Category Archives: Private Islands

On April 29th, a report by British judge Gary Hickenbottom on the current status of the British Virgin Islands government announced findings of corruption involving millions of dollars of state funds spent without proper process, dishonest sales of public property, and abuse of appointments. Governor-General of the British Virgin Islands John Rankin ordered the report in 2021 in order to investigate the corruption, abuse of office, and other serious dishonesty that occurred in the governance of the territory. Given its findings, the report recommended a suspension of the Virgin Islands constitution and the dissolution of the House of Assembly, as well as the transfer of governing authority to the Governor-General for two years.

The inquirys release coincides with Premier Andrew Fahies recent arrest in Miami on charges of money laundering and conspiracy to import cocaine. Fahie was allegedly attempting to negotiate a deal that would have allowed the use of British Virgin Islands (B.V.I.) ports to ship cocaine into the U.S.

Regarding the Virgin Islands governance, Rankin claimed that Britain owes them an obligation to protect them from such abuses and assist them to achieve their aspirations for self-government as a modern democratic state. Foreign Office Minister Amanda Milling stated that she spoke to community and religious leaders on the islands about the impacts of corruption and emphasized the need for significant changes.

While the decision about whether the U.K. government will directly rule the B.V.I. has not yet been made, the potential for direct rule has sparked protest and condemnation. Activists protested against the proposal outside the Governor-Generals office, and retired Virgin Islands politician Luce Hodge-Smith declared, Our message to the United Kingdom government and to the world: there will be no direct rule in this land.

The Organization of East Caribbean States issued a statement warning against the move, stating, It is ill-advised to impose direct colonial rule and the history of such imposition in the Caribbean has never delivered the desired result. The Virgin Islands government, led by Acting Premier Natalio Wheatley, rejects the plan for direct rule and instead proposes an interim unity government, which would include members of the National Democratic and Progressive Virgin Islands Movement parties and would remain in place until new elections in February 2023.

This contention displays the issue intrinsic to democratic states attempts to assert their control over overseas territories. These states proclaim democracy as an end goal, yet intervene against democracy in their territories when they deem it justified, creating a mirage of sovereignty where territories are allowed to govern themselves until the mother country decides otherwise. This issue is not restricted to British territories, but also includes territories across the world controlled by the U.S., France, and others.

The assumption behind the advocacy for British direct rule is that British governance will be more effective than local authorities. The evidence underpinning this argument seems clear: Fahies arrest and the high level of government corruption, especially compared to the British governments 93 out of 100 score on Freedom Houses Global Freedom rankings, make direct rule seem like an obvious choice. It is possible that the British government would rule the Virgin Islands better than local, democratically elected rulers. However, this possibility seems slim when considering the historical realties of colonial rule.

The B.V.I. were first settled by Europeans in 1648 when the Dutch established a permanent settlement on the island of Tortola. The English captured the island in 1672 and annexed the islands of Anegada and Virgin Gorda, with the remaining Virgin Islands falling under Danish control until they were sold to the U.S. in 1917. The 1967 constitution granted the British Virgin Islands a ministerial government, and more autonomy and a legislative council were established in 1977 and 1994 changes. In 2002, the British Overseas Territory Act granted British citizenship to the Virgin Islands population, and a new constitution ratified in 2007 established a larger degree of self-government. This combination, self-rule of local affairs with British control of military and foreign affairs, is what would be temporarily dismantled if Britain implements direct rule.

Without delving too deeply into the atrocities colonial governments did and do commit against their subjects, it should be acknowledged that this type of government has less incentive to represent its colonial subjects than a democratic one does. This is because a non-representative government cannot be voted out and thus faces no repercussions for enacting policies that do not benefit the people it serves. Britain, and Governor-General Rankin, may contend that it is focused on the Virgin Islanders best interests, but it is unlikely that British rule would be any better at securing them than a locally representative democracy. This becomes clear when analyzing two issues featured in the report and substantial to the Virgin Islands society: drug trafficking and the regulations surrounding corporations.

Since November 2020, the Hickenbottom report found, the Royal Virgin Islands police force has recovered over 3.6 tons of cocaine, with an estimated street value higher than the annual B.V.I. GDP. It is thought that huge quantities of drugs pass through the BVI undetected. The Virgin Islands have historically maintained a similar stance to drug use as the U.K., banning the recreational use of drugs such as cocaine and marijuana. It therefore follows that a British government would most likely implement policies similar to those that have already been tried and currently exist in Britain. The proposed coalition government, meanwhile, could fight trafficking by legalizing the recreational use of certain drugs, which would dismantle the cartels power and likely reduce drug flow through the Virgin Islands. This phenomenon has been demonstrated in the United States, according to David J. Bier of the Cato Institute, where state-level efforts to legalize marijuana reduced marijuana smuggling across the U.S.-Mexico border. It would be unlikely for a governor-general, whose job is to maintain stability during a transitional government, to implement this controversial policy.

Regarding corporate regulations, according to The Guardian, Britain intends to adopt a public registry of beneficial ownership of shares on the islands. This policy, which brings transparency to the ownership of corporations, was adopted in the U.K. in 2016. While the policy could help fight corruption, a public registry would likely drive many companies from the islands due to a desire to keep their ownership private, negatively impacting the B.V.I.s reputation as a tax haven and disincentivizing corporate investment in the islands banks. The Virgin Islands rely on this investment, with nearly 55% of the total government budget provided through fees on financial services. Corporate flight would slash the government budget, and would also reduce the islands standard of living due to lower wages and less ability to take out loans. A registry of companies that have attained funds through the government would be sufficient to address corruption while also protecting the privacy of the rest of the islands corporations.

Direct rule by the U.K. would therefore not be as effective as allowing the Virgin Islands government to root out its own corruption. Instead of suspending the constitution, Britain should permit the Virgin Islands to hold a constitutional convention under the leadership of elected delegates, giving the Virgin Islanders a voice in the new policies they will be living under.

The direct rule proposal reveals the issue surrounding overseas sovereignty. These territories are constantly at the mercy of the mother countrys whims even if said mother country preaches self-determination and democracy. To secure their democratic rights, these modern colonies should pursue one of two options. The first option is hold independence referendums, giving the populace a chance to express their desire for self-rule. The second option is to advocate for an arrangement similar to that between France and French Guiana, which allows French Guiana to be represented in Frances National Assembly and Senate. Territories that pursue these changes will face pushback from their mother countries. However, they are necessary to abandon colonial status and maintain self-rule.

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British Virgin Islands Report Reveals The Insidiousness Of Modern Colonialism - The Organization for World Peace

Theres never a bad time to go to Greece. But if youve opened up Instagram lately, youve probably noticed it gets a little (OK, a lot) more popular in the summer, especially when it comes to hotspots like Mykonos and Santorini. Dont let that deter you from jetting off to this beautiful country, though. Its a magical place, and definitely worth a visit. However, you might consider venturing off the beaten path and trying out some less tourist-infested Greek islands instead in order to avoid the crushing crowds of the most popular places.

Of course, thats easier said than done. While you probably have no problem finding information about where to stay in Santorini or party in Mykonos, unearthing details about more under-the-radar islands in Greece presents slightly more of a challenge. The best place to turn, in that case? Insiders and travel experts who live in or frequently visit the country and know the most ideal places to stay if youre in want of a hidden gem.

So, TZR sat down with a few of those people to help you out. Ahead, they offer their insights on not just the islands to visit, but their favorite places to stay, eat, and more within them. But before you start scrolling, prepare yourself youre about to feel wanderlust like you wouldnt believe.

Why Visit: Dr. Terika Haynes, owner of Dynamite Travel, says she loves Paros in the Cyclades because it gives people options for their preferred vacation style. Travelers can experience old Greek tradition in Lefkes or they can experience the beautiful waterfront views of the fishing village of Naoussa, she tells TZR.

What To Do: If youre in the mood for some shopping or dining, Dr. Haynes says to head to Parikia. She also recommends Solo Gelato as a must-try on the island, and Yria Hotel as a great place to stay. And her final tip? The views from Lefkes are stunning, take your camera gear for amazing shots.

Why Visit: Anne Liles of The Travel Studio calls Antiparos (a small island near Paros) a hidden gem: exclusive, charming, with a lot less crowds. As she describes it, The main village Charos is laid-back with bougainvillea-lined cobblestone streets, family-run restaurants, and a whole lot of charm. Its great for the history buff as well.

What To Do: Liles says a few of her favorite spots in Antiparos include The Rooster (a new 17-room luxury wellness resort), Boogaloo for cocktails, Lollo's for pizza, and Despotiko island. And, she says, Dont forget to explore the magnificent caves on the water.

