted under Mr. Trump and limiting state and local tax deductions wouldnt result in Vermonters getting hammered. He has also cut individual income tax rates, reduced the number of tax brackets and resisted new payroll taxes in favor of voluntary paid leave plans for private-sector employers.

Republicans who have a big impact on the day-to-day lives of many Americans unlike, say, Representative Kevin McCarthy or certainly Mr. Trump, and in terms of the quality of state economies, local job markets and education are delivering. In our federalist system, a lot of power still sits with states and not the federal government and determines much about citizens lives.

This is a big reason that Republicans are well positioned heading into the midterms. It should be a warning to Joe Biden and Democrats and to some of the culture warriors. Cable-news combat over whatever the outrage of the day is may deliver politicians the spotlight. But sound economic policy and focusing on the job, not theatrics, are delivering basic day-to-day results that Americans want, need and will reward.

Liz Mair (@LizMair), a strategist for campaigns by Scott Walker, Roy Blunt, Rand Paul, Carly Fiorina and Rick Perry, is the founder and president of Mair Strategies.

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Opinion | These Republican Governors Are Delivering Results, and Many Voters Like Them for It - The New York Times

Republicans are "telling themselves lies" and hoping Donald Trump will simply go away, according to a biographer.

Tim O'Brien, the author of TrumpNation: The Art of Being the Donald and senior executive editor of Bloomberg Opinion, made the remarks on Mary Trump's podcast.

People "routinely discount how damaging and destructive" Trump can be, O'Brien said.

"I think we we know how dangerous it would be to pretend that Donald is not a problem anymore. That if we just ignore him, he'll go away," added Mary Trump, the former president's niece and a frequent critic.

But as the House select committee investigating the January 6 attack on the Capitol continues to present damning evidence about Trump's efforts to overturn the results of the 2020 election, she said it was also important "to talk about his enablers and the people who use him for their own ends, and the people he uses."

O'Brien said Trump had a "reptilian sensibility about other people's vulnerability" and said some in his orbit "overestimate who he is."

Another group view Trump as "their useful idiot, someone who they think they can manipulate or use to further their financial or political or social ends," he said.

O'Brien continued: "I am surprised by the willingness of people who can see right in front of themselves what he's doing.

"Of the entire GOP, major institution, outside of political institutions, law enforcement, business institutions, academic institutions, and they essentially tell themselves lies and delude themselves, I think, in the belief that he might go away or he won't be bad or that he can be channeled to get their own goal enabled and realized.

"And time and time again, he takes advantage of them. All of them. Each and every single one of them."

O'Brien went on to warn that "Trumpism" would not be going away even if Trump does not win a second term in the White House in 2024.

"Trumpism isn't going away... [it] inhabits a bigger part of the Republican Party than when Donald first descended," he said. "And I think that we're going to be living with that for a long time whether or not he becomes president."

During the podcast, Mary Trump also said that while Trump is clearly paying attention to the January 6 hearings, they would not have any impact on his behavior.

"Donald's paying attention to January 6, but it's not going to modify his behavior in any way," she said.

Newsweek has contacted Trump's spokeswoman and the Republican National Committee for comment.

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Republicans Lying to Themselves and Hoping Trump Will Go Away: Biographer - Newsweek

As the lone Republican in the New York City congressional delegation, Representative Nicole Malliotakis has adopted certain stances that would make her an understandable outlier in a deeply Democratic city.

Just days after taking office in early 2021, she voted to discard the legitimate 2020 election results, voting for a debunked conspiracy theory that claimed President Donald J. Trump actually won the election. She followed up by voting against Mr. Trumps second impeachment as a result of the deadly Capitol riots of Jan. 6, 2021.

But as she seeks re-election in November, Ms. Malliotakis has tried to tread a finer line around guns and abortion, two polarizing social issues that have taken on added prominence in light of recent Supreme Court decisions. (In June, the court overturned the federal right to abortion, as well as a New York law governing concealed weapons.)

On guns, for example, Ms. Malliotakis has voiced some support for new regulations, even voting for several Democratic gun control bills proffered in the wake of the massacres in Buffalo and Uvalde, Texas. She later, however, voted against the omnibus bill package, contending that it was constitutionally suspect and represented a partisan overreach.

Ms. Malliotakis opposes abortion rights, favoring restrictions on using taxpayer funding for the procedure and on late-term abortions. But she has said that she believes that abortion should be allowed under certain circumstances, such as when the life of the mother is at risk.

But Ms. Malliotakis has also tried to maintain some distance from the courts decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Womens Health Organization, which overturned Roe v. Wade, saying in a recent interview that she didnt weigh in on it. Yet earlier this month, the congresswoman voted against a pair of bills that would have banned states from restricting abortions and prohibited them from blocking access to out-of-state abortion services.

Republicans, who are expected to fare well in Novembers midterm elections, have long fought to overturn Roe. Yet some of the partys candidates have not rushed to embrace the Dobbs ruling, wary of alienating voters who, according to polls, may be swayed by social issues in ways that help Democrats.

Ms. Malliotakis is a prime example. Her district encompasses Staten Island and a swath of southwest Brooklyn, some of the citys most conservative areas. Yet New York remains an overwhelmingly Democratic city, and the recent Supreme Court rulings were profoundly unpopular here.

So, like many of her Republican colleagues, Ms. Malliotakis, a first-term congresswoman, is instead trying to steer the conversation toward bottom-line issues like inflation and high gas prices.

People are struggling putting gas in their tanks, putting food on their tables, paying their bills, Ms. Malliotakis said in a recent interview.

For some people who are single-issue individuals, it could potentially have an impact, she added, of her statements on guns and abortion. But I know that crime and pocketbook issues are the most important issues to the people I represent.

