Category Archives: Quantum Physics

Details

Posted: 21-Nov-22

Location: Hoboken, New Jersey

Salary: Negotiable

Categories:

Physics: Optics and Laser

Physics: Photonics

Physics: Quantum

Sector:

Academic

Work Function:

Faculty 4-Year College/University

Preferred Education:

Doctorate

The Department of Physics in the Charles V. Schaefer School of Engineering and Science at Stevens Institute of Technology invites applications for a faculty position in the field of quantum information science. This is an open-rank search, and candidates will be considered for appointment both at the tenure-track assistant professor level and at higher ranks, as appropriate. Candidates in both theory and experiment will be considered but candidates with background in experimental quantum research are particularly encouraged to apply.

Stevens Institute of Technology has a strong presence in quantum information research, spanning areas such as quantum optics, laser physics, and quantum foundations. The university seeks to further strengthen and complement efforts in quantum information science, one of the top priorities of the University. As such, the initiative is a central component of the new Stevens strategic plan Stevens2032: Inspired by Humanity, Powered by Technology.

Candidates must have a PhD in physics or a closely related field and are expected to develop a strong research program and to teach at the undergraduate and graduate levels. The research should be capable of attracting substantial extra-mural funding and is expected to complement and strengthen the research conducted within the Department of Physics and the Center for Quantum Science and Engineering. For more information, see

https://www.stevens.edu/research-entrepreneurship/research-centers-labs/center-quantum-science-and-engineering

Stevens Institute of Technology is a premier, private research university in Hoboken, New Jersey, overlooking the Manhattan skyline. Stevens prepares its more than 8,000 undergraduate and graduate students for an increasingly complex and technology-centric world, leveraging finance, computing, engineering and the arts to confront the most challenging problems of our time with innovative teaching and research. The university is in the top 1% nationally of colleges with the highest-paid graduates.

Stevens values diversity and seeks candidates who will contribute to a welcoming and inclusive environment for students, faculty and staff of all backgrounds. We are an NSF ADVANCE institution committed to equitable practices and policies, and strongly encourage applications from women, racial and ethnic minority candidates, veterans and individuals with disabilities.

The search committee will begin to review applications on January 2, 2023. Applications will continue to be accepted until the position is filled.

To apply online follow these instructions:

Prepare a single pdf file (maximum size of 50 MB) with the following sections:

Navigate to https://www.stevens.edu/page-right-nav/careers-at-stevens

Click Job Portal for External Candidates and enter the Requisition number RQ26358 in the search field. Click on the resultant link and then click on Apply Online. You must create an ID and use the Manual entry option. When prompted for the CV file, upload the single file prepared as indicated above.

For any questions, please contact the Search Committee Chair, Prof. Edward Whittaker, at ewhittak@stevens.edu.

Stevens Institute of Technology is an Equal Opportunity Employer. Accordingly, Stevens adheres to an employment policy that prohibits discriminatory practices or harassment against candidates or employees based on legally impermissible factor(s) including, but not necessarily limited to, race, color, religion, creed, sex, national origin, nationality, citizenship status, age, ancestry, marital or domestic partnership or civil union status, familial status, affectional or sexual orientation, gender identity or expression, atypical cellular or blood trait, genetic information, pregnancy or pregnancy-related medical conditions, disability, or any protected military or veteran status. Stevens is building a diverse faculty, staff and student body and strongly encourages applications from female and minority candidates, as well as veterans and individuals with disabilities. Stevens is a federal contractor under the Vietnam Era Veterans' Readjustment Assistance Act (VEVRAA) and the Rehabilitation Act of 1973, as well as other federal statutes.

About Stevens Institute of Technology

Stevens Institute of Technology is a premier, private research university in Hoboken,New Jersey, overlooking the Manhattan skyline. Stevens prepares its more than 8,000undergraduate and graduate students for an increasingly complex and technology-centricworld, leveraging finance, computing, engineering and the arts to confront themost challenging problems of our time with innovative teaching and research. Theuniversity is in the top 1% nationally of colleges with the highest-paid graduates.Stevens values diversity and seeks candidates who will contribute to a welcoming andinclusive environment for students, faculty and staff of all backgrounds. We are an NSFADVANCE institution committed to equitable practices and policies, and stronglyencourage applications from women, racial and ethnic minority candidates, veteransand individuals with disabilities.

https://careers.aps.org/jobs/17804025/tenure-track-faculty-position-in-quantum-information-science

See more here:

Tenure Track Faculty Position in Quantum Information Science in Hoboken ...

The Republican Party, also referred to as the GOP ("Grand Old Party"), is one of the two major contemporary political parties in the United States. The GOP was founded in 1854 by anti-slavery activists who opposed the KansasNebraska Act, which allowed for the potential expansion of chattel slavery into the western territories.[12] Since Ronald Reagan's presidency in the 1980s, conservatism has been the dominant ideology of the GOP.[4] It has been the main political rival of the Democratic Party since the mid-1850s.

The Republican Party's intellectual predecessor is considered to be Northern members of the Whig Party, with Republican presidents Abraham Lincoln, Rutherford B. Hayes, Chester A. Arthur, and Benjamin Harrison all being Whigs before switching to the party, from which they were elected.[13] The collapse of the Whigs, which had previously been one of the two major parties in the country, strengthened the party's electoral success. Upon its founding, it supported classical liberalism and economic reform while opposing the expansion of slavery.[14][15]

The Republican Party initially consisted of Northern Protestants, factory workers, professionals, businessmen, prosperous farmers, and from 1866, former black slaves. It had almost no presence in the Southern United States at its inception, but was very successful in the Northern United States where, by 1858, it had enlisted former Whigs and former Free Soil Democrats to form majorities in nearly every state in New England. While both parties adopted pro-business policies in the 19th century, the early GOP was distinguished by its support for the national banking system, the gold standard, railroads, and high tariffs. It did not openly oppose slavery in the Southern states before the start of the American Civil Warstating that it only opposed the spread of slavery into the territories or into the Northern statesbut was widely seen as sympathetic to the abolitionist cause. Seeing a future threat to the practice with the election of Abraham Lincoln, the first Republican president, many states in the South declared secession and joined the Confederacy. Under the leadership of Lincoln and a Republican Congress, it led the fight to destroy the Confederacy during the American Civil War, preserving the Union and abolishing slavery. The aftermath saw the party largely dominate the national political scene until 1932.

In 1912, former Republican president Theodore Roosevelt formed the Progressive ("Bull Moose") Party after being rejected by the GOP and ran unsuccessfully as a third-party presidential candidate, feeling that William Howard Taft had betrayed the values of the Republican Party and calling for social reforms similar to those he had enacted during his presidency. After 1912, many Roosevelt supporters left the Republican Party, and the Party underwent an ideological shift to the right, beginning its 20th-century trend towards conservatism. The GOP lost its congressional majorities during the Great Depression (19291940) under President Franklin D. Roosevelt, whose popular New Deal programs shifted the country towards the Democratic Party for most of the next three decades. Following the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, Southern states became more reliably Republican in presidential politics.[16] After the Supreme Court's 1973 decision in Roe v. Wade, the Republican Party opposed abortion in its party platform and grew its support among evangelicals.[17] The party currently supports small government, deregulation, lower taxes, gun rights, restrictions on immigration, restrictions on abortion, restrictions on labor unions, and increased military spending. It has taken variant positions on free trade and protectionism throughout history.[4][18][19][20][21][22]

In the modern day, its demographic base skews towards people who live in rural areas, white evangelical Christians, and men, particularly white men.[23][24][25][26][23][27][28] The party has gained significant support among members of the white working class and lost support among affluent and college-educated whites since the 1980s.[23][29][30]

As of 2022, the GOP controls 28 state governorships, 30 state legislatures, and 23 state government trifectas. Six of the nine sitting U.S. Supreme Court justices were appointed by Republican presidents. The Republican Party is a member of the International Democrat Union, an international alliance of centre-right political parties.[31][32] Its most recent presidential nominee was Donald Trump, who was the 45th U.S. president from 2017 to 2021. There have been 19 Republican presidents, the most from any one political party.

The Republican Party was founded in the northern states in 1854 by forces opposed to the expansion of slavery, ex-Whigs and ex-Free Soilers. The Republican Party quickly became the principal opposition to the dominant Democratic Party and the briefly popular Know Nothing Party. The party grew out of opposition to the KansasNebraska Act, which repealed the Missouri Compromise and opened Kansas Territory and Nebraska Territory to slavery and future admission as slave states.[33][34] They denounced the expansion of slavery as a great evil, but did not call for ending it in the southern states. While opposition to the expansion of slavery was the most consequential founding principal of the party, like the Whig party it replaced, Republicans also called for economic and social modernization.

The first public meeting of the general anti-Nebraska movement, at which the name Republican was proposed, was held on March 20, 1854, at the Little White Schoolhouse in Ripon, Wisconsin.[35] The name was partly chosen to pay homage to Thomas Jefferson's Democratic-Republican Party.[36] The first official party convention was held on July 6, 1854, in Jackson, Michigan.[37]

The party emerged from the great political realignment of the mid-1850s. Historian William Gienapp argues that the great realignment of the 1850s began before the Whigs' collapse, and was caused not by politicians but by voters at the local level. The central forces were ethno-cultural, involving tensions between pietistic Protestants versus liturgical Catholics, Lutherans and Episcopalians regarding Catholicism, prohibition and nativism. The Know Nothing Party embodied the social forces at work, but its weak leadership was unable to solidify its organization, and the Republicans picked it apart. Nativism was so powerful that the Republicans could not avoid it, but they did minimize it and turn voter wrath against the threat that slave owners would buy up the good farm lands wherever slavery was allowed. The realignment was powerful because it forced voters to switch parties, as typified by the rise and fall of the Know Nothings, the rise of the Republican Party and the splits in the Democratic Party.[38][39]

At the 1856 Republican National Convention, the party adopted a national platform emphasizing opposition to the expansion of slavery into the territories.[40] While Republican nominee John C. Frmont lost the 1856 United States presidential election to Democrat James Buchanan, Buchanan only managed to win four of the fourteen northern states, winning his home state of Pennsylvania narrowly.[41][42] Republicans fared better in Congressional and local elections, but Know Nothing candidates took a significant number of seats, creating an awkward three party arrangement. Despite the loss of the presidency and the lack of a majority in Congress, Republicans were able to orchestrate a Republican Speaker of the House, which went to Nathaniel P. Banks. Historian James M. McPherson writes regarding Banks' speakership that "if any one moment marked the birth of the Republican party, this was it."

The Republicans were eager for the elections of 1860.[44] Former Illinois Representative Abraham Lincoln spent several years building support within the party, campaigning heavily for Frmont in 1856 and making a bid for the Senate in 1858, losing to Democrat Stephen A. Douglas but gaining national attention for the LincolnDouglas debates it produced.[42][45] At the 1860 Republican National Convention, Lincoln consolidated support among opponents of New York Senator William H. Seward, a fierce abolitionist who some Republicans feared would be too radical for crucial states such as Pennsylvania and Indiana, as well as those who disapproved of his support for Irish immigrants.[44] Lincoln won on the third ballot and was ultimately elected president in the general election in a rematch against Douglas. Lincoln had not been on the ballot in a single southern state, and even if the vote for Democrats had not been split between Douglas, John C. Breckinridge and John Bell, the Republicans would've still won but without the popular vote.[44] This election result helped kickstart the American Civil War which lasted from 1861 until 1865.[46]

The election of 1864 united War Democrats with the GOP and saw Lincoln and Tennessee Democratic Senator Andrew Johnson get nominated on the National Union Party ticket;[41] Lincoln was re-elected.[47] By June 1865, slavery was dead in the ex-Confederate states, but still existed in some border states. Under Republican congressional leadership, the Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitutionwhich banned slavery in the United Statespassed in 1865; it was ratified in December 1865.[48]

Radical Republicans during Lincoln's presidency felt he was too moderate in his eradication of slavery and opposed his ten percent plan. Radical Republicans passed the WadeDavis Bill in 1864, which sought to enforce the taking of the Ironclad Oath for all former Confederates. Lincoln vetoed the bill, believing it would jeopardize the peaceful reintegration of the Confederate states into the United States.[49]

Following the assassination of Lincoln, Johnson ascended to the presidency and was deplored by Radical Republicans. Johnson was vitriolic in his criticisms of the Radical Republicans during a national tour ahead of the 1866 midterm elections.[50] In his view, Johnson saw Radical Republicanism as the same as secessionism, both being two extremist sides of the political spectrum.[50] Anti-Johnson Republicans won a two-thirds majority in both chambers of Congress following the elections, which helped lead the way toward his impeachment and near ouster from office in 1868.[50] That same year, former Union Army General Ulysses S. Grant was elected as the next Republican president.