Why Visit: Patmos in the Dodecanese island group is another favorite of Dr. Haynes for its natural beauty and charm. Its one of the smallest Greek islands so I think its often overlooked due to size. However, she continues, its a great place to visit because it has tons of history and feels incredibly safe. In fact, says Dr. Haynes, locals actually boast that they can leave their homes open and unlocked without worry.

What To Do: While youre there, make sure to soak up the history of the Grotto of St. John and St. John's Monastery. Dr. Haynes also recommends eating at The Patmians, and sleeping at The Petra. But just a warning before you start planning: Because of the size of the island, travelers should plan to book their vacations at least a year in advance, she says.

Why Visit: Dean Hayter, senior travel curator at Origin, says his choice for an unspoiled Greek hideaway is the island of Anafi in the Cyclades. Only one hour and 30 minutes away from Santorini by ferry, its a (pleasant) surprise this island hasnt seen the mass tourism of its neighbors. To get there, he says you can take an 11-hour ferry ride from Athens, which explains why its not an island that people will be flocking to in a hurry. However, he continues, its perfect to combine with Santorini and Mykonos for first-timers to the Greek Islands [who are] looking for something more untouched. While it may not be for everyone due to its seclusion and lack of activities, Hayter maintains that thats part of its charm.

What To Do: According to Hayter, Anafi is a great island for hiking, and you can camp for free on the beach where the local municipality has provided complimentary facilities to campers such as showers on the beach. Though if thats not your jam, he says that the brand-new hotel Ypseli Anafis Hive is a beautiful addition to the island near some of the best beaches, and one I cant wait to stay at! As for food? My partner is Greek and loves octopus, so Anemos is a great restaurant for well-priced, freshly grilled octopus.

Why Visit: One of Greeces most breathtaking and storied islands with fewer crowds, Corfu is an undiscovered gem known for its cosmopolitan Old Town (listed on the UNESCO World Heritage List), spectacular sandy beaches, and beautiful mountain ranges, says Brandon Berkson, founder and editor-in-chief of Hotels Above Par. Its rich multi-cultural heritage blends significant influences French, English, and Venetian to name a few.

What To Do: Per Berkson, dont miss Banyan Tree Groups first-ever European property, Angsana Corfu Resort & Spa. Its set on an idyllic hilltop estate in Corfus Akra Punta Bay near Benitses Village. You should also visit the Canal d'Amour, where legend has it youll find your soulmate if you swim to its furthest tip!

Why Visit: Calilo hotel owner Angelos Michalopoulos calls Ios a tranquil retreat amongst the Cyclades. Hidden away throughout the island, Ios boasts 36 private beaches, some only accessible by boat, perfect for those looking for complete privacy and exploration of the island.

What To Do: Of course, Michalopoulos recommends staying at Calilo at Papas Beach for your visit, which is tucked away in a remote, unspoiled corner of the island. The beach is surrounded by dramatic cliffs and offers guests of Calilo a private experience to swim, sunbathe, relax, and align with nature. What more could you need?

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Greek Islands To Visit If You Want To Avoid The Crowds - The Zoe Report

The Isle of Vaila lies in the west of the Shetland Islands archipelago, the northernmost part of the United Kingdom, comprising 100 scattered islands.

Vaila was the first farm in Shetland to gain organic status in 1994, and the island currently carries 200 pure bred Shetland ewes, with the flock available in addition.

There are around 142 acres of grazing land surrounding the hall and farm steading to the north, and 581 acres of heathland to the south of the island.

Vaila is separated from mainland Shetland by the Vaila Sound, just a short 10-minute boat journey from the islands private shore base into a sheltered bay with a pier.

With a coastline of approximately 6.5 miles, Vaila encompasses rugged cliffs, rocky outcrops, caves and pebble beaches.

To the north and east, Vaila overlooks the northern and central part of the Shetland mainland towards Muckle Roe and Lerwick.

On a clear day, there are uninterrupted views to the Fair Isle to the south and to the Isle of Foula to the west.

This striking location, once home to Norwegian Viking chiefs, is the unlikely setting for a magnificent 17th Century mansion house.

Vaila Hall was developed from a lairds house into a grand summer residence in the late 19th Century and, by the early 20th Century, lavish house parties were being held there, with as many as 30 people listed as employed on the island in 1901.

The current owners bought the island in 1993 and, since then, the house has undergone an extensive and sympathetic restoration to provide a well-appointed and comfortable home.

Highlights include a baronial great hall with massive stone fireplace, full height stained glass windows and a minstrels gallery, and a concealed entrance into the functional kitchen.

Another imposing fireplace sits within the morning room, and adjoining this is a conservatory which enjoys fine views across the croquet lawn towards the 18th Century watch tower that is included in the sale.

A study, rich in character, is located in the Bell Tower with fine views over Vaila Sound.

There are four bedrooms on the first floor, all with wonderful views, and the principal bedroom suite has a secret passage through to the tower bedroom which boasts panoramic views over the sea through its four windows.

There are two further bedrooms and a bathroom on the second floor.

There is a series of three walled gardens featuring Shetland flora, along with two former kitchen gardens and a tree-filled further walled garden near one of the two island piers.

Also on Vaila is the three bedroom arts and crafts farmhouse, built in 1894, which has a byre known as The Whale House where the skeleton of a 42ft whale lies after it became beached on the island in 2000.

Finally there is a pretty two-bedroom cottage, which sits behind Vaila Hall and works well either for overflow accommodation or as staff quarters.

A contemporary shore based building sits on mainland Shetland (just a 10-minute boat ride away) and includes a bedroom, kitchen and washing facilities and excellent storage facilities.

For Savills, Luke French, commented: At the meeting point of the North Sea and the Atlantic Ocean, this is a wild and beautiful part of the world.

The juxtaposition of the dramatic, elemental land and seascape with the exquisite craftsmanship of historic Vaila Hall makes for a quite extraordinary property.

A rare prize indeed for the next owner but also one which benefits from practical forethought by the sellers with the shore base building providing ease of access and the farming enterprise, farmhouse and cottage creating a variety of opportunities.

You can find more about the Isle of Vaila here.

Excerpt from:

757-acre Scottish island farm could be yours for over 1.7M - Flock of 200 pure bred ewes available in addition - Farming Life

In his final address at the Kona-Kohala Chamber of Commerce annual luncheon, Gov. David Ige bid farewell to a group hes worked closely with during his eight-year governorship and recapped some of the major accomplishments his administration helped land on the Big Island which have been many.

Ige has been the keynote speaker to the chambers annual membership and award luncheon every year during his eight years in office. The last two years have been held virtually, but Ige attended those as well.

I really want to thank all of you for being so kind every time I come to Hawaii Island, Ige said.

On Friday at the Fairmont Orchid resort in Waikloa, Ige celebrated a number of Big Island projects his administration promised to deliver, and did.

During the last eight years, those projects have totaled $20 billion, $1 billion in infrastructure alone. The list includes a widened and resurfaced Queen KaahumanuHighway, an expanded and upgraded Ellison Onizuka Kona International Airport at Kehole, a $90 million Keahuol Courthouse, millions in support for the expansion of NELHA, a community college campus at Plamanui and multiple affordable living housing developments.

I made an effort to invest in Hawaii Island when I became the governor, Ige said.

Investments are still happening.

Just this week Iges office released more capital improvement project funds for the Big Island, including monies to pay off the recently completed federal inspection station at the airport.

And yes, we finished the federal inspection station under budget, Ige said to a smattering of applause.

The upgraded, expanded airport comes just in time for the return of international travel.

Ige recently returned from a visit to Japan where he learned Japan Airlines has agreed to begin direct flights from Tokyo to Kona beginning Aug. 1. The Japanese company is doing so with some trepidation, as many unknowns still linger regarding COVID-19, but the airline has committed to landing in Kona.

Its up to residents to roll out a hospitable rug, Ige said, as tourism is the No. 1 economic driver in the islands and Japan is the one market that hasnt returned to pre-COVID travel numbers.

We need to make Aug. 1 successful, Ige said. We can make the launch happen in an important way.

Ige began his half-hour address to the couple hundred in attendance in the resort ballroom by reflecting on lesson learned from the pandemic, and celebrating successes the islands achieved through it.

The Commonwealth Fund a private foundation that supports independent research on health care issues and makes grants to improve health care practice and policy ranked Hawaii as the No. 1 state in handling the pandemic. It included over 50 measures to get to the ranking, where Hawaiis zero days of having an overwhelmed hospital system played into that earning that top spot.

Its a ranking the departing governor said he was proud to be a part of.

I really take my hat off, he said to Hawaiis healthcare workers.

And lessons they learned from the pandemic they implemented into this years state budget, allocating $6.7 million into expanding doctor residency and nursing programs through the university to keep young healthcare workers here as they enter the workforce. The state is also bolstering internship programs in high schools and in state departments with the same goal, to give young professionals a chance to begin their careers in the islands.