Ms. Malliotakis is expected to easily win her Republican primary next month against John Matland, a badly underfunded rival, setting her up for a likely rematch against Max Rose, the former Democratic congressman whom she unseated in 2020.

Mr. Rose, a combat veteran who was wounded in Afghanistan and awarded the Bronze Star, has sought to tie Ms. Malliotakis to the extreme elements of the Republican Party, including Mr. Trump, and to the Capitol riot by the presidents supporters, saying he is running to protect the soul of America.

Everything that our country was built upon wasnt just spit at: They tried to destroy it, he said during a campaign walkabout on July 11 in Bay Ridge. And even after even after Nicole, and everyone else in Congress who were almost killed, they still voted to decertify.

He is also openly derisive of Ms. Malliotakiss seeming duality on some hot-button issues, mocking her limited embrace of gun control, for example, as nothing more than a few ceremonial votes.

When it came time for the package to be voted on, as she always does, she played both sides, he said, referring to the omnibus bill. Voted for it before she voted against it. Who knows whats going on here?

Mr. Rose has also held a handful of public events after the Supreme Court ruling on abortion including one at Ms. Malliotakiss Brooklyn district office in Bay Ridge to portray her as out of touch with her district, even on Staten Island, saying the congresswoman is on the wrong side of history.

I generally do believe that when it comes down to it, people are on the side of women having the opportunity to make those decisions for themselves, he said.

In recent weeks, Mr. Rose continued that line of attack, saying the congresswoman had tweeted over 180 times and issued 13 press releases since the Dobbs decision, but has said nothing about millions of women losing control over their bodies.

When asked specifically about the Dobbs decision that overturned Roe, Ms. Malliotakis demurred.

My constituents, they know that nothing is going to change in New York, she said. The Supreme Court interprets the Constitution, so we have to accept the Supreme Courts decision regardless.

Ms. Malliotakiss comments have also given fodder to her opponents on the right, including Mr. Matland, a health care worker who lost his job for refusing to be vaccinated, and who is seeking to oust Ms. Malliotakis in the Aug. 23 primary with a low-budget, anti-establishment campaign.

Mr. Matland, who is making his first run for public office, said that Ms. Malliotakis has often alienated the Republican base, and that she has only been voted into office because of her name recognition she served five terms in the State Assembly and ran unsuccessfully in 2017 for mayor of New York City and her districts aversion to Democratic candidates.

People say I only voted for her and Im guilty of this myself because I thought she was a much better option than Max Rose, Mr. Matland said, adding, And thats the exact reason we have primaries: so we can get a better option.

Considering the likelihood of a tough year for Democrats nationally, most observers think that Mr. Rose will have an uphill battle in November, assuming he wins his primary in August against two challengers: Brittany Ramos DeBarros, a progressive community activist, and Komi Agoda-Koussema, an educator.

Mr. Roses campaign was also dealt a setback earlier this year when a state judge threw out new Democrat-drawn congressional lines that could have tilted the district heavily in his favor. The refashioned lines, drawn by a redistricting expert in May, left the district looking largely the same, though its section of Brooklyn about half as populous as the Staten Island portion did favor President Biden over Mr. Trump by about 12 points in the 2020 election.

Ms. Malliotakis accused Mr. Rose of entering the race only because he thought they were going to change the lines in his favor.

The good news about reruns is we know how they end, Ms. Malliotakis said of her rematch against Mr. Rose.

Vito Fossella, the Republican who serves as the Staten Island borough president, echoed that sentiment, saying he didnt see how the dynamics of the race have changed much since 2020, and suggesting that abortion and guns would not be major issues for Staten Island voters.

On balance, what people care about is Are we safe? Are we comfortable economically? Do we have a brighter future? said Mr. Fossella, who is a supporter of Ms. Malliotakis.

A path to re-election for Ms. Malliotakis, 41, will likely include a big win on the islands South Shore, a Republican stronghold, to offset the more liberal neighborhoods in the north. And for South Shore residents like Edward Carey, a retired banking executive who winters in Florida but has a house in the Eltingville neighborhood, Ms. Malliotakis is already a sure thing. He noted the backing of Mr. Fossella, as well as other factors.

Shes a Republican, shes a woman, shes young, said Mr. Carey, 83, a registered Republican who said the last Democrat he voted for was John F. Kennedy. Thats good enough for me.

Still, State Senator Diane J. Savino, a moderate Democrat who has represented the north part of Staten Island for nearly two decades, said you cannot pinpoint Staten Island voters.

Its not that theyre Republican or Democrat, left-leaning or right-leaning: Its whether or not that candidate speaks to what touches Staten Islanders, she said, noting the islands recent history of vacillating between parties. Anybody who thinks that they can put their finger on the pulse of Staten Island voters doesnt know what theyre talking about.

She also criticized Ms. Malliotakis for being wishy-washy on critical issues, but noted that voters dont seem to care.

Up until now, Nicole has skirted on this, Ms. Savino said, referring to Ms. Malliotakiss anti-abortion votes in Washington and Albany. No one ever holds her accountable. So I dont think thats going to drive voters here. Whats going to drive voters is whether or not they think theyre going to have someone who is going to fight for them in Washington.

Vin DeRosa, a patron at Jodys Club Forest, a popular bar near the North Shore where Mr. Rose has been known to drink, is a registered Democrat but said he considers himself an independent who votes for the person rather than the party line.

Mr. DeRosa, a retired telecommunications professional, said that he had voted for Mr. Rose in 2020, and that he likely would again, if only because of Ms. Malliotakiss association with Mr. Trump.

Im not sure I want a congressperson who has to call Mar-a-Lago, Mr. DeRosa said, to find out what to do.

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A New Yorkers Opposition to Abortion Clouds Her House Re-Election Bid - The New York Times