Grant was a Radical Republican which created some division within the party, some such as Massachusetts Senator Charles Sumner and Illinois Senator Lyman Trumbull opposed most of his Reconstructionist policies.[51] Others found contempt with the large-scale corruption present in Grant's administration, with the emerging Stalwart faction defending Grant and the spoils system, whereas the Half-Breeds pushed for reform of the civil service.[52] Republicans who opposed Grant branched off to form the Liberal Republican Party, nominating Horace Greeley in 1872. The Democratic Party attempted to capitalize on this divide in the GOP by co-nominating Greeley under their party banner. Greeley's positions proved inconsistent with the Liberal Republican Party that nominated him, with Greeley supporting high tariffs despite the party's opposition.[53] Grant was easily re-elected.

The 1876 general election saw a contentious conclusion as both parties claimed victory despite three southern states still not officially declaring a winner at the end of election day. Voter suppression had occurred in the south to depress the black and white Republican vote, which gave Republican-controlled returning officers enough of a reason to declare that fraud, intimidation and violence had soiled the states' results. They proceeded to throw out enough Democratic votes for Republican Rutherford B. Hayes to be declared the winner.[54] Still, Democrats refused to accept the results and an Electoral Commission made up of members of Congress was established to decide who would be awarded the states' electors. After the Commission voted along party lines in Hayes' favor, Democrats threatened to delay the counting of electoral votes indefinitely so no president would be inaugurated on March 4. This resulted in the Compromise of 1877 and Hayes finally became president.[55]

Hayes doubled down on the gold standard, which had been signed into law by Grant with the Coinage Act of 1873, as a solution to the depressed American economy in the aftermath of the Panic of 1873. He also believed greenbacks posed a threat; greenbacks being money printed during the Civil War that was not backed by specie, which Hayes objected to as a proponent of hard money. Hayes sought to restock the country's gold supply, which by January 1879 succeeded as gold was more frequently exchanged for greenbacks compared to greenbacks being exchanged for gold.[56] Ahead of the 1880 general election, Republican James G. Blaine ran for the party nomination supporting Hayes' gold standard push and supporting his civil reforms. Both falling short of the nomination, Blaine and opponent John Sherman backed Republican James A. Garfield, who agreed with Hayes' move in favor of the gold standard, but opposed his civil reform efforts.[57][58]

Garfield was elected but assassinated early into his term, however his death helped create support for the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act, which was passed in 1883;[59] the bill was signed into law by Republican President Chester A. Arthur, who succeeded Garfield.

Blaine once again ran for the presidency, winning the nomination but losing to Democrat Grover Cleveland in 1884, the first Democrat to be elected president since Buchanan. Dissident Republicans, known as Mugwumps, had defected Blaine due to corruption which had plagued his political career.[60][61] Cleveland stuck to the gold standard policy, which eased most Republicans,[62] but he came into conflict with the party regarding budding American imperialism.[63] Republican Benjamin Harrison was able to reclaim the presidency from Cleveland in 1888. During his presidency, Harrison signed the Dependent and Disability Pension Act, which established pensions for all veterans of the Union who had served for more than 90 days and were unable to perform manual labor.[64]

A majority of Republicans supported the annexation of Hawaii, under the new governance of Republican Sanford B. Dole, and Harrison, following his loss in 1892 to Cleveland, attempted to pass a treaty annexing Hawaii before Cleveland was to be inaugurated again.[65] Cleveland opposed annexation, though Democrats were split geographically on the issue, with most northeastern Democrats proving to be the strongest voices of opposition.[66]

In 1896, Republican William McKinley's platform supported the gold standard and high tariffs, having been the creator and namesake for the McKinley Tariff of 1890. Though having been divided on the issue prior to the 1896 Republican National Convention, McKinley decided to heavily favor the gold standard over free silver in his campaign messaging, but promised to continue bimetallism to ward off continued skepticism over the gold standard, which had lingered since the Panic of 1893.[67][68] Democrat William Jennings Bryan proved to be a devoted adherent to the free silver movement, which cost Bryan the support of Democrat institutions such as Tammany Hall, the New York World and a large majority of the Democratic Party's upper and middle-class support.[69] McKinley defeated Bryan and returned the White House to Republican control until 1912.

The 1896 realignment cemented the Republicans as the party of big businesses while Theodore Roosevelt added more small business support by his embrace of trust busting. He handpicked his successor William Howard Taft in 1908, but they became enemies as the party split down the middle. Taft defeated Roosevelt for the 1912 nomination so Roosevelt stormed out of the convention and started a new party. Roosevelt ran on the ticket of his new Progressive ("Bull Moose") Party. He called for social reforms, many of which were later championed by New Deal Democrats in the 1930s. He lost and when most of his supporters returned to the GOP they found they did not agree with the new conservative economic thinking, leading to an ideological shift to the right in the Republican Party.[70]

The Republicans returned to the White House throughout the 1920s, running on platforms of normalcy, business-oriented efficiency and high tariffs. The national party platform avoided mention of prohibition, instead issuing a vague commitment to law and order.[71]

Warren G. Harding, Calvin Coolidge and Herbert Hoover were resoundingly elected in 1920, 1924 and 1928, respectively. The Teapot Dome scandal threatened to hurt the party, but Harding died and the opposition splintered in 1924. The pro-business policies of the decade seemed to produce an unprecedented prosperity until the Wall Street Crash of 1929 heralded the Great Depression.[72]

The New Deal coalition forged by Democrat Franklin D. Roosevelt controlled American politics for most of the next three decades, excluding the two-term presidency of Republican Dwight D. Eisenhower. After Roosevelt took office in 1933, New Deal legislation sailed through Congress and the economy moved sharply upward from its nadir in early 1933. However, long-term unemployment remained a drag until 1940. In the 1934 midterm elections, 10 Republican senators went down to defeat, leaving the GOP with only 25 senators against 71 Democrats. The House of Representatives likewise had overwhelming Democratic majorities.[73]

The Republican Party factionalized into a majority "Old Right" (based in the midwest) and a liberal wing based in the northeast that supported much of the New Deal. The Old Right sharply attacked the "Second New Deal" and said it represented class warfare and socialism. Roosevelt was re-elected in a landslide in 1936; however, as his second term began, the economy declined, strikes soared, and he failed to take control of the Supreme Court and purge the southern conservatives from the Democratic Party. Republicans made a major comeback in the 1938 elections and had new rising stars such as Robert A. Taft of Ohio on the right and Thomas E. Dewey of New York on the left.[74] Southern conservatives joined with most Republicans to form the conservative coalition, which dominated domestic issues in Congress until 1964. Both parties split on foreign policy issues, with the anti-war isolationists dominant in the Republican Party and the interventionists who wanted to stop Adolf Hitler dominant in the Democratic Party. Roosevelt won a third and fourth term in 1940 and 1944, respectively. Conservatives abolished most of the New Deal during the war, but they did not attempt to do away with Social Security or the agencies that regulated business.[75]

Historian George H. Nash argues:

Unlike the "moderate", internationalist, largely eastern bloc of Republicans who accepted (or at least acquiesced in) some of the "Roosevelt Revolution" and the essential premises of President Harry S. Truman's foreign policy, the Republican Right at heart was counterrevolutionary. Anti-collectivist, anti-Communist, anti-New Deal, passionately committed to limited government, free market economics, and congressional (as opposed to executive) prerogatives, the G.O.P. conservatives were obliged from the start to wage a constant two-front war: against liberal Democrats from without and "me-too" Republicans from within.[76]

After 1945, the internationalist wing of the GOP cooperated with Truman's Cold War foreign policy, funded the Marshall Plan and supported NATO, despite the continued isolationism of the Old Right.[77]

The second half of the 20th century saw the election or succession of Republican presidents Dwight D. Eisenhower, Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford, Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush. Eisenhower had defeated conservative leader Senator Robert A. Taft for the 1952 nomination, but conservatives dominated the domestic policies of the Eisenhower administration. Voters liked Eisenhower much more than they liked the GOP and he proved unable to shift the party to a more moderate position. Since 1976, liberalism has virtually faded out of the Republican Party, apart from a few northeastern holdouts.[78] Historians cite the 1964 United States presidential election and its respective 1964 Republican National Convention as a significant shift, which saw the conservative wing, helmed by Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona, battle the liberal New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller and his eponymous Rockefeller Republican faction for the party presidential nomination. With Goldwater poised to win, Rockefeller, urged to mobilize his liberal faction, relented, "Youre looking at it, buddy. Im all thats left."[79][80] Though Goldwater lost in a landslide, Reagan would make himself known as a prominent supporter of his throughout the campaign, delivering the "A Time for Choosing" speech for him. He'd go on to become governor of California two years later, and in 1980, win the presidency.[81]

The presidency of Reagan, lasting from 1981 to 1989, constituted what is known as the "Reagan Revolution".[citation needed] It was seen as a fundamental shift from the stagflation of the 1970s preceding it, with the introduction of Reaganomics intended to cut taxes, prioritize government deregulation and shift funding from the domestic sphere into the military to check the Soviet Union by utilizing deterrence theory. During a visit to then-West Berlin in June 1987, he addressed Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev during a speech at the Berlin Wall, demanding that he "tear down this wall". The remark was ignored at the time but after the fall of the wall in 1989 retroactively recast as a soaring achievement over the years.[82]

After he left office in 1989, Reagan became an iconic conservative Republican. Republican presidential candidates would frequently claim to share his views and aim to establish themselves and their policies as the more appropriate heir to his legacy.[83]

Vice President Bush scored a landslide in the 1988 general election. However his term would see a divide form within the Republican Party. Bush's vision of economic liberalization and international cooperation with foreign nations saw the negotiation and signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the conceptual beginnings of the World Trade Organization.[84] Independent politician and businessman Ross Perot decried NAFTA and prophesied it would lead to outsourcing American jobs to Mexico, while Democrat Bill Clinton found agreement in Bush's policies.[85] Bush lost reelection in 1992 with 37 percent of the popular vote, with Clinton garnering a plurality of 43 percent and Perot in third with 19 percent. While debatable if Perot's candidacy cost Bush reelection, Charlie Cook of The Cook Political Report attests Perot's messaging held more weight with Republican and conservative voters at-large.[86] Perot formed the Reform Party and those who had been or would become prominent Republicans saw brief membership, such as former White House Communications Director Pat Buchanan and later President Donald Trump.[87]

In the Republican Revolution of 1994, the partyled by House Minority Whip Newt Gingrich, who campaigned on the "Contract with America"won majorities in both chambers of Congress, gained 12 governorships and regained control of 20 state legislatures. (However, most voters had not heard of the Contract and the Republican victory was attributed to redistricting, traditional mid-term anti-incumbent voting, and Republicans becoming the majority party in Dixie for the first time since Reconstruction.)[88] It was the first time the Republican Party had achieved a majority in the House since 1952.[89] Gingrich was made Speaker of the House, and within the first 100 days of the Republican majority every proposition featured in the Contract with America was passed, with the exception of term limits for members of Congress. (Unfortunately they did not pass in the Senate.)[90][88] One key to Gingrich's success in 1994 was nationalizing the election,[89] in turn, Gingrich became a national figure during the 1996 House elections, with many Democratic leaders proclaiming Gingrich was a zealous radical.[91][92] The Republicans maintained their majority for the first time since 1928 despite the presidential ticket of Bob Dole-Jack Kemp losing handily to President Clinton in the general election. However, Gingrich's national profile proved a detriment to the Republican Congress, which enjoyed majority approval among voters in spite of Gingrich's relative unpopularity.[91]

After Gingrich and the Republicans struck a deal with Clinton on the Balanced Budget Act of 1997 with added tax cuts included, the Republican House majority had difficulty convening on a new agenda ahead of the 1998 midterm elections.[93] During the ongoing impeachment of Bill Clinton in 1998, Gingrich decided to make Clinton's misconduct the party message heading into the midterms, believing it would add to their majority. The strategy proved mistaken and the Republicans lost five seats, though whether it was due to poor messaging or Clinton's popularity providing a coattail effect is debated.[94] Gingrich was ousted from party power due to the performance, ultimately deciding to resign from Congress altogether. For a short time afterward it appeared Louisiana Representative Bob Livingston would become his successor. Livingston, however, stepped down from consideration and resigned from Congress after damaging reports of affairs threatened the Republican House's legislative agenda if he were to serve as Speaker.[95] Illinois Representative Dennis Hastert was promoted to Speaker in Livingston's place, and served in that position until 2007.[96]