We did great things during the COVID pandemic and we will be better for it, he said.

While those points had an eye on the future, Iges address was, in part, a stroll down memory lane. But the eight years have been packed with Big Island visits, and Big Island projects, as the governor noted, worth remembering.

It truly has been an honor to serve as the governor of the state of Hawaii, Ige said at the end. I am so proud of all you.

Read the rest here:

In Final Chamber Address, Ige Touts Past Big Island Projects with Eye on More to Come - Big Island Now

Opening Statement by

Lizette O. George

Policy Analyst/Strategic Adviser, Office of the Premier

Premiers Press Conference - Update on Current Matters

Business Licencing Act 2022

24 June, 2022

Good morning to the viewing and listening audience and the members of the media.

Thank you Honourable Premier.

As the Virgin Islands economy has grown over the years, and as we seek to enable new business, attract new investment to the Virgin Islands and diversification of the economy, a comprehensive review of the legislative framework governing these areas directly and indirectly was necessary.

This exercise was much wider than just looking at reported and detected problems from the customer and business operator point of view. While one objective was to remove the barriers to the ease of doing business, we also needed to be forward looking in terms of what was on the horizon and also in terms of where we want to take the Virgin Islands.

And therefore, in order to be comprehensive in this task, we recognized that we needed to develop a National Trade Policy that would help to guide the reform and modernization of our systems and support trade and economic development.

The Business Licensing Act 2022, is part of a suite of legislation under the National Trade Policy of the Virgin Islands, which sets the legislative framework for trade and economic development.

The Trade Policy was developed in partnership with public and private sector stakeholders, including, BVICCHA, BVI Bar Association, BVI Banking Association, BVI Yacht Society, FSC, Trade Department, HLSCC, among others, who formed the Trade Policy Review Committee.

The Trade Policy Review Committee was established in January 2017 and operated for a period of 5 to 6 months, during which it conducted the necessary research and analysis of best practices, by reviewing the current legislative framework for business and trade, and making recommendations to the Government on the most appropriate model framework that would seek to increase the level of economic activities, while establishing trust between the business sector and the consumers.

The process, although quite long, was clearly laid out in the Committee work plan.

Three working groups were created from among the members of the Committee, with specific focus on each of the areas of Trade & Business, Investment and Consumer Affairs. Each of the working groups was responsible for making policy recommendations, which subsequently formed the National Trade Policy of the Virgin Islands, and was further considered and approved by Cabinet in July 2018.

Upon approval of the Trade Policy, subsequent policies and legislation, including those for licensing of Businesses, investment, and consumer protection, were drafted and considered.

Upon consideration by Cabinet, as series of stakeholder consultations were held, for the various policies and legislation, to ensure valuable input was received from the private sector.

I would like to this opportunity to acknowledge the various business organisations, including BVICCHA, Tortola Pier Park Businesses, BVI Finance, TRC, among others, that were instrumental in reviewing the appropriate policies and legislations, and for facilitating stakeholder meetings for their specific sectors of businesses during the entire month of March 2021.

From the various consultations, we were able to make the necessary amendments to ensure that the various instruments meet the needs of the private business sector and the economy on a whole.

The Business Licensing Act, as it is so drafted, took into consideration the current environment within the Virgin Islands, as well as well as the trends towards development for the future.

In review of the existing Business Professions & Trade Licence Act, we identified the gaps, and addressed the needs for growth, as well as considered best practices of other similar economies, including Cayman, TCI, Bermuda, among others, and tailored it to suit the economic needs of the Virgin Islands.

The main purpose of this exercise was to streamline the system of licencing with clear standards and requirements, in order to reduce the lengthy timeframe for obtaining a licence.

Consideration was also given to the total cost of doing business in the Territory, including licences & permits, NHI, Social Security and applied taxes as compared to other similar jurisdictions.

One of the aims to achieving this was to facilitate interdepartmental communication among government agencies in terms of creating synergy, as well as to provide central services through a one-stop-shop approach to providing services to the business community.

Also taken into consideration was the need to create a more relaxed environment to enable Micro Small and Medium Enterprises to develop, grow and thrive within the economy, as more support structures will be put in place to ensure their development and survival.

In providing a clearer understanding of its purpose in ensuring the ease of doing business here in the VI;

The Act seeks to repeal and replace the existing Business Profession & Trade Licence Act. CAP 200, 1989, for Licensing and regulating ALL economic activities and applies associated fees for such types of activities.

The International Standard Industrial Classification was utilized to ensure efficiency in the classification of licensed activities. It provides detailed description of such activities to ensure that licenses are placed within the appropriate economic division. This will also ensure efficient data collection and analytics for evidenced based decision-making.

Additionally, through the use of these classifications, the Act seeks to establish appropriate standards for obtaining a licence in various sectors, which will ensure more effective operational guidelines for businesses

Finally, the Act clearly outlines the requirements and licensing procedures, as well as the criteria for consideration, which eliminates all elements of doubt in the granting of licenses.

Our vision is that through the National Trade Policy of the Virgin Islands and its constituent parts such as the Business Licensing Act and the other legislation and policies, we will create the business environment that serves and balances the needs and interests of all our stakeholders from the business owners and operators, to the Government and to the consumers of the goods and services provided by the businesses operating in our economy.

Entrepreneurs and business owners have an expectation of fast and efficient service when it comes to dealing with registration and regulation. They need to have confidence in the system and we need for them to see that they are being treated with fairly and in a transparent manner.

The Business Licensing Act and suite of legislation and policies under the National Trade Policy of the Virgin Islands will help us to achieve this and encourage trade and economic development, because it will create greater ease in doing business in the Virgin Islands.

I thank you.

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Statement by Lizette O. George on Business Licencing Act 2022 - Government of the Virgin Islands

Just the thought of owning a private island seems like a childhood dream made into reality. It harkens back to adolescent days of building furniture-based forts with blanket roofing only, this time, youre building your own fort on a private island.

Exclusivity and, of course, land arent cheap, though, especially when it comes to private islands. Luckily, we have our list of the 10 islands you can buy for $500K or less.

Perhaps youre looking for cheap islands for sale that are smaller and more manageable: check. Or you can buy an island cheap off the market that spans closer to 20 acres: check. Maybe you want an island free of real estate development so you can start from scratch. No matter what youre looking for, read on for the cheapest islands for sale available.

Location: BelizeCost: $225,000Size: 1.41 acresMove-in ready? This undeveloped island has no structures (that will be up to you to build) and sits on the eastern side of the Turneffe Atoll, making fishing, snorkeling, diving and kayaking easily accessible.

Location: French PolynesiaCost: $249,000Size: 1.8 acresMove-in ready? One hour by boat from Rangiroa airport, this undeveloped Tahitian islet features swaying palms and a white-sand beach the perfect spot for your new beach house.

Location: PanamaCost: $380,000Size: 0.75 acresMove-in ready? Located in the Bocas del Toro region, this move-in ready island is self-powered and features a two-bedroom home, a party shack, a private beach, a boathouse and a swim dock.

Location: BelizeCost: $249,000Size: 0.7 acresMove-in ready? This white-sand, fringed island in the Turneffe Atoll is currently undeveloped. Its close proximity to the reef means its near some of Belizes best fishing and diving spots.

Location: TongaCost: $317,000Size: 1.09 acresMove-in ready? Set in the Vavaua island group of Tonga, the undeveloped Tahifehifa Island would make the perfect spot for your own personal overwater bungalow.

Location: NicaraguaCost: $500,000Size: 2.5 acresMove-in ready? Located about three miles off Nicaraguas Caribbean coast, Pink Pearl Island features a main house, three cabanas, a fishermans style shack and a bar/restaurant. The island is currently being run as a turnkey tourism business but could easily be used as a personal retreat.

Location: BelizeCost: $300,000Size: 2.3 acresMove-in ready? This undeveloped island located at the southern tip of Saddle Caye features abundant coral in the surrounding waters and a stretch of sand that will be perfect for sunning and splashing once you build.

Location: French PolynesiaCost: $354,500Size: 3.608 acresMove-in ready? This undeveloped island in the Tuamotus, bordered by vibrant, turquoise waters, is an unspoiled tranquil spot to reconnect with nature.

Location: BelizeCost: $350,000Size: 1 acreMove-in ready? Located on the northern tip of the Turneffe Atoll and featuring a tiny cottage, Turneffe Point Caye is a dream location for flats fishermen.

Location: French PolynesiaCost: $446,500Size: 18.86 acresMove-in ready? This large, undeveloped island located in the Raraka Atoll in the Tuamotu Archipelago is home to a coconut grove and white-sand beaches. Build a beach bungalow, and make it your home.

See original here:

Private Islands for Sale Under $500K | Islands

If you've been hankering to buy an island of your own, the Isle of Vaila is the one you've been waiting for.