A Republican ticket of George W. Bush and Dick Cheney won the 2000 and 2004 presidential elections.[97] Bush campaigned as a "compassionate conservative" in 2000, wanting to better appeal to immigrants and minority voters.[98] The goal was to prioritize drug rehabilitation programs and aide for prisoner reentry into society, a move intended to capitalize on President Bill Clinton's tougher crime initiatives such as the 1994 crime bill passed under his administration. The platform failed to gain much traction among members of the party during his presidency.[99]

With the inauguration of Bush as president, the Republican Party remained fairly cohesive for much of the 2000s as both strong economic libertarians and social conservatives opposed the Democrats, whom they saw as the party of bloated, secular, and liberal government.[100] This period saw the rise of "pro-government conservatives"a core part of the Bush's basea considerable group of the Republicans who advocated for increased government spending and greater regulations covering both the economy and people's personal lives as well as for an activist, interventionist foreign policy.[101] Survey groups such as the Pew Research Center found that social conservatives and free market advocates remained the other two main groups within the party's coalition of support, with all three being roughly equal in number.[102][103] However, libertarians and libertarian-leaning conservatives increasingly found fault with what they saw as Republicans' restricting of vital civil liberties while corporate welfare and the national debt hiked considerably under Bush's tenure.[104] In contrast, some social conservatives expressed dissatisfaction with the party's support for economic policies that conflicted with their moral values.[105]

The Republican Party lost its Senate majority in 2001 when the Senate became split evenly; nevertheless, the Republicans maintained control of the Senate due to the tie-breaking vote of Republican Vice President Dick Cheney. Democrats gained control of the Senate on June 6, 2001, when Republican Senator Jim Jeffords of Vermont switched his party affiliation to Democrat. The Republicans regained the Senate majority in the 2002 elections. Republican majorities in the House and Senate were held until the Democrats regained control of both chambers in the mid-term elections of 2006.[106][107]

In 2008, Republican Senator John McCain of Arizona and Governor Sarah Palin of Alaska were defeated by Democratic Senators Barack Obama and Joe Biden of Illinois and Delaware, respectively.[108]

The Republicans experienced electoral success in the wave election of 2010, which coincided with the ascendancy of the Tea Party movement,[109][110][111][112] an anti-Obama protest movement of fiscal conservatives.[113] Members of the movement called for lower taxes, and for a reduction of the national debt of the United States and federal budget deficit through decreased government spending.[114][115] It was also described as a popular constitutional movement[116] composed of a mixture of libertarian,[117] right-wing populist,[118] and conservative activism.[119] That success began with the upset win of Scott Brown in the Massachusetts special Senate election for a seat that had been held for decades by the Democratic Kennedy brothers.[120] In the November elections, Republicans recaptured control of the House, increased their number of seats in the Senate and gained a majority of governorships.[121] The Tea Party would go on to strongly influence the Republican Party, in part due to the replacement of establishment Republicans with Tea Party-style Republicans.[113]

When Obama and Biden won re-election in 2012, defeating a Mitt Romney-Paul Ryan ticket,[122] the Republicans lost seven seats in the House in the November congressional elections, but still retained control of that chamber.[123] However, Republicans were not able to gain control of the Senate, continuing their minority status with a net loss of two seats.[124] In the aftermath of the loss, some prominent Republicans spoke out against their own party.[125][126][127] A 2012 election post-mortem by the Republican Party concluded that the party needed to do more on the national level to attract votes from minorities and young voters.[128] In March 2013, National Committee Chairman Reince Priebus gave a stinging report on the party's electoral failures in 2012, calling on Republicans to reinvent themselves and officially endorse immigration reform. He said: "There's no one reason we lost. Our message was weak; our ground game was insufficient; we weren't inclusive; we were behind in both data and digital, and our primary and debate process needed improvement." He proposed 219 reforms that included a $10million marketing campaign to reach women, minorities and gays as well as setting a shorter, more controlled primary season and creating better data collection facilities.[129]

Following the 2014 midterm elections, the Republican Party took control of the Senate by gaining nine seats.[130] With a final total of 247 seats (57%) in the House and 54 seats in the Senate, the Republicans ultimately achieved their largest majority in the Congress since the 71st Congress in 1929.[131]

The election of Republican Donald Trump to the presidency in 2016 marked a populist shift in the Republican Party.[132] Trump's defeat of Democratic candidate Hillary Clinton was unexpected, as polls had shown Clinton leading the race.[133] Trump's victory was fueled by narrow victories in three statesMichigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsinthat had traditionally been part of the Democratic blue wall for decades. According to NBC News, "Trump's power famously came from his 'silent majority'working-class white voters who felt mocked and ignored by an establishment, loosely defined by special interests in Washington, news outlets in New York and tastemakers in Hollywood. He built trust within that base by abandoning Republican establishment orthodoxy on issues like trade and government spending in favor of a broader nationalist message".[134][135][136]

After the 2016 elections, Republicans maintained a majority in the Senate, House, and state governorships, wielding newly acquired executive power with Trump's election as president. The Republican Party controlled 69 of 99 state legislative chambers in 2017, the most it had held in history;[137] and at least 33 governorships, the most it had held since 1922.[138] The party had total control of government (legislative chambers and governorship) in 25 states,[139][140] the most since 1952;[141] the opposing Democratic Party had full control in only five states.[142] Following the results of the 2018 midterm elections, the Republicans lost control of the House yet strengthened their hold of the Senate.[143]

Over the course of his term, Trump appointed three justices to the Supreme Court: Neil Gorsuch replacing Antonin Scalia, Brett Kavanaugh replacing Anthony Kennedy, and Amy Coney Barrett replacing Ruth Bader Ginsburg the most appointments of any president in a single term since fellow Republican Richard Nixon. Trump was seen as solidifying a 63 conservative majority.[144][145] He appointed 260 judges in total, creating overall Republican-appointed majorities on every branch of the federal judiciary except for the Court of International Trade by the time he left office, shifting the judiciary to the right. Other notable achievements during his presidency included passing the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act in 2017, moving the U.S. embassy in Israel to Jerusalem, creating the United States Space Force the first new independent military service since 1947 and brokering the Abraham Accords, a series of normalization agreements between Israel and various Arab states.[146][147][148][149] The 2020 Republican Party Platform simply endorsed "the President's America-first agenda", prompting comparisons to contemporary leader-focused party platforms in Russia and China.[150]

Trump was impeached by the House of Representatives on December 18, 2019, for abuse of power and obstruction of Congress.[151][152] He was acquitted by the Senate on February 5, 2020.[153] 195 of the 197 Republicans within the House voted against the charges with none voting in favor; the two abstaining Republicans were due to external reasons unrelated to the impeachment itself.[154] 52 of the 53 Republicans within the Senate voted against the charges as well, successfully acquitting Trump as a result, with only Senator Mitt Romney of Utah dissenting and voting in favor of one of the charges (abuse of power).[155][156] Following his refusal to concede his loss in the 2020 election, to which Democrats attribute the U.S. Capitol being stormed by his supporters on January 6, 2021, the House impeached Trump for a second time on unproven charges of incitement of insurrection, making him the only federal officeholder in the history of the United States to be subjected to impeachment twice.[157][158] He left office on January 20, 2021, but the impeachment trial continued into the early weeks of the Biden administration, with Trump being ultimately acquitted a second time by the Senate on February 13, 2021.[159] Seven Republican senators voted to convict, including Romney once again, Richard Burr, Bill Cassidy, Susan Collins, Lisa Murkowski, Ben Sasse and Pat Toomey. Their states' respective Republican parties condemned them for doing so. Additionally, Republican U.S. Representative Liz Cheney was censured by her state GOP for her impeachment vote in the House.[160][161] In response to Trump's efforts to overturn the 2020 election and the storming of the Capitol, dozens of Republican former members of the Bush administration publicly abandoned the party, calling it the "cult of Trump."[162] In 2021, the party used Trump's false assertions of a stolen election as justification to impose new voting restrictions, and to remove Cheney from her House Republican Conference leadership position.[163][164][165] In 2021, Republican-controlled state legislatures "advanced their most conservative agenda in years" and were more aggressive in doing so than previous years, according to The Atlantic.[166] Trump has announced he will run in the 2024 United States presidential election.

The circa 2013 GOP banner logo

More recent GOP banner logo

The party's founding members chose the name Republican Party in the mid-1850s as homage to the values of republicanism promoted by Thomas Jefferson's Democratic-Republican Party.[168] The idea for the name came from an editorial by the party's leading publicist, Horace Greeley, who called for "some simple name like 'Republican' [that] would more fitly designate those who had united to restore the Union to its true mission of champion and promulgator of Liberty rather than propagandist of slavery".[169] The name reflects the 1776 republican values of civic virtue and opposition to aristocracy and corruption.[170] It is important to note that "republican" has a variety of meanings around the world, and the Republican Party has evolved such that the meanings no longer always align.[171][172]

The term "Grand Old Party" is a traditional nickname for the Republican Party, and the abbreviation "GOP" is a commonly used designation. The term originated in 1875 in the Congressional Record, referring to the party associated with the successful military defense of the Union as "this gallant old party". The following year in an article in the Cincinnati Commercial, the term was modified to "grand old party". The first use of the abbreviation is dated 1884.[173]

The traditional mascot of the party is the elephant. A political cartoon by Thomas Nast, published in Harper's Weekly on November 7, 1874, is considered the first important use of the symbol.[174] An alternate symbol of the Republican Party in states such as Indiana, New York and Ohio is the bald eagle as opposed to the Democratic rooster or the Democratic five-pointed star.[175][176] In Kentucky, the log cabin is a symbol of the Republican Party (not related to the gay Log Cabin Republicans organization).[177]

Traditionally the party had no consistent color identity.[178][179][180] After the 2000 election, the color red became associated with Republicans. During and after the election, the major broadcast networks used the same color scheme for the electoral map: states won by Republican nominee George W. Bush were colored red and states won by Democratic nominee Al Gore were colored blue. Due to the weeks-long dispute over the election results, these color associations became firmly ingrained, persisting in subsequent years. Although the assignment of colors to political parties is unofficial and informal, the media has come to represent the respective political parties using these colors. The party and its candidates have also come to embrace the color red.[181]

Republicans believe that free markets and individual achievement are the primary factors behind economic prosperity. Republicans frequently advocate in favor of fiscal conservatism during Democratic administrations; however, they have shown themselves willing to increase federal debt when they are in charge of the government (the implementation of the Bush tax cuts, Medicare Part D and the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 are examples of this willingness).[182][183][184] Despite pledges to roll back government spending, Republican administrations have, since the late 1960s, sustained or increased previous levels of government spending.[185][186]

The modern Republican Party's economic policy positions, as measured by votes in Congress, tend to align with business interests and the affluent.[187][188][189][190][191] Modern Republicans advocate the theory of supply-side economics, which holds that lower tax rates increase economic growth.[192] Many Republicans oppose higher tax rates for higher earners, which they believe are unfairly targeted at those who create jobs and wealth. They believe private spending is more efficient than government spending. Republican lawmakers have also sought to limit funding for tax enforcement and tax collection.[193] At the national level and state level, Republicans tend to pursue policies of tax cuts and deregulation.[194]

Republicans believe individuals should take responsibility for their own circumstances. They also believe the private sector is more effective in helping the poor through charity than the government is through welfare programs and that social assistance programs often cause government dependency.[195]

Republicans believe corporations should be able to establish their own employment practices, including benefits and wages, with the free market deciding the price of work. Since the 1920s, Republicans have generally been opposed by labor union organizations and members. At the national level, Republicans supported the TaftHartley Act of 1947, which gives workers the right not to participate in unions. Modern Republicans at the state level generally support various right-to-work laws, which prohibit union security agreements requiring all workers in a unionized workplace to pay dues or a fair-share fee, regardless of whether they are members of the union or not.[196]

Most Republicans oppose increases in the minimum wage, believing that such increases hurt businesses by forcing them to cut and outsource jobs while passing on costs to consumers.[197]

Historically, progressive leaders in the Republican Party supported environmental protection. Republican President Theodore Roosevelt was a prominent conservationist whose policies eventually led to the creation of the National Park Service.[203] While Republican President Richard Nixon was not an environmentalist, he signed legislation to create the Environmental Protection Agency in 1970 and had a comprehensive environmental program.[204] However, this position has changed since the 1980s and the administration of President Ronald Reagan, who labeled environmental regulations a burden on the economy.[205] Since then, Republicans have increasingly taken positions against environmental regulation,[206][207][208] with many Republicans rejecting the scientific consensus on climate change.[205][209][210][211]

In 2006, then-California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger broke from Republican orthodoxy to sign several bills imposing caps on carbon emissions in California. Then-President George W. Bush opposed mandatory caps at a national level. Bush's decision not to regulate carbon dioxide as a pollutant was challenged in the Supreme Court by 12 states,[212] with the court ruling against the Bush administration in 2007.[213] Bush also publicly opposed ratification of the Kyoto Protocols[205][214] which sought to limit greenhouse gas emissions and thereby combat climate change; his position was heavily criticized by climate scientists.[215]

The Republican Party rejects cap-and-trade policy to limit carbon emissions.[216] In the 2000s, Senator John McCain proposed bills (such as the McCain-Lieberman Climate Stewardship Act) that would have regulated carbon emissions, but his position on climate change was unusual among high-ranking party members.[205] Some Republican candidates have supported the development of alternative fuels in order to achieve energy independence for the United States. Some Republicans support increased oil drilling in protected areas such as the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, a position that has drawn criticism from activists.[217]

Many Republicans during the presidency of Barack Obama opposed his administration's new environmental regulations, such as those on carbon emissions from coal. In particular, many Republicans supported building the Keystone Pipeline; this position was supported by businesses, but opposed by indigenous peoples' groups and environmental activists.[218][219][220]

According to the Center for American Progress, a non-profit liberal advocacy group, more than 55% of congressional Republicans were climate change deniers in 2014.[221][222] PolitiFact in May 2014 found "relatively few Republican members of Congress... accept the prevailing scientific conclusion that global warming is both real and man-made." The group found eight members who acknowledged it, although the group acknowledged there could be more and that not all members of Congress have taken a stance on the issue.[223][224]

From 2008 to 2017, the Republican Party went from "debating how to combat human-caused climate change to arguing that it does not exist", according to The New York Times.[225] In January 2015, the Republican-led U.S. Senate voted 981 to pass a resolution acknowledging that "climate change is real and is not a hoax"; however, an amendment stating that "human activity significantly contributes to climate change" was supported by only five Republican senators.[226]

The party opposes a single-payer health care system, describing it as socialized medicine. The Republican Party has a mixed record of supporting the historically popular Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid programs,[227] and opposing the Affordable Care Act[228] and expansions of Medicaid.[229]

Historically, there have been diverse and overlapping views within both the Republican Party and the Democratic Party on the role of government in health care, but the two parties became highly polarized on the topic during 2008-2009 and onwards.[230] Both Republicans and Democrats made various proposals to establish federally funded aged health insurance prior to the bipartisan effort to establish Medicare and Medicaid in 1965.[231][232][233] The Republican Party opposes the Affordable Care Act, with no Republican member of Congress voting for it in 2009 and frequent subsequent attempts by Republicans to repeal the legislation.[230][234] At the state level, the party has tended to adopt a position against Medicaid expansion.[194][233]

The Republican Party has a persistent history of skepticism and opposition to multilateralism in American foreign policy.[235] Neoconservatism, which supports unilateralism and emphasizes the use of force and hawkishness in American foreign policy, has been a prominent strand of foreign policy thinking in all Republican presidential administration since Ronald Reagan's presidency.[236] Some, including paleoconservatives,[237] call for non-interventionism and an America First foreign policy. This faction gained strength starting in 2016 with the rise of Donald Trump.

Since the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, many[who?] in the party have supported neoconservative policies with regard to the War on Terror, including the War in Afghanistan and the Iraq War. The George W. Bush administration took the position that the Geneva Conventions do not apply to unlawful combatants, while other[which?] prominent Republicans strongly oppose the use of enhanced interrogation techniques, which they view as torture.[238]

Republicans have frequently advocated for restricting foreign aid as a means of asserting the national security and immigration interests of the United States.[239][240][241]

The Republican Party generally supports a strong alliance with Israel and efforts to secure peace in the Middle East between Israel and its Arab neighbors.[242][243] In recent years, Republicans have begun to move away from the two-state solution approach to resolving the IsraeliPalestinian conflict.[244][245] In a 2014 poll, 59% of Republicans favored doing less abroad and focusing on the country's own problems instead.[246]

According to the 2016 platform,[247] the party's stance on the status of Taiwan is: "We oppose any unilateral steps by either side to alter the status quo in the Taiwan Straits on the principle that all issues regarding the island's future must be resolved peacefully, through dialogue, and be agreeable to the people of Taiwan." In addition, if "China were to violate those principles, the United States, in accord with the Taiwan Relations Act, will help Taiwan defend itself".

The Republican Party is generally associated with social conservative policies, although it does have dissenting centrist and libertarian factions. The social conservatives support laws that uphold their traditional values, such as opposition to same-sex marriage, abortion, and marijuana.[248] The Republican Party's positions on social and cultural issues are in part a reflection of the influential role that the Christian right has had in the party since the 1970s.[249][250][251] Most conservative Republicans also oppose gun control, affirmative action, and illegal immigration.[248][252]

The vast majority of the party's national and state candidates are anti-abortion and oppose elective abortion on religious or moral grounds. While many advocate exceptions in the case of incest, rape or the mother's life being at risk, in 2012 the party approved a platform advocating banning abortions without exception.[253] There were not highly polarized differences between the Democratic Party and the Republican Party prior to the Roe v. Wade 1973 Supreme Court ruling (which made prohibitions on abortion rights unconstitutional), but after the Supreme Court ruling, opposition to abortion became an increasingly key national platform for the Republican Party.[17][254][255] As a result, Evangelicals gravitated towards the Republican Party.[17][254]

Most Republicans oppose government funding for abortion providers, notably Planned Parenthood.[256] This includes support for the Hyde Amendment.

Until its dissolution in 2018, Republican Majority for Choice, an abortion rights PAC, advocated for amending the GOP platform to include pro-abortion rights members.[257]

The Republican Party has pursued policies at the national and state-level to restrict embryonic stem cell research beyond the original lines because it involves the destruction of human embryos.[258][259][260][261]

Republicans are generally against affirmative action for women and some minorities, often describing it as a "quota system" and believing that it is not meritocratic and is counter-productive socially by only further promoting discrimination.[262] The GOP's official stance supports race-neutral admissions policies in universities, but supports taking into account the socioeconomic status of the student. The 2012 Republican National Committee platform stated, "We support efforts to help low-income individuals get a fair chance based on their potential and individual merit; but we reject preferences, quotas, and set-asides, as the best or sole methods through which fairness can be achieved, whether in government, education or corporate boardroomsMerit, ability, aptitude, and results should be the factors that determine advancement in our society.[263][264][265]

Republicans generally support gun ownership rights and oppose laws regulating guns. Party members and Republican-leaning independents are twice as likely to own a gun as Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents.[267]

The National Rifle Association, a special interest group in support of gun ownership, has consistently aligned itself with the Republican Party. Following gun control measures under the Clinton administration, such as the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994, the Republicans allied with the NRA during the Republican Revolution in 1994.[268] Since then, the NRA has consistently backed Republican candidates and contributed financial support, such as in the 2013 Colorado recall election which resulted in the ousting of two pro-gun control Democrats for two anti-gun control Republicans.[269]

In contrast, George H. W. Bush, formerly a lifelong NRA member, was highly critical of the organization following their response to the Oklahoma City bombing authored by CEO Wayne LaPierre, and publicly resigned in protest.[270]

Republican elected officials have historically supported the War on Drugs. They oppose legalization or decriminalization of drugs such as marijuana.[271][272][273]

Opposition to the legalization of marijuana has softened significantly over time among Republican voters.[274][275] A 2021 Quinnipiac poll found that 62% of Republicans supported the legalization of recreational marijuana use and that net support for the position was +30 points.[271]

In the period 18501870, the Republican Party was more opposed to immigration than Democrats, in part because the Republican Party relied on the support of anti-Catholic and anti-immigrant parties, such as the Know-Nothings, at the time. In the decades following the Civil War, the Republican Party grew more supportive of immigration, as it represented manufacturers in the northeast (who wanted additional labor) whereas the Democratic Party came to be seen as the party of labor (which wanted fewer laborers to compete with). Starting in the 1970s, the parties switched places again, as the Democrats grew more supportive of immigration than Republicans.[276]

Republicans are divided on how to confront illegal immigration between a platform that allows for migrant workers and a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants (supported more by the Republican establishment), versus a position focused on securing the border and deporting illegal immigrants (supported by populists). In 2006, the White House supported and Republican-led Senate passed comprehensive immigration reform that would eventually allow millions of illegal immigrants to become citizens, but the House (also led by Republicans) did not advance the bill.[277] After the defeat in the 2012 presidential election, particularly among Latinos, several Republicans advocated a friendlier approach to immigrants. However, in 2016 the field of candidates took a sharp position against illegal immigration, with leading candidate Donald Trump proposing building a wall along the southern border. Proposals calling for immigration reform with a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants have attracted broad Republican support in some[which?] polls. In a 2013 poll, 60% of Republicans supported the pathway concept.[278]

Similar to the Democratic Party, the Republican position on LGBT rights has changed significantly over time, and there has been continuously increasing support among both parties on the issue.[279][280] A strong majority of Republican voters now support same-sex marriage,[280][281][282][283] and public opinion has changed in a significantly favorable direction.[284][285][279] However, according to FiveThirtyEight, this growth in support has occurred faster among Republican voters than among party elites and elected politicans.[282][283]

Both Republican and Democratic politicians predominately took hostile positions on LGBT rights before the 2000s.[279] From the early-2000s to the mid-2010s, Republicans opposed same-sex marriage, while being divided on the issue of civil unions and domestic partnerships for same-sex couples.[286] During the 2004 election, George W. Bush campaigned prominently on a constitutional amendment to prohibit same-sex marriage; many believe it helped Bush win re-election.[285][287] In both 2004[288] and 2006,[289] President Bush, Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist, and House Majority Leader John Boehner promoted the Federal Marriage Amendment, a proposed constitutional amendment which would legally restrict the definition of marriage to heterosexual couples.[290][291][292] In both attempts, the amendment failed to secure enough votes to invoke cloture and thus ultimately was never passed. As more states legalized same-sex marriage in the 2010s, Republicans increasingly supported allowing each state to decide its own marriage policy.[293] As of 2014, most state GOP platforms expressed opposition to same-sex marriage.[294] The 2016 GOP Platform defined marriage as "natural marriage, the union of one man and one woman," and condemned the Supreme Court's ruling legalizing same-sex marriages.[295][296] The 2020 platform retained the 2016 language against same-sex marriage.[297][298][299] Following his election as president in 2016, Donald Trump stated that he had no objection to same-sex marriage or to the Supreme Court decision in Obergefell v. Hodges, but had previously promised to consider appointing a Supreme Court justice to roll back the constitutional right.[285][300] In office, Trump was the first sitting Republican president to recognize LGBT Pride Month.[301] Conversely, the Trump administration banned transgender individuals from service in the United States military and rolled back other protections for transgender people which had been enacted during the previous Democratic presidency.[302]

The Republican Party platform previously opposed the inclusion of gay people in the military and opposed adding sexual orientation to the list of protected classes since 1992.[303][304][305] The Republican Party opposed the inclusion of sexual preference in anti-discrimination statutes from 1992 to 2004.[306] The 2008 and 2012 Republican Party platform supported anti-discrimination statutes based on sex, race, age, religion, creed, disability, or national origin, but both platforms were silent on sexual orientation and gender identity.[307][308] The 2016 platform was opposed to sex discrimination statutes that included the phrase "sexual orientation."[309][310]

On November 6, 2021, RNC Chair Ronna McDaniel announced the creation of the "RNC Pride Coalition," in partnership with the Log Cabin Republicans, to promote outreach to LGBTQ voters.[311] However, after the announcement, McDaniel apologized for not having communicated the announcement in advance and emphasized that the new outreach program does not alter the GOP Platform, last adopted in 2016.[312] Log Cabin Republicans is a group within the Republican Party that represents LGBT conservatives and allies and advocates for LGBT rights and equality.[313]

Virtually all restrictions on voting have in recent years been implemented by Republicans. Republicans, mainly at the state level, argue that the restrictions (such as the purging of voter rolls, limiting voting locations, and limiting early and mail-in voting) are vital to prevent voter fraud, saying that voter fraud is an underestimated issue in elections. Polling has found majority support for early voting, automatic voter registration and voter ID laws among the general population.[314][315][316]

In defending their restrictions to voting rights, Republicans have made false and exaggerated claims about the extent of voter fraud in the United States; all existing research indicates that it is extremely rare,[317][318][319][320] and civil and voting rights organizations often accuse Republicans of enacting restrictions to influence elections in the party's favor. Many laws or regulations restricting voting enacted by Republicans have been successfully challenged in court, with court rulings striking down such regulations and accusing Republicans of establishing them with partisan purpose.[319][320]