If youre fishing in the 1.5-2 million end of the property market pool, you had tricky decisions to make. In Guildford, for example, youd get this four-bedroom new-build home at 1.6m. Look further in to London and youll find things like this two-bedroom flat in Chelsea Creekthat costs 1.85m up front, plus a whisker under 1,000 a month between service charges and ground rent.

Look further afield, though, and youd come across some really extraordinary places. 1.8m in the North York Moors will buy a gorgeous five-bedroom home with equestrian facilities, while the same amount spent in Devon could get you a mansion with sea views.

All decent options, of course. And yet a new property thats just been launched by Savills will have the prospective buyer of all those houses questioning their life choices. That property is the Isle of Vaila, in the Shetlands.

The entire island is on the market via Savills at a price of 1.75 million, which includes the 757-acre island with 6.5 miles of coastline that take in sheltered bays, caves and natural arches.

There is grassland, moorland and freshwater lichens; puffins, great skuas and oyster catchers nest around the island, while otters and orcas play in the sea that surrounds it. No less a figure that John Betjeman came to visit; he proclaimed that I can think of few nicer places in the world.

But this island just a ten minute boat ride from the Shetland mainland is far more than just its extravagant natural wonders. There are a series of buildings on the island which have long been the site of extravagant parties; top of the list is Vaila Hall itself, a castellated mansion situated on the north of the island.

Vaila Hall. Isle of Vaila, Shetland.

At the heart of this late 17th century building is a Great Hall, but there are also six bedrooms, a morning room, minstrels gallery and a bell tower.

Vaila Hall, Isle of Vaila, Shetland.

Its been well restored and looked after by the present owners, who run a gallery on the mainland of Shetland.

Vaila Hall, Isle of Vaila, Shetland.

There are original features throughout, with timber panelling, fine plasterwork, fireplaces and other fittings that together with some really superb furnishing give the place the feeling of a real time capsule.

Vaila Hall, Isle of Vaila, Shetland.

If towers are your thing, there is a very special addition nearby: Mucklaberry Tower, a B-Listed observation tower at the head of a long narrow peninsula lying about 400 metres west of Vaila Hall. The present owners (whove been here just under 30 years) have restored it completely, and its now a folly with incredible views of the mainland and surrounding islands.

Almost as delightful is Cloudin Farmhouse, built in 1894 in the Arts-and-Crafts style by then-owner Herbert Anderton, who had recently stepped in to buy this dot on the map when the land was no longer sufficient to support the crofters who were here before.

Beyond that, there is also a two-bedroom caretakers cottage, a modern (1998) building with living facilities at one of the islands two private piers, walled gardens, sheds, storage buildings, and an old byre which now houses the 42ft skeleton of a sperm whale which beached on the island 22 years ago.

Most of the island is heathland, but there is over 100 acres of grazing land and the sheep currently here are also for sale via separate agreement.

For those who want a project, there is a pair of ruined cottages which could subject to the usual legal hoops being jumped through be developed as holiday cottages or similar.

We could probably go on all day about a property like this. Yes, Shetland is not exactly simple to get to the usual routes go via sea or air from Aberdeen but people have lived on Vaila for 1,000 years, so in the age of satellite broadband and solar panels, wed reckon you could make a go of it. And given the price, we can imagine a long list of people wholl be keen to try.

The Isle of Vaila and its buildings are for sale via Savills for offers over 1.75 million see more pictures and details

Catch up on the best country houses for sale this week that have come to the market via Country Life.

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A simply magical private island in Scotland for sale, complete with an 18th century tower, at the price of a new-build four-bed in Guildford - Country...

Five years ago, Andy Thompson never thought he'd own an island. Now he owns two and is one of more than a dozen locals who own their own piece of land in the James River.

State of play: Thompson owns Sharp's Island, which he and nine other families pooled together to buy in 2018 for $35,000 cash. A year later, Thompson and business partners bought Goat Island in Henrico, and he's in the market and eager to buy more.

Why it matters: The James River is Richmond's beloved recreation destination, and while many locals might think it belongs to everyone, whole parts of the land within it have been bought, sold and transferred going back to British rule in the colonies.

Who owns what: The state owns the water, including all of the James River, Ben Stagg, a 30-year-plus veteran with the Virginia Marine Resources Commission, tells Axios.

The land is a little murkier, but clearest in the city of Richmond, which recently mapped its portion of the river islands, something Parrish Simmons, GIS project manager with the city's Assessor's Office, tells Axios is uncommon.

Zoom in: Based on data from Simmons, there are 72 parcel IDs for islands in the Richmond part of the James River (though some islands, like Belle and Mayo, are listed with multiple parcel IDs, and in some cases, there are multiple owners of different portions of a single island).

What they're saying: "We believe that many, if not all, the unknown owner parcels are towhead islands ... islands formed by the natural flow and ebb of the river," Simmons says.

How it works: "We know that the king of England would grant land ... the water and the ground below the water. If you can trace that deed, you can stake a claim," he says.

Plus: Stagg said Virginia governors would often grant land the same way in the 19th and part of the 20th centuries. But if you don't have your great-grandparents' deed from a king or former governor lying around, Stagg said there are two other common ways:

Flashback: In the 1990s, a Richmond businessman figured out this tax loophole and ended up paying taxes on 38 local James River islands. He sold them all individually at auction in 2005 for an undisclosed sum.

Why buy an island?: For Thompson, he says something just hit him when his real estate agent sent him the listing for Sharp's Island four years ago. As an avid outdoorsman, he loved the idea of having a private camping spot and convinced nine of his friends to split the cost with him.

Continued here:

How to buy an island in the James River - Axios

While it may have felt like spring all weekend, summer is officially starting on Tuesday, and the weather in Toronto this week is reflecting that.

According to The Weather Networks forecast, expect heat and humidity as June 21st rolls in. In Toronto, we will welcome our favourite season with a high of 32C and mainly sunny skies. But, with the humidex, the city will feel more like 40C on Tuesday. Oh yes, summer is back.

An unusually strong, sprawling ridge of high pressure south of the border will be responsible for trapping some of the hottest temperatures and humidex values so far this year, and on record for some, states The Weather Network.

Temperatures reaching the low and mid-30s and humidex values into the 40s will dominate as the week progresses, with no relief in sight for the foreseeable future.

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After a refreshing weekend in southern Ontario, the heat and humidity will return with a punch this week and will be here for an extended stay. #ONwx #ONheat https://t.co/B4jUakMSqV

The Weather Network (@weathernetwork) June 19, 2022

The extreme heat is making its way to the province, mostly in the northwestern region of Ontario, on Monday, although it wont hit the city yet as in Toronto our daytime high will be 22C. The Weather Network says the heat will continue into the middle of the week, which is when it will reach the GTA.

On Wednesday, Torontos high will be 28C but feeling more like 38C, and there is a risk of a thunderstorm. The heat will continue through to the weekend, with the humidex feeling like 30C on both days.

Some cooler weather is expected by Monday, June 27.

For now, bring out that sunscreen and pack the water, youll need it this week, Toronto!

Happy Summer!

With a curated slate of what matters in your city, Curiocity presents you with the most relevant local food, experiences, news, deals, and adventures. We help you get the most out of your city and focus on the easy-to-miss details so that youre always in the know.

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Heres what to expect this week in Toronto as we welcome the first official week of summer - Curiocity

I.

Victoria, Seychelles

When Olivier Bancoult boarded the ship that was to take him 1,000 miles across the Indian Ocean to the Chagos Archipelagohis childhood home, from which he and his fellow islanders had been expelled 50 years earlierhe carried five wrought-iron crosses. Most of them bore a short inscription, hand-lettered in white paint, memorializing the return of Chagossians to their birthplace. The crosses were to be driven into the ground of Peros Banhos and Salomon, two of the archipelagos once-inhabited atolls. But one cross was different. It was inscribed with the name of Bancoults grandfather Alfred Olivier Elys, and it was destined for an island cemetery. Elys had died in 1969, as expulsions from the archipelago were under way.

Check out more from this issue and find your next story to read.

The expulsions were part of an international bargain, though not one that the 2,000 people of Chagos had any say in. The short version: For many years, the archipelago was a faraway administrative appendage of the British colony of Mauritius, an island off the coast of Africa. When Mauritius sought independence, in the mid-1960s, Britain decided to keep Chagos for itself. It did so primarily to sequester one of the atolls, Diego Garcia, for use by the United Statespart of a global American ambition, at the height of the Cold War, to establish military outposts in strategic places. Chagos itself was nowhere, but it was equidistant from everywhere: Draw a long line from Madagascar to Indonesia, and another from India to Antarctica, and stick a pin in the blue at the intersection. The catch for Britain was that under international law, the archipelago could be separated from Mauritius only if it had no permanent population.