After the Supreme Court decision in Shelby County v. Holder rolled back aspects of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, Republicans introduced cuts to early voting, purges of voter rolls and imposition of strict voter ID laws.[321] The 2016 Republican platform advocated proof of citizenship as a prerequisite for registering to vote and photo ID as a prerequisite when voting.[322]

After Donald Trump and his Republican allies made false claims of fraud during the 2020 presidential election, Republicans launched a nationwide effort to impose tighter election laws at the state level.[323][324][325] Such bills are centered around limiting mail-in voting, strengthening voter ID laws, shortening early voting, eliminating automatic and same-day voter registration, curbing the use of ballot drop boxes, and allowing for increased purging of voter rolls.[326][327] Republicans in at least eight states have also introduced bills that would give lawmakers greater power over election administration, after they were unsuccessful in their attempts to overturn election results in swing states won by Biden.[328][329][330][331]

Supporters of the bills argue they would improve election security and reverse temporary changes enacted during the COVID-19 pandemic; they point to false claims of significant election fraud, as well as the substantial public distrust of the integrity of the 2020 election those claims have fostered,[d] as justification.[334][335][336] Opponents argue that the efforts amount to voter suppression, are intended to advantage Republicans by reducing the number of people who vote, and would disproportionately affect minority voters.[337][338][339][underdiscussion]

In the Party's early decades, its base consisted of northern white Protestants and African Americans nationwide. Its first presidential candidate, John C. Frmont, received almost no votes in the South. This trend continued into the 20th century. Following the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Voting Rights Act of 1965, the southern states became more reliably Republican in presidential politics, while northeastern states became more reliably Democratic.[340][341][342][343][344][345][346][347] Studies show that southern whites shifted to the Republican Party due to racial conservatism.[346][348][349]

While scholars agree that a racial backlash played a central role in the racial realignment of the two parties, certain experts dispute the extent in which the racial realignment was a top-driven elite process or a bottom-up process.[350] The "Southern Strategy" refers primarily to "top-down" narratives of the political realignment of the South which suggest that Republican leaders consciously appealed to many white southerners' racial grievances in order to gain their support. This top-down narrative of the Southern Strategy is generally believed to be the primary force that transformed Southern politics following the civil rights era. Scholar Matthew Lassiter argues that "demographic change played a more important role than racial demagoguery in the emergence of a two-party system in the American South".[351][352] Historians such as Matthew Lassiter, Kevin M. Kruse and Joseph Crespino, have presented an alternative, "bottom-up" narrative, which Lassiter has called the "suburban strategy." This narrative recognizes the centrality of racial backlash to the political realignment of the South,[350] but suggests that this backlash took the form of a defense of de facto segregation in the suburbs rather than overt resistance to racial integration and that the story of this backlash is a national rather than a strictly southern one.[353][354][355][356]

The Party's 21st-century base consists of groups such as older white men; white, married Protestants; rural residents; and non-union workers without college degrees, with urban residents, ethnic minorities, the unmarried and union workers having shifted to the Democratic Party. The suburbs have become a major battleground.[357] According to a 2015 Gallup poll, 25% of Americans identify as Republican and 16% identify as leaning Republican. In comparison, 30% identify as Democratic and 16% identify as leaning Democratic. The Democratic Party has typically held an overall edge in party identification since Gallup began polling on the issue in 1991.[358] In 2016, The New York Times noted that the Republican Party was strong in the South, the Great Plains, and the Mountain States.[359] The 21st century Republican Party also draws strength from rural areas of the United States.[360]

Towards the end of the 1990s and in the early 21st century, the Republican Party increasingly resorted to "constitutional hardball" practices.[361][362][363]

A number of scholars have asserted that the House speakership of Republican Newt Gingrich played a key role in undermining democratic norms in the United States, hastening political polarization, and increasing partisan prejudice.[364][365][366][367][368] According to Harvard University political scientists Daniel Ziblatt and Steven Levitsky, Gingrich's speakership had a profound and lasting impact on American politics and the health of American democracy. They argue that Gingrich instilled a "combative" approach in the Republican Party, where hateful language and hyper-partisanship became commonplace, and where democratic norms were abandoned. Gingrich frequently questioned the patriotism of Democrats, called them corrupt, compared them to fascists, and accused them of wanting to destroy the United States. Gingrich was also involved in several major government shutdowns.[368][369][370][371]

Scholars have also characterized Mitch McConnell's tenure as Senate Minority Leader and Senate Majority Leader during the Obama presidency as one where obstructionism reached all-time highs.[372] Political scientists have referred to McConnell's use of the filibuster as "constitutional hardball", referring to the misuse of procedural tools in a way that undermines democracy.[361][368][373][374] McConnell delayed and obstructed health care reform and banking reform, which were two landmark pieces of legislation that Democrats sought to pass (and in fact did pass[375]) early in Obama's tenure.[376][377] By delaying Democratic priority legislation, McConnell stymied the output of Congress. Political scientists Eric Schickler and Gregory J. Wawro write, "by slowing action even on measures supported by many Republicans, McConnell capitalized on the scarcity of floor time, forcing Democratic leaders into difficult trade-offs concerning which measures were worth pursuing. That is, given that Democrats had just two years with sizeable majorities to enact as much of their agenda as possible, slowing the Senate's ability to process even routine measures limited the sheer volume of liberal bills that could be adopted."[377]

McConnell's refusal to hold hearings on Supreme Court nominee Merrick Garland during the final year of Obama's presidency was described by political scientists and legal scholars as "unprecedented",[378][379] a "culmination of this confrontational style",[380] a "blatant abuse of constitutional norms",[381] and a "classic example of constitutional hardball."[374]

After the 2020 United States presidential election was declared for Biden, President Donald Trump's refusal to concede and demands of Republican state legislatures and officials to ignore the popular vote of the states was described as "unparalleled" in American history[382] and "profoundly antidemocratic".[383] Some journalists and foreign officials have also referred to Trump as a fascist in the aftermath of the 2021 storming of the United States Capitol.[384][385][386] Following the storming of the Capitol, a survey conducted by the American Enterprise Institute found that 56% of Republicans agreed with the statement, "The traditional American way of life is disappearing so fast that we may have to use force to save it," compared to 36% of respondents overall. Sixty percent of white evangelical Republicans agreed with the statement.[387][388][389]

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Republican Party (United States) - Wikipedia

QUANTUM COMPUTING INC. Management's Discussion and Analysis of Financial Condition and Results of Operations, (form 10-Q)  Marketscreener.com

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QUANTUM COMPUTING INC. Management's Discussion and Analysis of Financial Condition and Results of Operations, (form 10-Q) - Marketscreener.com

Physics Nobel Prize winner Serge Haroche on quantum computing: There are still many difficulties to overcome  EL PAS USA

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Physics Nobel Prize winner Serge Haroche on quantum computing: There are still many difficulties to overcome - EL PAS USA

In a different corner of the social media universe, someone left comments on a link to Tuesday's post about quantum randomness declaring that they weren't aware of any practical applications of quantum physics. There's a kind ofLife of Brian absurdity to posting this on the Internet, which is a giant world-spanning, life-changing practical application of quantum mechanics. But just to make things a little clearer, here's a quick look at some of the myriad everyday things that depend on quantum physics for their operation.

Computers and Smartphones

Intel Corp. CEO Paul Otellini show off chips on a wafer built on so-called 22-nanometer technology... [+] at the Intel Developers' Forum in San Francisco, Tuesday, Sept. 22, 2009. Those chips are still being developed in Intel's factories and won't go into production until 2011. Each chip on the silicon "wafer" Otellini showed off has 2.9 billion transistors. (AP Photo/Paul Sakuma)

At bottom, the entire computer industry is built on quantum mechanics. Modern semiconductor-based electronics rely on the band structure of solid objects. This is fundamentally a quantum phenomenon, depending on the wave nature of electrons, and because we understand that wave nature, we can manipulate the electrical properties of silicon. Mixing in just a tiny fraction of the right other elements changes the band structure and thus the conductivity; we know exactly what to add and how much to use thanks to our detailed understanding of the quantum nature of matter.

Stacking up layers of silicon doped with different elements allows us to make transistors on the nanometer scale. Millions of these packed together in a single block of material make the computer chips that power all the technological gadgets that are so central to modern life. Desktops, laptops, tablets, smartphones, even small household appliances and kids' toys are driven by computer chips that simply would not be possible to make without our modern understanding of quantum physics.

Lasers and Telecommunications

Green LED lights and rows of fibre optic cables are seen feeding into a computer server inside a... [+] comms room at an office in London, U.K., on Tuesday, Dec. 23, 2014. Vodafone Group Plc will ask telecommunications regulator Ofcom to guarantee that U.K. wireless carriers, which rely on BT's fiber network to transmit voice and data traffic across the country, are treated fairly when BT sets prices and connects their broadcasting towers. Photographer: Simon Dawson/Bloomberg

Unless my grumpy correspondent was posting from the exact server hosting the comment files (which would be really creepy), odds are very good that comment took a path to me that also relies on quantum physics, specifically fiber optic telecommunications. The fibers themselves are pretty classical, but the light sources used to send messages down the fiber optic cables are lasers, which are quantum devices.

The key physics of the laser is contained in a 1917 paper Einstein wrote on the statistics of photons (though the term "photon" was coined later) and their interaction with atoms. This introduces the idea of stimulated emission, where an atom in a high-energy state encountering a photon of the right wavelength is induced to emit a second photon identical to the first. This process is responsible for two of the letters in the word "laser," originally an acronym for "Light Amplification by Stimulated Emission of Radiation."

Any time you use a laser, whether indirectly by making a phone call, directly by scanning a UPC label on your groceries, or frivolously to torment a cat, you're making practical use of quantum physics.

Atomic Clocks and GPS

TO GO WITH AN AFP STORY BY ISABELLE TOUSSAINT A woman holds her smartphone next to her dog wearing a... [+] GPS system on its collar in La Celle-Saint-Cloud on July 1, 2015. The Global Positioning System (GPS) collar help owners to track their pets remotely. AFP PHOTO / MIGUEL MEDINA (Photo credit should read MIGUEL MEDINA/AFP/Getty Images)

One of the most common uses of Internet-connected smart phones is to find directions to unfamiliar places, another application that is critically dependent on quantum physics. Smartphone navigation is enabled by the Global Positioning System, a network of satellites each broadcasting the time. The GPS receiver in your phone picks up the signal from multiple clocks, and uses the different arrival times from different satellites to determine your distance from each of those satellites. The computer inside the receiver then does a bit of math to figure out the single point on the surface of the Earth that is that distance from those satellites, and locates you to within a few meters.

This trilateration relies on the constant speed of light to convert time to distance. Light moves at about a foot per nanosecond, so the timing accuracy of the satellite signals needs to be really good, so each satellite in the GPS constellation contains an ensemble of atomic clocks. These rely on quantum mechanics-- the "ticking" of the clock is the oscillation of microwaves driving a transition between two particular quantum states in a cesium atom (or rubidium, in some of the clocks).

Any time you use your phone to get you from point A to point B, the trip is made possible by quantum physics.

Magnetic Resonance Imaging

Leila Wehbe, a Ph.D. student at Carnegie Mellon University in Pittsburgh, talks about an experiment... [+] that used brain scans made in this brain-scanning MRI machine on campus, Wednesday, Nov. 26, 2014. Volunteers where scanned as each word of a chapter of "Harry Potter and the Sorcerer's Stone" was flashed for half a second onto a screen inside the machine. Images showing combinations of data and graphics were collected. (AP Photo/Keith Srakocic)

The transition used for atomic clocks is a "hyperfine" transition, which comes from a small energy shift depending on how the spin of an electron is oriented relative to the spin of the nucleus of the atom. Those spins are an intrinsically quantum phenomenon (actually, it comes in only when you include special relativity with quantum mechanics), causing the electrons, protons, and neutrons making up ordinary matter behave like tiny magnets.

This spin is responsible for the fourth and final practical application of quantum physics that I'll talk about today, namely Magnetic Resonance Imaging (MRI). The central process in an MRI machine is called Nuclear Magnetic Resonance (but "nuclear" is a scary word, so it's avoided for a consumer medical process), and works by flipping the spins in the nuclei of hydrogen atoms. A clever arrangement of magnetic fields lets doctors measure the concentration of hydrogen appearing in different parts of the body, which in turn distinguishes between a lot of softer tissues that don't show up well in traditional x-rays.

So any time you, a loved one, or your favorite professional athlete undergoes an MRI scan, you have quantum physics to thank for their diagnosis and hopefully successful recovery.

So, while it may sometimes seem like quantum physics is arcane and remote from everyday experience (a self-inflicted problem for physicists, to some degree, as we often over-emphasize the weirder aspects when talking about quantum mechanics), in fact it is absolutely essential to modern life. Semiconductor electronics, lasers, atomic clocks, and magnetic resonance scanners all fundamentally depend on our understanding of the quantum nature of light and matter.

But, you know, other than computers, smartphones, the Internet, GPS, and MRI, what has quantum physics ever done for us?

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What Has Quantum Mechanics Ever Done For Us? - Forbes

Quantum chemistry computer programs are used in computational chemistry to implement the methods of quantum chemistry. Most include the HartreeFock (HF) and some post-HartreeFock methods. They may also include density functional theory (DFT), molecular mechanics or semi-empirical quantum chemistry methods. The programs include both open source and commercial software. Most of them are large, often containing several separate programs, and have been developed over many years.

The following tables illustrates some of the main capabilities of notable packages:

Slater-type_orbital

"Academic": academic (no cost) license possible upon request; "Commercial": commercially distributed.

Support for periodic systems (3d-crystals, 2d-slabs, 1d-rods and isolated molecules): 3d-periodic codes always allow simulating systems with lower dimensionality within a supercell. Specified here is the ability for simulating within lower periodicity.

2 QuanPol is a full spectrum and seamless (HF, MCSCF, GVB, MP2, DFT, TDDFT, CHARMM, AMBER, OPLSAA) QM/MM package integrated in GAMESS-US.[13]

10 Through CRYSCOR Archived 2019-12-26 at the Wayback Machine program.

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List of quantum chemistry and solid-state physics software

Details

Posted: 10-Oct-22

Location: Albuquerque, New Mexico

Categories:

Physics: Applied

Sector:

Government and National Lab

Non-Profit

Work Function:

Postdoctoral Research

Required Education:

Doctorate

Additional Information:

Employer will assist with relocation costs.

What Your Job Will Be Like:

The Multiscale Fabrication Science & Technology Development Department, 5229, is seeking a Postdoctoral Appointee to perform experimental investigations of quantum and semiclassical devices supporting fundamental science projects in areas ranging from quantum information and sensing to radiation detection, characterization of novel superconducting materials, and neuromorphic computing.

On any given day, you may be called upon to:

Drive research in a defined area of interest as part of established, diverse teams of physicists, engineers, and material scientists.

Contribute significantly at the forefront of one of the following areas:

Applications in radiation detection. Microfabricated devices of interest include superconducting quantum bits (qubits), transition-edge-sensors, and single electron transistors. Cryogenic measurements will span a range of temperatures.

Applications in neuromorphic computing, particularly stochastic devices. Microfabricated devices of interest include tunnel diodes and single electron transistors. Room-temperature measurements will require high-speed data acquisition and statistical analysis.

Applications in novel materials, including superconductivity. Microfabricated devices of interest range from Hall bars to Josephson junctions.

We seek a self-motivated experimentalist to advance existing projects while advancing their career through peer-reviewed publications and presentations as well as internal and external interactions. While the primary technical responsibility will be device measurement, we encourage hands-on involvement with device modeling or device fabrication. A significant amount of coordination with other staff and technologists to meet the needs of the teams is required. In this highly collaborative environment excellent teaming and communications skills are a requirement for success.

Due to the nature of the work, the selected applicant must be able to work onsite 100% of the time.

Qualifications We Require:

PhD in physics, electrical engineering, or related field conferred within five (5) years prior to employment

Ability to acquire and maintain a DOE L security clearance

Qualifications We Desire:

Presentations at technical conferences or meetings

Experience performing original research, as demonstrated by a record of first-author publications in peer-reviewed journals

Experience with:

Cryogenic electrical transport measurements

High-speed device measurement

Devices used in radiation detection

Superconductivity and superconducting devices

Neuromorphic computing devices

Devices used in quantum information science or quantum sensing

Techniques used in superconducting or silicon device fabrication

Device modeling using technology computer aided design (TCAD)

About Our Team:

The Multiscale Fabrication Science & Technology Development Department leverages a diverse capability set to provide science and technology products to enhance Sandia's national security missions. The department includes a broad set of expertise including atomic physics, quantum information S&T, micro-optics, and electrochemistry. We provide solutions including atomic physics based sensors; microfabrication at the atomic scale, atomic level experimental setups, atom and ion trapping microelectronic devices, and electrochemical materials expertise. In addition to work for internal Sandia organizations, we have an established record of successful engagement, collaboration, and delivery to both internal and external customers. The department leverages strong relationships with the Microsystems Engineering Sciences and Applications (MESA) facility, the Center for Integrated Nanotechnologies (CINT), and other internal and external organizations to develop advanced solid-state electronic device technology.

About Sandia:

Sandia National Laboratories is the nations premier science and engineering lab for national security and technology innovation, with teams of specialists focused on cutting-edge work in a broad array of areas. Some of the main reasons we love our jobs:

Challenging work with amazing impact that contributes to security, peace, and freedom worldwide

Extraordinary co-workers

Some of the best tools, equipment, and research facilities in the world

Career advancement and enrichment opportunities

Flexible work arrangements for many positions include 9/80 (work 80 hours every two weeks, with every other Friday off) and 4/10 (work 4 ten-hour days each week) compressed workweeks, part-time work, and telecommuting (a mix of onsite work and working from home)

Generous vacations, strong medical and other benefits, competitive 401k, learning opportunities, relocation assistance and amenities aimed at creating a solid work/life balance*

World-changing technologies. Life-changing careers. Learn more about Sandia at: http://www.sandia.gov*These benefits vary by job classification.

Security Clearance:

Sandia is required by DOE to conduct a pre-employment drug test and background review that includes checks of personal references, credit, law enforcement records, and employment/education verifications. Applicants for employment need to be able to obtain and maintain a DOE L-level security clearance, which requires U.S. citizenship. If you hold more than one citizenship (i.e., of the U.S. and another country), your ability to obtain a security clearance may be impacted.

Applicants offered employment with Sandia are subject to a federal background investigation to meet the requirements for access to classified information or matter if the duties of the position require a DOE security clearance. Substance abuse or illegal drug use, falsification of information, criminal activity, serious misconduct or other indicators of untrustworthiness can cause a clearance to be denied or terminated by the DOE, resulting in the inability to perform the duties assigned and subsequent termination of employment.

EEO:

All qualified applicants will receive consideration for employment without regard to race, color, religion, sex, sexual orientation, gender identity, national origin, age, disability, or veteran status and any other protected class under state or federal law.

Position Information:

This postdoctoral position is a temporary position for up to one year, which may be renewed at Sandia's discretion up to five additional years. The PhD must have been conferred within five years prior to employment.

Individuals in postdoctoral positions may bid on regular Sandia positions as internal candidates, and in some cases may be converted to regular career positions during their term if warranted by ongoing operational needs, continuing availability of funds, and satisfactory job performance.

Job ID: 685453

About Sandia National Laboratories

Sandia National Laboratories is the nations premier science and engineering lab for national security and technology innovation, with teams of specialists focused on cutting-edge work in a broad array of areas.

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Postdoctoral Appointee - Experimental Quantum Sensing in Albuquerque ...

Juno Delivers Stunning New Views of Great Red Spot to Physics of the Multiverse (The Galaxy Report)  The Daily Galaxy --Great Discoveries Channel

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Juno Delivers Stunning New Views of Great Red Spot to Physics of the Multiverse (The Galaxy Report) - The Daily Galaxy --Great Discoveries Channel

Intrinsic form of angular momentum as a property of quantum particles

Spin is a conserved quantity carried by elementary particles, and thus by composite particles (hadrons) and atomic nuclei.[1][2]

Spin is one of two types of angular momentum in quantum mechanics, the other being orbital angular momentum. The orbital angular momentum operator is the quantum-mechanical counterpart to the classical angular momentum of orbital revolution and appears when there is periodic structure to its wavefunction as the angle varies.[3][4] For photons, spin is the quantum-mechanical counterpart of the polarization of light; for electrons, the spin has no classical counterpart.[citation needed]

The existence of electron spin angular momentum is inferred from experiments, such as the SternGerlach experiment, in which silver atoms were observed to possess two possible discrete angular momenta despite having no orbital angular momentum.[5] The existence of the electron spin can also be inferred theoretically from the spinstatistics theorem and from the Pauli exclusion principleand vice versa, given the particular spin of the electron, one may derive the Pauli exclusion principle.

Spin is described mathematically as a vector for some particles such as photons, and as spinors and bispinors for other particles such as electrons. Spinors and bispinors behave similarly to vectors: they have definite magnitudes and change under rotations; however, they use an unconventional "direction". All elementary particles of a given kind have the same magnitude of spin angular momentum, though its direction may change. These are indicated by assigning the particle a spin quantum number.[2]

The SI unit of spin is the same as classical angular momentum (i.e., Nms, Js, or kgm2s1). In practice, spin is given as a dimensionless spin quantum number by dividing the spin angular momentum by the reduced Planck constant , which has the same dimensions as angular momentum, although this is not the full computation of this value. Very often, the "spin quantum number" is simply called "spin". The fact that it is a quantum number is implicit.

Wolfgang Pauli in 1924 was the first to propose a doubling of the number of available electron states due to a two-valued non-classical "hidden rotation".[6] In 1925, George Uhlenbeck and Samuel Goudsmit at Leiden University suggested the simple physical interpretation of a particle spinning around its own axis,[7] in the spirit of the old quantum theory of Bohr and Sommerfeld.[8] Ralph Kronig anticipated the UhlenbeckGoudsmit model in discussion with Hendrik Kramers several months earlier in Copenhagen, but did not publish.[8] The mathematical theory was worked out in depth by Pauli in 1927. When Paul Dirac derived his relativistic quantum mechanics in 1928, electron spin was an essential part of it.

As the name suggests, spin was originally conceived as the rotation of a particle around some axis. While the question of whether elementary particles actually rotate is ambiguous (as they appear point-like), this picture is correct insofar as spin obeys the same mathematical laws as quantized angular momenta do; in particular, spin implies that the particle's phase changes with angle. On the other hand, spin has some peculiar properties that distinguish it from orbital angular momenta:

The conventional definition of the spin quantum number is s = n/2, where n can be any non-negative integer. Hence the allowed values of s are 0, 1/2, 1, 3/2, 2, etc. The value of s for an elementary particle depends only on the type of particle and cannot be altered in any known way (in contrast to the spin direction described below). The spin angular momentum S of any physical system is quantized. The allowed values of S are

Those particles with half-integer spins, such as 1/2, 3/2, 5/2, are known as fermions, while those particles with integer spins, such as 0, 1, 2, are known as bosons. The two families of particles obey different rules and broadly have different roles in the world around us. A key distinction between the two families is that fermions obey the Pauli exclusion principle: that is, there cannot be two identical fermions simultaneously having the same quantum numbers (meaning, roughly, having the same position, velocity and spin direction). Fermions obey the rules of FermiDirac statistics. In contrast, bosons obey the rules of BoseEinstein statistics and have no such restriction, so they may "bunch together" in identical states. Also, composite particles can have spins different from their component particles. For example, a helium-4 atom in the ground state has spin0 and behaves like a boson, even though the quarks and electrons which make it up are all fermions.

This has some profound consequences:

The spinstatistics theorem splits particles into two groups: bosons and fermions, where bosons obey BoseEinstein statistics, and fermions obey FermiDirac statistics (and therefore the Pauli exclusion principle). Specifically, the theory states that particles with an integer spin are bosons, while all other particles have half-integer spins and are fermions. As an example, electrons have half-integer spin and are fermions that obey the Pauli exclusion principle, while photons have integer spin and do not. The theorem relies on both quantum mechanics and the theory of special relativity, and this connection between spin and statistics has been called "one of the most important applications of the special relativity theory".[10]

Since elementary particles are point-like, self-rotation is not well-defined for them. However, spin implies that the phase of the particle depends on the angle as e i S {displaystyle e^{iStheta }} , for rotation of angle around the axis parallel to the spin S. This is equivalent to the quantum-mechanical interpretation of momentum as phase dependence in the position, and of orbital angular momentum as phase dependence in the angular position.

Photon spin is the quantum-mechanical description of light polarization, where spin+1 and spin1 represent two opposite directions of circular polarization. Thus, light of a defined circular polarization consists of photons with the same spin, either all +1 or all 1. Spin represents polarization for other vector bosons as well.