Chagos did have a permanent populationit had had one for centuries. The Chagossians harvested coconuts and they fished. They had churches of stone. Mossy gravestones go back many generations. But a world away, in the offices of Whitehall and the clubs of St. Jamess, this was a technicality. That the islanders involved were Black made decisions even easier. The conversations might reasonably be imagined, but they dont have to be. Foreign and Colonial Office documents from the period state that, for official purposes, people living in Chagos were to be referred to as transitory contract laborers. The archipelago was described as having no indigenous population except seagulls. Internal documents freely admitted that all of this was a fiction. A few years before Alfred Olivier Elys was laid to rest in the Catholic cemetery on le du Coin, one of the Chagos islands, a comment scrawled on a British document by an official named Denis Greenhill captured the governments outlook: Along with the Birds go some few Tarzans or Men Fridays whose origins are obscure.

One thing at least was true: Governmental fiat had the power to turn fable into fact. For reasons of state, the permanent inhabitants of the archipelago were removed, often with little warning, and typically allowed to bring only a single bag or suitcase or wooden box. The United States, which wanted and endorsed the expulsions, built its military base. The archipelago as a wholeDiego Garcia and some 60 other islands, mainly in the Peros Banhos and Salomon atollswas reconstituted into a colonial entity known as the British Indian Ocean Territory, within which Diego Garcia could nest. Having been detached from Mauritius, BIOT would become both the newest British colony in Africa and the last remaining one.

Uprooted and desperately poor, the Chagossians formed small communities in Mauritius, the Seychelles, and the United Kingdom, with little support from any of those countries. As a remembrance, many kept sand from Chagos in small bowls in their home. On the balance scale of Cold War morality, the sand didnt count for much. But the Chagossians never forgot where theyd come fromor, given that half a century has now elapsed, where their parents and grandparents had come from. Some hoped to return to Chagos, or at least to have that right. Some wanted a path to citizenship in Britain. Most wanted compensation commensurate with their loss.

From the May 2021 issue: National parks should belong to Native Americans

Bancoult, who makes his living as an electrician in Mauritius, is the president of the Chagos Refugees Group. He left le du Coin, in Peros Banhos, on March 30, 1968, at the age of 4, taking a small boat from the jetty to a bigger boat anchored in the lagoon. He has an islanders way of using on rather than in to refer to where he comes from: on my birthplace. Bancoult is a large man with a large personality. He is friendly and he is forceful. In the register of his voice, the calm vivisection of British actions can mount by degrees into the more insistent tones of a man who has truth on his side.

Over the years, Bancoult has pressed the Chagossian cause with the Congressional Black Caucus and the pope. Starting in the 1990s, he began looking for cracks to exploit in the edifice of British law. Future historians sifting through musty files in the Public Record Office will find an impressive volume of litigation bearing the name Bancoult. The documents point the way to a tangle of episodesin British tribunals as well as the International Court of Justice (or World Court) and the United Nations General Assembly. In 2019, to the surprise of many, the UN confirmed a finding by the World Court: The creation of the British Indian Ocean Territory had been illegal. The archipelago belonged to Mauritius. The Chagos islanders could turn their eyes toward home.

Which is why, earlier this year, Bancoult and a group of other Chagossians found themselves on a converted British minesweeper, now a private vessel named the Bleu de Nmes, with those five homemade crosses. Theyd also brought bouquets of flowers, asking the crew to keep them cooled. The five Chagossians on the ship were guests of the government of Mauritius, which had an additional agenda of its own for this voyage: to assert its sovereignty over the archipelagoto, quite literally, plant a flag. The voyage was hopeful, if uncertain. The World Court and UN notwithstanding, Mauritian sovereignty is something that London has yet to concede; for all anyone aboard knew, the British might seek to impede the trip in some fashion. Just out of sight, a British patrol vessel shadowed the Bleu de Nmes when it entered Chagossian waters. Jagdish Koonjul, the ambassador of Mauritius to the United Nations, was aboard the Bleu de Nmes; he smiled diplomatically when someone referred to him as a human shield.

We had departed from the Seychelles; typhoons made departure from Mauritius impossible. The ship slipped past the mega-yachts of oligarchs, anchored off Victoria. Mountains receded, then disappeared. Between the Seychelles and Chagos lies nothing but open sea, sometimes rough. Five full days elapsed before the first hint of landshorebirds diving for fish. A few hours later, the Bleu de Nmes reached Peros Banhos, anchoring in its lagoon. Like every atoll, Peros Banhos is the rim of an extinct volcano, this one about 10 miles in diameter. In places the rim emerges sufficiently above water to create a necklace of tiny islands, linked by reefs.

The Chagossians took a launch to le du Coin, where three of the group had been born, and waded onto the smooth, coralline sand. The island is narrow and slightly curved, about a mile and a half long. The white beach was alive with small crabs. Coconuts bobbed in the surf. The Chagossians bent to their knees and kissed the sand, leaving a splay of palm prints. They stood and joined hands, closing their eyes and reciting the Lords Prayer in Kreol, the French-based language of the islands. They concluded the prayer and planted the first of the wrought-iron crosses.

Then they ventured into the dense vegetationcoconut trees heavy with green fruit, flame trees that bloom a brilliant redto seek the remains of their civilization.

The fate of the Chagos Archipelago has rested for centuries in the hands of the Great Powers, whether those powers were moving in, moving out, or just trying to hold onto get some rocks which will remain ours, as Sir Paul Gore-Booth, the permanent undersecretary at the Foreign Office, described his countrys intentions in the 1960s. The Chagos Archipelago spreads out across 250,000 square miles, an area the size of Texas; taken together, the islands have a landmass the size of Manhattan. In two weeks at sea, traveling to, from, and among them, we did not see another ship. The recorded history of the archipelago has chiefly been scientific and geopolitical rather than cultural or social. Charles Darwin sailed through in 1836, during the voyage of the Beagle, but his interest lay in coral. For all but one of the islands, there is no longer any human history to record: Everyone is gone. The exception, Diego Garcia, is inhabited by 2,500 American-military personnel and temporary foreign workers, mostly Filipino. That tiny atoll, a single V-shaped island with a central lagoon, is strictly off-limits. Those who have been stationed there describe a place that would resemble the base at Guantnamo Baygyms, fast food, television, snorkelingif Guantnamo were on the moon and the moon were an ocean. Until their expulsion, more than 1,000 Chagossians lived on Diego Garcia. Many accounts of the island by Americans stationed there mention signs of previous habitation: a ruined house here, a crumbling church there, a handful of graveyards. Diego Garcias runway and downtown lie atop two village sites.

Chagos was chanced upon by Portuguese navigators in the 16th century. They mapped the islands and gave some of them, such as Peros Banhos, the names they retain. The Dutch came next, but didnt stay. Chagos eventually came into the possession of France, as did Mauritius and Runion. The French gave names to more of the islands. They imported enslaved workers from Madagascar and Mozambique, and later brought indentured workers from southern India, to labor in coconut plantations. After the defeat of Napoleon, Great Britain acquired Chagos and Mauritius.

Read: Ed Yong on how how rats in the Chagos islands remake coral reefs

Little changed for the people of the islands, who by then numbered in the several hundreds. In time, after abolition, slavery was replaced completely by indentured servitude; in the 20th century, indentured servitude became low-wage employment by corporate planters. The language of the people remained Kreol. The main religion was Catholicism. Cargo ships provided an occasional connection to Mauritiusat most, four times a year. In the 1960s, as Mauritius negotiated its independence, the Chagos islanders were working for a single company, Chagos-Agalega Ltd., which exported coprathe dried kernel of a coconutalong with the oil pressed from it. The Chagossians had created a distinctive society. They had their own houses, their own boats, their own gardens. Their form of sega music provided the soundtrack for our time at sea.

One evening on board the ship, Bancoult spread out half a dozen well-creased nautical charts, pointing to key features of the archipelago. Starting from the far north: Blenheim Reef, a treacherous marine structure about 20 miles in circumference that has caused the destruction of scores of ships; below that, Salomon atoll, with a dozen small islands around its rim; to the west of Salomon, the larger Peros Banhos atoll, with about 30 small islands; and finally, at the bottom, Diego Garcia, some 150 miles south of Blenheim Reef. Bancoult pointed to where the Chagossians on the ship, all now living in Mauritius, had been born. Suzelle Baptiste was from Diego Garcia. Rosemonde Bertin was from Salomon. Lisbey Elys, Marcel Humbert, and Bancoult himself were from Peros Banhos.

When Chagossians look back at the life they recall, or the life theyve heard about, they conjure an idyllGarden of Eden meets Shangri-la. They use the word paradise. They talk of la vie facile. People ate fish from the sea and shared with one another. There was enough of everything to go around. Could it have been that good? Once, on deck, still a day out from Peros Banhos, I heard two of the Chagossians talking about the remoteness of island life, and how remoteness can produce contentment: What you see is all you know.

The plantation company paid workers both in cash and in food and supplies. It provided small pensions after retirement. There was a certain amount of infrastructure, including electricity in a few places. A Catholic priest traveled among the atolls. A number of islanders learned to read and write; others signed documents with a thumbprint. Photographs of special occasions from a century ago show people of the archipelago wearing dresses and suits.

The islands are certainly beautifulthickly wooded atolls in a turquoise sea as pure as anywhere on Earth. The most startling creature is the coconut crab, which grows to the size of a cat and may drop suddenly from trees. Its claws can take off a finger. They are not a problem, Bancoult explained, if you know how to pick them up, and they are good to eat. Still, the work of the islanders was hard. The rows of tiny stone rectangles in the cemeteries of Chagos tell a story of death at an early age. And as events would show, the existence of the Chagossians as a people was at the mercy of forces beyond their control.

The deal between the United Kingdom and the United States was worked out in secret against the backdrop of the Vietnam War, which Britain had declined to support. As if to make amends, the government of Prime Minister Harold Wilson sought to accommodate Washingtons desire for a foothold in the Indian Ocean. In diplomatic memorandums, officials avoided the term military base; the preferred locution was joint communications facility. Diego Garcia seemed ideal. The atolls lagoon could shelter a small navy. The ribbon of land on the western side had room for miles of runwayan unsinkable aircraft carrier. The U.S. naval commander in the Pacific, Admiral John McCain, father of the future senator, described the atoll as the Malta of the Indian Ocean.

At the time, Britain was engaged in negotiations over Mauritian independence. Decolonization was occurring worldwide, and the United Nations had adopted ruleswhich Britain had endorsedabout self-determination and territorial integrity. When it came to Chagos, Britain finessed the self-determination argument through its claim that the islands had no permanent inhabitants, only a floating population of migrant workers. It finessed the territorial-integrity argument by inducing negotiators from Mauritius, meeting in London, to accept dismemberment. As the release of a Downing Street document later revealed, the idea, in dealing with the chief Mauritian negotiator, was to frighten him with hope: Independence could be had, but only if the Mauritians relinquished Chagos.

This approach had the desired effect. Mauritius became independent. Chagos was detached. Because the U.S. wanted no one nearby, the people of Chagoswho did not officially existwere forced to leave. The entire population of Diego Garcia had been removed by the end of 1971. A military base had to be constructed, and the Americans needed the island sanitized and swept, a task that fell to the British. The people expelled from Diego Garcia were not permitted to take their animals; about 1,000 pet dogs had to be left behind. Many followed their owners to the beaches. In his meticulous book about Diego Garcia, Island of Shame, the anthropologist David Vine describes how, at the direction of Sir Bruce Greatbatch, an order came down to eliminate the dogs. Animals that could not be easily poisoned or shot were lured with meat into a copra-drying shed and then gassed with motor-vehicle exhaust.

Bob Hope arrived on the first jet to land on the runway, in 1972, using Diego Garcia to stage one of his Christmas shows for American troops. He flew in with Redd Foxx and Belinda Green, Miss World that year. A British naval officer remains nominally in charge of Diego Garcia and commands a small complement of Royal Marines. But the island is leased to the U.S. through 2036. Vehicles drive on the right.

Read: The problem of English identity

As for the Chagossians whod lived there, many were transported to Mauritiuscrowded under tarpaulins on the merchant ship Nordvaer, or packed into the ships sweltering hold along with the copra and coconut oiland more or less left on the docks to fend for themselves. Others made their way to Peros Banhos or Salomon, until an ongoing campaign of attrition made life on those atolls untenable. The plantation company was bought out by the British government and ultimately shut down. Supplies of rice and flour were curtailed. Anyone who made the mistake of leaving Chagosto visit relatives, to see a doctorwould discover, without warning, that going home was prohibited. Bancoult had traveled with his parents, Rita and Julien, and his sister Noellie to Mauritius; Noellie needed urgent medical attention after her foot had been run over by the wheel of a cart and shed developed gangrene. The medical care came too late, and Noellie died. The family prepared to return to Peros Banhos, but were prevented from doing so. Nor could they communicate with people back home: Mail delivery had been halted. Rita did not learn of the death of her father, still in Chagos, for several years. In 1973, those whod clung to Salomon and Peros Banhos were rounded up. People had as little as a day to pack a bag.

The Chagos Archipelago, meanwhile, began its new chapter as the British Indian Ocean Territory. Rather than opening with something along the lines of We the people, the territorys constitution declares, No person has the right of abode. Accompanied by British military personnel, small groups of Chagossians have in recent years been allowed brief heritage visits to some of the islands. A larger group, also under military escort, made a pilgrimage in 2006. On their visits, the Chagossians have used the limited time on each islandnever overnightto clear vegetation from the decaying churches and restore the crumbling graves of their loved ones. They have cleaned inscriptions. They have left flowers. And then they have had to depart.

The British Indian Ocean Territory came to possess all the outward trappings of a colony. Its head of state is Queen Elizabeth. It has a commissioner, in London, who also oversees the British Antarctic Territory. There is a flag. Coins have been issued: The silver 50-pence coin displays the Queen on one side and an orange anemonefish, like Nemo, on the other. The coins are legal tender within the territory, though there is really no place to spend them. British Indian Ocean Territory stamps have been designed and printedfor collectors, or for use at the post office on Diego Garcia. The territory has the internet country code .iofor Indian Oceancreated by an entrepreneur and used extensively by internet start-ups and online-gambling operations. Signs have been posted on some of the islands by the BIOT government. They signal to the very few visitorsmostly owners of mega-yachtsthat they have stepped foot on British territory. Visitors are asked to refrain from littering.

All told, some 2,000 people were displaced from the Chagos Archipelago. At U.S. insistence, the islanders were even barred from working on Diego Garcia; instead, foreign laborers were brought in. The Chagossians had been promised housing and various kinds of assistance, but the promises were not kept. Some settled in the Seychelles, at the time still a British colony, where hundreds were lodged at first in a prison. Those who found themselves in Mauritius settled mainly in Port Louis, the capital. The Chagossians were treated badlyunwanted newcomers, and culturally different from everyone else. They were shunted into the worst urban districts, near garbage dumps and in neighborhoods with high crime. They had skills, but none that were highly valued. Drug use, prostitution, suicideall became serious problems, reflected in sega lyrics and oral histories. The Chagossians were referred to collectively, and pejoratively, as les loisthe islanders.

Were they citizens of any nation? They seem to have thought so. Many of the poorest Chagossian homes in Mauritius displayed a pressed-tin portrait of the Queen. But the United Kingdom in the early 1970s was not generous with passports, especially for Tarzans or Men Fridays, nor is it generous with them now. Those who had been expelled from Chagos did become citizens of Mauritius, if thats where they went, though it didnt feel like home. In time, many also came to hold British Dependent Territories Citizenship, which entitled the bearer to the vague condition of British subject and to a passport, but not the right to live in Britain (or, in this case, to live in the dependent territory).

Only in 2002, after much agitation, did people born on the islands (along with their children, but not their grandchildren) get the right to apply for full British citizenship. Nothing about the status of Chagossians today is uniform: It varies from person to person, generation to generation, place to place. In March, the British government accepted an amendment to proposed legislationwhich recently became lawthat would streamline the citizenship process for anyone of Chagossian heritage, despite fears voiced by some about precedent. (The author of the amendment, Baroness Lister of Burtersett, responded, We are not setting a precedent because I assume we are not planning to evict anybody else.)

Ysabelle Cheung: Hong Kongers, dont idolize the U.K.

When Bancoult surveyed the domains of the Chagossians with his nautical charts, he left out Crawley, in West Sussex. A quarter century after the expulsion, many Chagossians decided that life in Britain, unfamiliar as it was, might be better than life anywhere else. The first small groups arrived on flights from Port Louis to Gatwick Airport, south of London, in 2002. There were no resettlement officials to meet them, no gift baskets of Marmite and Major Greys. Not knowing what else to do, they camped out in the airport arrival lounge, for days and even weeks. Gatwick is adjacent to Crawley, and the Chagossians began moving into town after the local council grudgingly found some housing.

With great persistence, the Chagossians in Crawley put down roots. Others followed. Today, the number of people in Crawley whose ancestry can be traced to Chagos is about 3,000. Chagossians can still be found at Gatwickthey are a mainstay of the service infrastructure that makes the airport possible, from handling baggage at the terminals to making beds at the hotels. But joblessness is high, as is the incidence of depression and other challenges. Chagossians use a word with the Kreol spelling drasin to describe the experience of being cut off from the past. They use another word, sagren, to capture a deep, wasting sorrow. The term may not appear in medical journals, but it is a diagnosis I heard more than once from Chagossians talking about friends, or about themselves.