For fermions, the picture is less clear. Angular velocity is equal by Ehrenfest theorem to the derivative of the Hamiltonian to its conjugate momentum, which is the total angular momentum operator J = L + S. Therefore, if the Hamiltonian H is dependent upon the spin S, dH/dS is non-zero, and the spin causes angular velocity, and hence actual rotation, i.e. a change in the phase-angle relation over time. However, whether this holds for free electron is ambiguous, since for an electron, S2 is constant, and therefore it is a matter of interpretation whether the Hamiltonian includes such a term. Nevertheless, spin appears in the Dirac equation, and thus the relativistic Hamiltonian of the electron, treated as a Dirac field, can be interpreted as including a dependence in the spin S.[11] Under this interpretation, free electrons also self-rotate, with the Zitterbewegung effect understood as this rotation.

Particles with spin can possess a magnetic dipole moment, just like a rotating electrically charged body in classical electrodynamics. These magnetic moments can be experimentally observed in several ways, e.g. by the deflection of particles by inhomogeneous magnetic fields in a SternGerlach experiment, or by measuring the magnetic fields generated by the particles themselves.

The intrinsic magnetic moment of a spin-1/2 particle with charge q, mass m, and spin angular momentum S, is[12]

where the dimensionless quantity gs is called the spin g-factor. For exclusively orbital rotations it would be 1 (assuming that the mass and the charge occupy spheres of equal radius).

The electron, being a charged elementary particle, possesses a nonzero magnetic moment. One of the triumphs of the theory of quantum electrodynamics is its accurate prediction of the electron g-factor, which has been experimentally determined to have the value 2.00231930436256(35), with the digits in parentheses denoting measurement uncertainty in the last two digits at one standard deviation.[13] The value of 2 arises from the Dirac equation, a fundamental equation connecting the electron's spin with its electromagnetic properties, and the correction of 0.002319304... arises from the electron's interaction with the surrounding electromagnetic field, including its own field.[14]

Composite particles also possess magnetic moments associated with their spin. In particular, the neutron possesses a non-zero magnetic moment despite being electrically neutral. This fact was an early indication that the neutron is not an elementary particle. In fact, it is made up of quarks, which are electrically charged particles. The magnetic moment of the neutron comes from the spins of the individual quarks and their orbital motions.

Neutrinos are both elementary and electrically neutral. The minimally extended Standard Model that takes into account non-zero neutrino masses predicts neutrino magnetic moments of:[15][16][17]

where the are the neutrino magnetic moments, m are the neutrino masses, and B is the Bohr magneton. New physics above the electroweak scale could, however, lead to significantly higher neutrino magnetic moments. It can be shown in a model-independent way that neutrino magnetic moments larger than about 1014B are "unnatural" because they would also lead to large radiative contributions to the neutrino mass. Since the neutrino masses are known to be at most about 1eV, the large radiative corrections would then have to be "fine-tuned" to cancel each other, to a large degree, and leave the neutrino mass small.[18] The measurement of neutrino magnetic moments is an active area of research. Experimental results have put the neutrino magnetic moment at less than 1.21010times the electron's magnetic moment.

On the other hand elementary particles with spin but without electric charge, such as a photon or a Z boson, do not have a magnetic moment.

In ordinary materials, the magnetic dipole moments of individual atoms produce magnetic fields that cancel one another, because each dipole points in a random direction, with the overall average being very near zero. Ferromagnetic materials below their Curie temperature, however, exhibit magnetic domains in which the atomic dipole moments are locally aligned, producing a macroscopic, non-zero magnetic field from the domain. These are the ordinary "magnets" with which we are all familiar.

In paramagnetic materials, the magnetic dipole moments of individual atoms spontaneously align with an externally applied magnetic field. In diamagnetic materials, on the other hand, the magnetic dipole moments of individual atoms spontaneously align oppositely to any externally applied magnetic field, even if it requires energy to do so.

The study of the behavior of such "spin models" is a thriving area of research in condensed matter physics. For instance, the Ising model describes spins (dipoles) that have only two possible states, up and down, whereas in the Heisenberg model the spin vector is allowed to point in any direction. These models have many interesting properties, which have led to interesting results in the theory of phase transitions.

In classical mechanics, the angular momentum of a particle possesses not only a magnitude (how fast the body is rotating), but also a direction (either up or down on the axis of rotation of the particle). Quantum-mechanical spin also contains information about direction, but in a more subtle form. Quantum mechanics states that the component of angular momentum for a spin-s particle measured along any direction can only take on the values[19]

where Si is the spin component along the i-th axis (either x, y, or z), si is the spin projection quantum number along the i-th axis, and s is the principal spin quantum number (discussed in the previous section). Conventionally the direction chosen is the zaxis:

where Sz is the spin component along the zaxis, sz is the spin projection quantum number along the zaxis.

One can see that there are 2s + 1 possible values of sz. The number "2s + 1" is the multiplicity of the spin system. For example, there are only two possible values for a spin-1/2 particle: sz = +1/2 and sz = 1/2. These correspond to quantum states in which the spin component is pointing in the +z or z directions respectively, and are often referred to as "spin up" and "spin down". For a spin-3/2 particle, like a delta baryon, the possible values are +3/2, +1/2, 1/2, 3/2.

For a given quantum state, one could think of a spin vector S {textstyle langle Srangle } whose components are the expectation values of the spin components along each axis, i.e., S = [ S x , S y , S z ] {textstyle langle Srangle =[langle S_{x}rangle ,langle S_{y}rangle ,langle S_{z}rangle ]} . This vector then would describe the "direction" in which the spin is pointing, corresponding to the classical concept of the axis of rotation. It turns out that the spin vector is not very useful in actual quantum-mechanical calculations, because it cannot be measured directly: sx, sy and sz cannot possess simultaneous definite values, because of a quantum uncertainty relation between them. However, for statistically large collections of particles that have been placed in the same pure quantum state, such as through the use of a SternGerlach apparatus, the spin vector does have a well-defined experimental meaning: It specifies the direction in ordinary space in which a subsequent detector must be oriented in order to achieve the maximum possible probability (100%) of detecting every particle in the collection. For spin-1/2 particles, this probability drops off smoothly as the angle between the spin vector and the detector increases, until at an angle of 180that is, for detectors oriented in the opposite direction to the spin vectorthe expectation of detecting particles from the collection reaches a minimum of 0%.

As a qualitative concept, the spin vector is often handy because it is easy to picture classically. For instance, quantum-mechanical spin can exhibit phenomena analogous to classical gyroscopic effects. For example, one can exert a kind of "torque" on an electron by putting it in a magnetic field (the field acts upon the electron's intrinsic magnetic dipole momentsee the following section). The result is that the spin vector undergoes precession, just like a classical gyroscope. This phenomenon is known as electron spin resonance (ESR). The equivalent behaviour of protons in atomic nuclei is used in nuclear magnetic resonance (NMR) spectroscopy and imaging.

Mathematically, quantum-mechanical spin states are described by vector-like objects known as spinors. There are subtle differences between the behavior of spinors and vectors under coordinate rotations. For example, rotating a spin-1/2 particle by 360 does not bring it back to the same quantum state, but to the state with the opposite quantum phase; this is detectable, in principle, with interference experiments. To return the particle to its exact original state, one needs a 720 rotation. (The Plate trick and Mbius strip give non-quantum analogies.) A spin-zero particle can only have a single quantum state, even after torque is applied. Rotating a spin-2 particle 180 can bring it back to the same quantum state, and a spin-4 particle should be rotated 90 to bring it back to the same quantum state. The spin-2 particle can be analogous to a straight stick that looks the same even after it is rotated 180, and a spin-0 particle can be imagined as sphere, which looks the same after whatever angle it is turned through.

Spin obeys commutation relations[20] analogous to those of the orbital angular momentum:

where jkl is the Levi-Civita symbol. It follows (as with angular momentum) that the eigenvectors of S ^ 2 {displaystyle {hat {S}}^{2}} and S ^ z {displaystyle {hat {S}}_{z}} (expressed as kets in the total S basis) are

The spin raising and lowering operators acting on these eigenvectors give

where S ^ = S ^ x i S ^ y {displaystyle {hat {S}}_{pm }={hat {S}}_{x}pm i{hat {S}}_{y}} .

But unlike orbital angular momentum, the eigenvectors are not spherical harmonics. They are not functions of and . There is also no reason to exclude half-integer values of s and ms.

All quantum-mechanical particles possess an intrinsic spin s {displaystyle s} (though this value may be equal to zero). The projection of the spin s {displaystyle s} on any axis is quantized in units of the reduced Planck constant, such that the state function of the particle is, say, not = ( r ) {displaystyle psi =psi ({vec {r}})} , but = ( r , s z ) {displaystyle psi =psi ({vec {r}},s_{z})} , where s z {displaystyle s_{z}} can take only the values of the following discrete set:

One distinguishes bosons (integer spin) and fermions (half-integer spin). The total angular momentum conserved in interaction processes is then the sum of the orbital angular momentum and the spin.

The quantum-mechanical operators associated with spin-1/2 observables are

where in Cartesian components

For the special case of spin-1/2 particles, x, y and z are the three Pauli matrices:

For systems of N identical particles this is related to the Pauli exclusion principle, which states that its wavefunction ( r 1 , 1 , , r N , N ) {displaystyle psi (mathbf {r} _{1},sigma _{1},dots ,mathbf {r} _{N},sigma _{N})} must change upon interchanges of any two of the N particles as

Thus, for bosons the prefactor (1)2s will reduce to +1, for fermions to 1. In quantum mechanics all particles are either bosons or fermions. In some speculative relativistic quantum field theories "supersymmetric" particles also exist, where linear combinations of bosonic and fermionic components appear. In two dimensions, the prefactor (1)2s can be replaced by any complex number of magnitude1 such as in the anyon.

The above permutation postulate for N-particle state functions has most important consequences in daily life, e.g. the periodic table of the chemical elements.

As described above, quantum mechanics states that components of angular momentum measured along any direction can only take a number of discrete values. The most convenient quantum-mechanical description of particle's spin is therefore with a set of complex numbers corresponding to amplitudes of finding a given value of projection of its intrinsic angular momentum on a given axis. For instance, for a spin-1/2 particle, we would need two numbers a1/2, giving amplitudes of finding it with projection of angular momentum equal to +/2 and /2, satisfying the requirement

For a generic particle with spin s, we would need 2s + 1 such parameters. Since these numbers depend on the choice of the axis, they transform into each other non-trivially when this axis is rotated. It is clear that the transformation law must be linear, so we can represent it by associating a matrix with each rotation, and the product of two transformation matrices corresponding to rotations A and B must be equal (up to phase) to the matrix representing rotation AB. Further, rotations preserve the quantum-mechanical inner product, and so should our transformation matrices:

Mathematically speaking, these matrices furnish a unitary projective representation of the rotation group SO(3). Each such representation corresponds to a representation of the covering group of SO(3), which is SU(2).[21] There is one n-dimensional irreducible representation of SU(2) for each dimension, though this representation is n-dimensional real for odd n and n-dimensional complex for even n (hence of real dimension 2n). For a rotation by angle in the plane with normal vector ^ {textstyle {hat {boldsymbol {theta }}}} ,

where = ^ {textstyle {boldsymbol {theta }}=theta {hat {boldsymbol {theta }}}} , and S is the vector of spin operators.

Working in the coordinate system where ^ = z ^ {textstyle {hat {theta }}={hat {z}}} , we would like to show that Sx and Sy are rotated into each other by the angle . Starting with Sx. Using units where = 1:

Using the spin operator commutation relations, we see that the commutators evaluate to i Sy for the odd terms in the series, and to Sx for all of the even terms. Thus:

as expected. Note that since we only relied on the spin operator commutation relations, this proof holds for any dimension (i.e., for any principal spin quantum number s).[22]

A generic rotation in 3-dimensional space can be built by compounding operators of this type using Euler angles:

An irreducible representation of this group of operators is furnished by the Wigner D-matrix:

where

is Wigner's small d-matrix. Note that for = 2 and = = 0; i.e., a full rotation about the zaxis, the Wigner D-matrix elements become

Recalling that a generic spin state can be written as a superposition of states with definite m, we see that if s is an integer, the values of m are all integers, and this matrix corresponds to the identity operator. However, if s is a half-integer, the values of m are also all half-integers, giving (1)2m = 1 for all m, and hence upon rotation by 2 the state picks up a minus sign. This fact is a crucial element of the proof of the spinstatistics theorem.

We could try the same approach to determine the behavior of spin under general Lorentz transformations, but we would immediately discover a major obstacle. Unlike SO(3), the group of Lorentz transformations SO(3,1) is non-compact and therefore does not have any faithful, unitary, finite-dimensional representations.