During a recent trip to London, I took a train down to Crawley to meet members of the Chagos community, which extends two and even three generations beyond the one expelled from the archipelago. The town is not the kind of place one sees on tourist posters. Crawley grew quickly both because of Gatwick and because the government chose to build tracts of new housing there after the Second World War. The architecture is repetitive and nondescript. The heart of the town is the County Mall Shopping Centre, not some holy well or Norman keep.

The Chagossians in Crawley present no unanimity of opinion about Chagos and their future. Some have been more interested in rights and compensation than in resettlement, and in any case dont harbor warm feelings toward Mauritius. This point of view is articulated on the U.K.-based website Chagossian Voices. Others in Crawley share the same desire for recognition and support, but their views are more in line with those of the Chagos Refugees Group. They are drawn emotionally to the idea of resettlementeven if not necessarily for themselvesand believe it could happen. They would like to set foot on the archipelago one day.

If Chagos possesses anything like a National Archives, it would be the iPhone of Evelyna Bancoult, one of Oliviers daughters. She lives in Crawley with her two young children. Evelynas sister, Jessica, a mother of three, lives in Crawley as well. So do many relatives. When I came to visit, people converged on the home of a cousin of Evelynas to talk about their memories. On her phone, Evelyna pulled up black-and-white historical photos, grainy videos, and recent family pictures. Her grandmother, now deceased, spoke to the room from the phone. In soundless footage, military officers watched Chagossians descend a gangplankthe fading record of a heritage visit. Evelynas quick fingers found news reports, documentaries, press conferences, music. Children playing in the room paused to lean on her shoulder as she sat on a couch, pointing when they saw someone they knew.

The scene was enthusiastic but also serious. The people there felt that few in Britain had their interests in mind. They denounced xenophobic dithering in Parliament over immigration. Fingers jabbed toward my knee for emphasis. Then, calmly, more than one of those in the room brought up the subject of historyhistory in a narrow sense (our history) but also in a larger sense: the responsibility of nations to face their failures.

The Chagossians do not live in any single neighborhood of Crawleyand there are Chagossians in Manchester, Leeds, and other citiesbut you cannot miss the glimmerings of shared identity. They cook from recipes handed down by their mothers and grandmothers, though certain ingredients are hard to find. They draw on extended family networks. The adults have been in England for years, most of them, and speak with a variety of London-area accents, but a cadence of elsewhere is unmistakable. In their homes, what you do not see, because the Chagossians were expelled so suddenly and allowed to bring so little with them, are mementos of life on the archipelago. If Evelyna loses her cellphone, the only physical evidence of the communitys origins may be chromosomes and grains of sand.

Though Id be tempted to include the football jerseys. In 2014, a soccer team representing the Chagos diaspora became a member of Conifa, the Confederation of Independent Football Associationsa version of FIFA for soccer teams not affiliated with that body. Many of Conifas members have a claim to national distinctiveness. The Roma people field a team. South Ossetia, Kashmir, Kurdistan, Tibet, Cornwall, and Western Sahara each field a team. The Chagossian team draws on local players. In recent years, it has twice qualified for the Conifa World Cup.

When I met him in Crawley, Cedric Joseph, the very young goalkeeperhe is 19showed me his gloves, painted with the orange, black, and blue of the Chagossian flag. Three people jumped in to explain the symbolism. The cross talk boiled down to this: Orange is for the plantations and the sun; black is for the dark times; blue is for the sea and the future. Josephs grandmother was born in Chagos; he said he felt sometimes that he was representing her. But really, it was great just to get out there and play. And the team was good. And so was he. He made fun of himself, slipping into a parody of a sports announcers voice: The best, youngest goalkeeper in south England.

Olivier Bancoult has been to Crawley many times, to visit his daughters and to advance the interests of the Chagos Refugees Group. The lawsuits he has filed on behalf of his people have almost all been brought in British courts. Search the internet for the name Olivier Bancoult, and you will scroll through a long list of entries that commence with the tagline Bancoult v. For brevitys sake, lawyers refer to the various cases by the order in which they were filed: Bancoult 2, Bancoult 4.

What Britain did to Chagos provoked legal challenges along two broad tracks. The firstthe Bancoult trackbegan in the 1990s. Whatever their private opinions, Bancoult and his lawyers have never sought to contest British sovereignty before the courts of England. Their focus is human rights under British law. They have contended that the Chagossians were wrongly evicted from their homes and that they have a right to return to their islands. Bancoults first lawsuit went so far as to invoke the Magna Carta, which prohibits forcible expulsion without what today would be called due process. In the face of stiff headwinds, and to general astonishment, he won the case, in 2000. Britains foreign secretary at the time, Robin Cook, announced that he would accept the High Courts decision on the right of return.

But then, less than a year later, came 9/11. Tony Blairs governmentand a new, more compliant foreign secretaryhad no desire to disturb the status quo on Diego Garcia or any of the other islands. The military base was being used as a waypoint for extraordinary renditionand by some reports, as a detention and interrogation sitewhile the War on Terror ramped up. Bombing campaigns against Afghanistan and, later, Iraq would be launched from there. In 2004, the British government used a device called an Order in Councilan archaic procedure allowing ministers to bypass Parliament and wield regal powers that the monarch herself can no longer exercise, but to which she must assentto quash Bancoults victory. None of his subsequent legal actions has been able to restore the right of return. But his follow-on cases have achieved something else: Through the process of discovery, theyve dredged up a mass of historical documents that confirm the cynicism and lies of the governments inner councils. Henceforward, British officials would have to preface remarks about Chagos with a throat-clearing admission that the governments behavior had of course been shameful and wrong.

The second track was the international one: the attempt by Mauritius to get Chagos back from Britain, alleging that detachment had been agreed to under duress. Early efforts got little traction. But then the British government made a mistake. In 2010, Foreign Secretary David Miliband announced that the British Indian Ocean Territory would be turned into a marine protected area and placed off-limits to habitation and commerce (but not to U.S. military operations). Milibands decision was cheered by many environmental organizations. The archipelago encompasses the largest coral atoll structure on the planetthe Great Chagos Bank. Turtles and sharks abound. Fork-tailed frigate birds, among the fastest on Earth, skim by overhead. But Britain wasnt thinking about a National Geographic documentary. A cable to Washington from the U.S. embassy in London quoted a British diplomat stating that no human footprints or Man Fridaysthat language againwould be permitted within the protected area, and admitting privately that the move would put paid to resettlement claims of the archipelagos former residents.

The marine protected area may have been intended as a clever way to cauterize all pending legal disputes involving a right of return, but it in fact gave Mauritius a new, if seemingly unlikely, line of attack through the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. The government enlisted the assistance of a prominent international and human-rights lawyer named Philippe Sands. Sands is a longtime friend; when he first explained the case to me, a decade ago, he described all of the dominoes that would have to fall. He did not use the word quixotic. Over time, he assembled a legal team from Mauritius, Belgium, India, Ukraine, and the United States.

The legal battle for Chagos lacks the drama of Inherit the Wind or Twelve Angry Men. The dominoes fell, but in slow motion, one every few years. In accordance with the Convention on the Law of the Sea, Mauritius brought its case before a tribunal of international arbiters. The government argued that Britain had no standing to create the marine protected area; Chagos had been illegally detached from Mauritius, and Britain was therefore not the relevant coastal state. The arbitrators agreed unanimously that creation of the protected area was not in accordance with the provisions of the Law of the Sea convention but kicked the sovereignty question to the UN General Assembly, which then weighed in with a lopsided vote: Lets see what the World Court has to say about whether the detachment of the archipelago was legal in the first place.

None of this involved the fate of the Chagossiansnot directlybut many of them believed that if Britains sovereignty were upended, their efforts could be aided. Mauritius had not barred them from their homeland; Great Britain had done that. And the Mauritian government had indicated receptivity to the Chagossian cause. The World Court heard the case in September 2018, and it began by looking at the factual circumstances behind detachment and expulsion. Lisbey Elys, expelled from Chagos when she was not yet 20, gave testimony before the justices. She was a little overwhelmed, she told me, and ever mindful of the fact that she had been chosen to represent all Chagossians. Fearful that she might be nervous speaking directly to the court, she asked for and was granted permission to present a video. It was three minutes and 53 seconds long. Elys, then 65, spoke in Kreol. Seated next to Sands, she watched from a front-row seat in a black suit as the video, with English subtitles, flickered in the Great Hall of Justice.

We boarded the ship in the dark so that we could not see our island. And when we boarded the ship, conditions in the hull of the ship were bad. We were like animals and slaves in that ship. People were dying of sadness in that ship. And as for me, I was four months pregnant at that time. The ship took four days to reach Mauritius. After our arrival, my child was born and died

I maintain I must return to the island where I was born and I must die there and where my grandparents have been buried. In the place where I took birth, and in my native island.

In the end, the World Court declared that Britain was in the wrongthe detachment of Chagos had indeed been illegal because this detachment was not based on the free and genuine expression of the will of the people concerned. The courts opinion was ultimately affirmed by the UN General Assembly, with only six votes in opposition. The Mauritian case was strong. Jagdish Koonjul, its ambassador, made it well. The United Kingdoms European allies were nowhere to be seenBritains hasty, messy exit from the European Union had made sure of that.

The World Courts opinion was advisory, and the U.K. has so far done its best to ignore it. A Royal Navy officer continues to serve as the titular commandant of Diego Garcia. Yachts wishing to transit the marine protected area are still directed to obtain permission from the colonial administration. The United Kingdoms BIOT website is unflappably vague: We remain open to dialogue on all shared issues of mutual interest. A strategic rationale for the British position has not been advanced, other than the open-ended one that defense of the realm requires it. The psychological rationale is obviousshedding the last bits of empire is hard to contemplate. It is the remote-island dynamic in reverse: What you see is all thats left.

But Mauritius can now claim international recognition of its sovereignty over Chagos. As Sands, the Chagossians lead attorney, maintains in a forthcoming book, the British position is eroding, in small steps that may lead to larger ones. Citing the UNs decision, the Universal Postal Union, which governs mail service among nations, has withdrawn recognition of Britains BIOT stamps. The .io domain name is under legal challenge, and the government of Mauritius has asked Google to relabel its maps. It seems inevitable that the International Civil Aviation Organization, which coordinates a variety of essential protocols, will recognize Mauritian control of the airspace over Chagos. The United States still takes Britains side; it is convenient to have an absentee landlord who allows almost anything. But there is a difficulty. Secretary of State Antony Blinken has argued forcefully that Beijing must accept a rules-based order when it comes to the South China Sea. Beijing has a ready response: What about Chagos? Ultimately, American wishes may not need to become an issue. Mauritius has stated repeatedly that it has no objection to the use of Diego Garcia as a U.S. military base. There would have to be a status of forces agreement, as there is for any base on foreign soil, which would set the rules and the rent. An agreement might even accommodate a partial resettlement of Diego Garcia itself; foreign nationals live close to other U.S. bases, sometimes in great numbers.

The time will come when Britain throws in the towel, and it may come soon. When the government of Mauritius decided in February to send a ship into Chagossian waters under its own flagthe ship I traveled onLondons response was annoyed but restrained. It would not fight the Mauritians on the beaches; it would not fight them on the landing grounds. The BIOT patrol vessel that shadowed the Bleu de Nmes kept its distance, though it was visible on radar. We never learned whether the loss of internet service, which started when the ship entered the BIOT zone, had anything to do with its presence. One purpose of the voyagean oceanic survey of Blenheim Reef, relating to a boundary dispute with the Maldiveswas a deliberate challenge: Mauritius shares a boundary with the Maldives only if the Chagos Archipelago is Mauritian territory. Mauritian officials also took the opportunity to pour some concrete, plant some flagpoles, and run up the Mauritian colors on Salomon and Peros Banhos. There were no statues to topple, but someone unbolted and took away a metal sign warning of arrest and imprisonment by the BIOT government for various infractions, such as overnight camping and possession of crabs, dead or alive.

From the April 1899 issue: Growth of the British colonial conception

For Mauritius, asserting a claim to Chagos was a main reason for this expedition. But that assertion dovetailed with the desires of the Chagossians. If the British were no longer in charge, then the prohibition against right of abode was a dead letter. For the first time in 50 years, the Chagossians could go home without asking permission.

The islands of Peros Banhos5.3333 S, 71.8500 Eencircle a crystalline lagoon. From a distance they are low, green smudges that a swell can hide from view. Waves crash on submerged reefs between them. On February 12, as the Bleu de Nmes sailed through a single open channel into the lagoon, Olivier Bancoult stood at the gunwales and began to name the bits of land. For once he seemed a little uncertain. He grabbed Marcel Humbert, a fisherman, to confirm the names. Humbert pointed to each island as he began turning in a circle: Grande Soeur, Petite Soeur, le Poule, le Monptre, le Anglaise, le du Coin ... The shore of le Monptre was marked by a dull-red oblong, the overturned hull of a yacht, beached and bleached for decades. Bancoult had started the day wearing the bright home-field jersey of the Chagos soccer team, but by now he and others from the islands had changed into simple white T-shirts bearing words in black letters: Everyone has the right to live on his birthplace.

The Chagossians knelt on the sand as they came off the launch that had brought them to le du Coin. Some of them held up birth certificatesdestroyed in the course of a riot, theyd been told by British authorities, until Bancoult tracked the records down. The jetty many of them had walked when they left le du Coin was now in ruins; only a small-gauge rail track, once used to transport barrels of coconut oil, held the concrete together. A pair of rusted wheels, joined by an axle, remained on the rails.

The Chagossians led the way inland with a rhythmic whack of machetes. The air was humid and earthy, the ground everywhere an ankle-turning carpet of fallen coconuts. We came to a place where a village had been. I had seen a photograph from the 1960s of the island administrators housewhitewashed walls, cool verandas, a monumental stone staircase ascending from a prim English garden. All that was left was the staircase, rising to nothing and held fast in a tangle of banyan roots, like a temple at Angkor Wat. The roofless stone church held a congregation of palm trees and coconut crabs. The Chagossians labored to clear the buildingit remained a sacred space. Several of them had been baptized within its walls.

We put in the next day at Salomon atoll, this time on an island called Boddam, roughly the same size as le du Coin. The ruins here were even more extensivetin roofs rusted and collapsed; stone walls dank with moss and mold; trees and vines sprouting from windows and doors. From one beam a pair of recently discarded buoys dangled above broken liquor bottles. Crudely painted on the buoys were the names Olga and Ivan. The Chagossians again made their way to a roofless church. They cleared it of vegetation. In one chancel window, a few panes of colored glass had somehow survived unbroken, gleaming in a wooden lattice. Next door, in what had been a clinic, Rosemonde Bertin, born on Boddam, pushed through the foliage and found the dark, damp corner where she had given birth to her first child, in 1972shortly before she and her family were forced to leave.

Later, half a mile away, in the island cemetery, Bertin poured water on an inscription and wiped it with leaves to bring out the name: Mme. Yvon Dyson, ne Denise Rose. Denise Rose was the midwife whod brought Bertin into the world; she herself died in childbirth not long afterward. The cemetery occupied a full acre. Bertin, Bancoult, and others splashed water on more of the weathered slabs to reveal the inscriptions. From 1880: Ici repose Dookiejust that single name, once known to everyone, now a cipher.

Is a repopulation of Chagos even possible at this point? The grandchildren in Crawley, watching Young Sheldon and reading Roald Dahl, may not see a path to the future that leads through Peros Banhos. A study conducted by the British in 2002 concluded that significant development of the islands would be impractical for a variety of reasons, including a possible insufficiency of fresh groundwater. (The study did not consider rainfall.) A second study, in 2015, came to a different conclusion, suggesting that an economy based on coconuts, fish, and a limited amount of tourism could be sustainable. History, of course, has already conducted its own experiment: Although climate change is unpredictable, these islands once supported a population of thousands. On our way to the graveyard on Boddam, a storm blew in with impressive speed, and it rained heavily for half an hour. Sheltering under a tree, machete in hand, Bancoult commented, The British said there was not enough water.

I dont know how realistic any plans may be for Chagos. The Mauritian government has pledged to assist, but has avoided specifics. Its easy to imagine some form of World Heritage Site coexisting with some form of modest development. I do know this: With every encounter, the Chagossians have sought to take the fate of the islands back into their handsto possess the islands by word and deed. They have spent the few hours of every heritage visit tending graves and cleaning churches. On the extended trip in February, when Chagossians could at last travel freely and do whatever they wished, they did the same. They also trapped crabs and fished for red snapper and drank milk from coconuts. As if bouncing on a seesaw, Lisbey Elys sat on the trunk of a coconut tree jutting out over the water. The Chagossians remembered old names and told old stories. As they talked, the rusting wheels on the jetty became a wagon again, rolling back on its track toward the oil press and the drying sheds and a world that was alive.

Mauritius raised flags over islands on this voyage; anthems were sung. The moments were moving: a legal and moral victory, even as Britain harrumphed. But the embrace of the islands by the Chagossians was something different. It had the intimate physicality of love.

This article appears in the July/August 2022 print edition with the headline Back to Chagos.

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The Chagossians Want Their Islands Back - The Atlantic