In case of spin-1/2 particles, it is possible to find a construction that includes both a finite-dimensional representation and a scalar product that is preserved by this representation. We associate a 4-component Dirac spinor with each particle. These spinors transform under Lorentz transformations according to the law

where are gamma matrices, and is an antisymmetric 44 matrix parametrizing the transformation. It can be shown that the scalar product

is preserved. It is not, however, positive-definite, so the representation is not unitary.

Each of the (Hermitian) Pauli matrices of spin-1/2 particles has two eigenvalues, +1 and 1. The corresponding normalized eigenvectors are

(Because any eigenvector multiplied by a constant is still an eigenvector, there is ambiguity about the overall sign. In this article, the convention is chosen to make the first element imaginary and negative if there is a sign ambiguity. The present convention is used by software such as SymPy; while many physics textbooks, such as Sakurai and Griffiths, prefer to make it real and positive.)

By the postulates of quantum mechanics, an experiment designed to measure the electron spin on the x, y, or zaxis can only yield an eigenvalue of the corresponding spin operator (Sx, Sy or Sz) on that axis, i.e. /2 or /2. The quantum state of a particle (with respect to spin), can be represented by a two-component spinor:

When the spin of this particle is measured with respect to a given axis (in this example, the xaxis), the probability that its spin will be measured as /2 is just | x + | | 2 {displaystyle {big |}langle psi _{x+}|psi rangle {big |}^{2}} . Correspondingly, the probability that its spin will be measured as /2 is just | x | | 2 {displaystyle {big |}langle psi _{x-}|psi rangle {big |}^{2}} . Following the measurement, the spin state of the particle collapses into the corresponding eigenstate. As a result, if the particle's spin along a given axis has been measured to have a given eigenvalue, all measurements will yield the same eigenvalue (since | x + | x + | 2 = 1 {displaystyle {big |}langle psi _{x+}|psi _{x+}rangle {big |}^{2}=1} , etc.), provided that no measurements of the spin are made along other axes.

The operator to measure spin along an arbitrary axis direction is easily obtained from the Pauli spin matrices. Let u = (ux, uy, uz) be an arbitrary unit vector. Then the operator for spin in this direction is simply

The operator Su has eigenvalues of /2, just like the usual spin matrices. This method of finding the operator for spin in an arbitrary direction generalizes to higher spin states, one takes the dot product of the direction with a vector of the three operators for the three x-, y-, z-axis directions.

A normalized spinor for spin-1/2 in the (ux, uy, uz) direction (which works for all spin states except spin down, where it will give 0/0) is

The above spinor is obtained in the usual way by diagonalizing the u matrix and finding the eigenstates corresponding to the eigenvalues. In quantum mechanics, vectors are termed "normalized" when multiplied by a normalizing factor, which results in the vector having a length of unity.

Since the Pauli matrices do not commute, measurements of spin along the different axes are incompatible. This means that if, for example, we know the spin along the xaxis, and we then measure the spin along the yaxis, we have invalidated our previous knowledge of the xaxis spin. This can be seen from the property of the eigenvectors (i.e. eigenstates) of the Pauli matrices that

So when physicists measure the spin of a particle along the xaxis as, for example, /2, the particle's spin state collapses into the eigenstate | x + {displaystyle |psi _{x+}rangle } . When we then subsequently measure the particle's spin along the yaxis, the spin state will now collapse into either | y + {displaystyle |psi _{y+}rangle } or | y {displaystyle |psi _{y-}rangle } , each with probability 1/2. Let us say, in our example, that we measure /2. When we now return to measure the particle's spin along the xaxis again, the probabilities that we will measure /2 or /2 are each 1/2 (i.e. they are | x + | y | 2 {displaystyle {big |}langle psi _{x+}|psi _{y-}rangle {big |}^{2}} and | x | y | 2 {displaystyle {big |}langle psi _{x-}|psi _{y-}rangle {big |}^{2}} respectively). This implies that the original measurement of the spin along the xaxis is no longer valid, since the spin along the xaxis will now be measured to have either eigenvalue with equal probability.

The spin-1/2 operator S = /2 forms the fundamental representation of SU(2). By taking Kronecker products of this representation with itself repeatedly, one may construct all higher irreducible representations. That is, the resulting spin operators for higher-spin systems in three spatial dimensions can be calculated for arbitrarily large s using this spin operator and ladder operators. For example, taking the Kronecker product of two spin-1/2 yields a four-dimensional representation, which is separable into a 3-dimensional spin-1 (triplet states) and a 1-dimensional spin-0 representation (singlet state).

The resulting irreducible representations yield the following spin matrices and eigenvalues in the z-basis:

Also useful in the quantum mechanics of multiparticle systems, the general Pauli group Gn is defined to consist of all n-fold tensor products of Pauli matrices.

The analog formula of Euler's formula in terms of the Pauli matrices

for higher spins is tractable, but less simple.[23]

In tables of the spin quantum number s for nuclei or particles, the spin is often followed by a "+" or "". This refers to the parity with "+" for even parity (wave function unchanged by spatial inversion) and "" for odd parity (wave function negated by spatial inversion). For example, see the isotopes of bismuth, in which the list of isotopes includes the column nuclear spin and parity. For Bi-209, the only stable isotope, the entry 9/2 means that the nuclear spin is 9/2 and the parity is odd.

Spin has important theoretical implications and practical applications. Well-established direct applications of spin include:

Electron spin plays an important role in magnetism, with applications for instance in computer memories. The manipulation of nuclear spin by radio-frequency waves (nuclear magnetic resonance) is important in chemical spectroscopy and medical imaging.

Spinorbit coupling leads to the fine structure of atomic spectra, which is used in atomic clocks and in the modern definition of the second. Precise measurements of the g-factor of the electron have played an important role in the development and verification of quantum electrodynamics. Photon spin is associated with the polarization of light (photon polarization).

An emerging application of spin is as a binary information carrier in spin transistors. The original concept, proposed in 1990, is known as DattaDas spin transistor.[24] Electronics based on spin transistors are referred to as spintronics. The manipulation of spin in dilute magnetic semiconductor materials, such as metal-doped ZnO or TiO2 imparts a further degree of freedom and has the potential to facilitate the fabrication of more efficient electronics.[25]

There are many indirect applications and manifestations of spin and the associated Pauli exclusion principle, starting with the periodic table of chemistry.

Spin was first discovered in the context of the emission spectrum of alkali metals. In 1924, Wolfgang Pauli introduced what he called a "two-valuedness not describable classically"[26] associated with the electron in the outermost shell. This allowed him to formulate the Pauli exclusion principle, stating that no two electrons can have the same quantum state in the same quantum system.

The physical interpretation of Pauli's "degree of freedom" was initially unknown. Ralph Kronig, one of Land's assistants, suggested in early 1925 that it was produced by the self-rotation of the electron. When Pauli heard about the idea, he criticized it severely, noting that the electron's hypothetical surface would have to be moving faster than the speed of light in order for it to rotate quickly enough to produce the necessary angular momentum. This would violate the theory of relativity. Largely due to Pauli's criticism, Kronig decided not to publish his idea.

In the autumn of 1925, the same thought came to Dutch physicists George Uhlenbeck and Samuel Goudsmit at Leiden University. Under the advice of Paul Ehrenfest, they published their results.[27] It met a favorable response, especially after Llewellyn Thomas managed to resolve a factor-of-two discrepancy between experimental results and Uhlenbeck and Goudsmit's calculations (and Kronig's unpublished results). This discrepancy was due to the orientation of the electron's tangent frame, in addition to its position.

Mathematically speaking, a fiber bundle description is needed. The tangent bundle effect is additive and relativistic; that is, it vanishes if c goes to infinity. It is one half of the value obtained without regard for the tangent-space orientation, but with opposite sign. Thus the combined effect differs from the latter by a factor two (Thomas precession, known to Ludwik Silberstein in 1914).

Despite his initial objections, Pauli formalized the theory of spin in 1927, using the modern theory of quantum mechanics invented by Schrdinger and Heisenberg. He pioneered the use of Pauli matrices as a representation of the spin operators and introduced a two-component spinor wave-function. Uhlenbeck and Goudsmit treated spin as arising from classical rotation, while Pauli emphasized, that spin is non-classical and intrinsic property.[28]

Pauli's theory of spin was non-relativistic. However, in 1928, Paul Dirac published the Dirac equation, which described the relativistic electron. In the Dirac equation, a four-component spinor (known as a "Dirac spinor") was used for the electron wave-function. Relativistic spin explained gyromagnetic anomaly, which was (in retrospect) first observed by Samuel Jackson Barnett in 1914 (see Einsteinde Haas effect). In 1940, Pauli proved the spinstatistics theorem, which states that fermions have half-integer spin, and bosons have integer spin.

In retrospect, the first direct experimental evidence of the electron spin was the SternGerlach experiment of 1922. However, the correct explanation of this experiment was only given in 1927.[29]

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Spin (physics) - Wikipedia

POSITION SUMMARY

Applications are invited for postdoctoral research positions as Flatiron Research Fellows (FRF) at the Center for Computational Astrophysics (CCA). The CCA offers FRFs the opportunity for independent research in areas that have strong synergy with the CCA or other centers at the Flatiron Institute.

The mission of the Flatiron Institute is to advance scientific knowledge through computational methods, including data analysis, theory, modeling, and simulation. It currently houses five centers, focused on computational astrophysics (CCA), biology (CCB), mathematics (CCM), neuroscience (CCN) and quantum physics (CCQ), as well as a scientific computing core (SCC) that maintains state-of-the-art computing facilities for use by Flatiron scientists. The CCA's mission is to create, develop, and disseminate computational methods, tools, and frameworks that allow scientists to build or analyze big astronomical datasets, and to use computational and statistical techniques to understand complex, multi-scale physics in astrophysical systems ranging in scales from planets to the Universe.

Please see https://www.simonsfoundation.org/flatiron/center-for-computational-astrophysics/ for a full description of CCA research areas and scientific staff.

Flatiron Research Fellows are expected to carry out an active research program that can be independently directed and/or involve substantial collaboration with other members of the CCA or Flatiron Institute. In addition to their own research, Fellows help build the rich scientific community at the CCA and Flatiron Institute by: participating in seminars, colloquia, and group meetings; developing their software, mathematical, and computational expertise through internal educational opportunities; and sharing their knowledge through scientific publications, presentations, and/or software releases. Flatiron Research Fellows may also have the opportunity to organize workshops and to mentor graduate and undergraduate students through the CCA Pre-Doctoral Program, the CUNY Astrophysics Masters Program, the Simons-NSBP Scholars Summer Program, and the AstroCom NYC Program. FRFs are welcome to take advantage of CCA partnerships with the Simons Observatory, the Terra Hunting Experiment, Sloan Digital Sky Survey V, Gaia, and the NASA SPHEREx mission. In addition, individual CCA research scientists have significant roles in a variety of collaborations and projects, including Learning the Universe, SIMBIG, Vera Rubin, Euclid, Roman, CAMELS, MESA, AstroPy, NANOGrav, and would welcome FRF collaborators. Many CCA scientists have joint appointments with other neighboring institutions as well.

The CCA welcomes any applicant who feels that their research program would thrive at the CCA. We have also identified a number of strategic areas where we would particularly welcome applicants' participation, listed on this webpage under the Strategic Areas tab.

FRF positions are generally two-year appointments that can be renewed for a third year, contingent on performance. FRFs receive a research budget and have access to the Flatiron Institute's powerful scientific computing resources. FRFs may be eligible for subsidized housing within walking distance of the CCA. These positions will be based in our New York City offices, with anticipated start dates between late August and early October 2023.

In addition, The Center for Computational Astrophysics at the Flatiron Institute and the Astronomy Department at Columbia University invite applications for a joint postdoctoral position. The chosen applicant of this position will conduct independent research as well as contribute to the goals of the Learning the Universe collaboration (www.learning-the-universe.org). If you are interested, please review the full job ad https://bit.ly/3D9KZpy, and indicate your interest when prompted in the Simons Foundation's application questionnaire.

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Applicants should follow the detailed guidelines at https://jobregister.aas.org/postdoc-application-guidelines, except that a list of references is not required.

Deadline: All application materials (including letters) must be received by November 1, 2022.

Selection Criteria: Applicants must have a PhD in a related field or expect to receive their PhD before the start of the appointment. Applications will be evaluated based on: 1) past research accomplishments; 2) the proposed research program; 3) the synergy of applicant's expertise and research proposal topic with existing CCA staff and research programs, and potential to cross boundaries between CCA groups and/or the Flatiron Institute's centers.

Any queries about the application process or about CCA should be directed to astro@simonsfoundation.org. Queries about the CCA may also be directed to any of the scientific staff at CCA.

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Flatiron Research Fellow, CCA in New York, NY for Simons Foundation