Category Archives: Oceania

Sport

1 Feb, 2022 05:20 PM3 minutes to read

The All Whites during their match against Jordan at New York University Stadium in Abu Dhabi. Photo / photosport

A Covid outbreak among the All Whites has led to the cancellation of their game against Uzbekistan in Dubai scheduled for early Wednesday morning.

New Zealand Football announced around seven hours before kickoff that the match had been called off "due to a number of positive Covid-19 test results in the New Zealand team camp".

"The positive cases were detected as part of the team's regular testing regime," said NZF in a statement.

"They are all currently isolating in Dubai away from the rest of the squad. All players and staff are fully vaccinated against Covid-19."

NZF chief executive Andrew Pragnell said the cancellation was disappointing but was the only decision that could be made in the circumstances.

"It is fair to say the team and staff are gutted to have to cancel the game, but in a situation like this, player and staff welfare is the absolute priority," said Pragnell.

"We cannot create further exposure events for the team and staff and be responsible for a possible outbreak in the Uzbekistan team as well.

"We will now be working with the team in Dubai to undertake further testing of the squad before they depart, as well as supporting the players who have tested positive while they recover.

"Unfortunately, this is a risk international sport is currently faced with and hugely disappointing for all involved."

The cancellation is a blow for All Whites coach Danny Hay; the Uzbekistan match was to be his team's last before the Oceania World Cup qualifying tournament in Qatar in March.

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Hay assembled his squad for the first time in almost two years last October and the All Whites scored impressive wins over Curacao 2-1 and Bahrain 1-0 in the Bahraini capital Manama.

The All Whites' good form continued when they returned to the Middle East in November. They defeated a second-string Algerian side 2-1 before completing a rare hat-trick of international wins over non-Oceania opposition by beating Gambia 2-0, with both games in Dubai.

Hay's team reconvened in Dubai last week and produced an underwhelming display in a 3-1 defeat to Jordan last Saturday, although the All Whites were missing several key players and their opponents had played 24 times in the previous year.

The winner of the eight-team Oceania World Cup qualifying tournament advances to the Intercontinental playoffs in Qatar in June against the fourth-best North American nation, likely to be the United States, Mexico or Panama. The Intercontinental playoff winners qualify for the World Cup finals in Qatar in November-December.

More:

All Whites game canned after Covid outbreak in Kiwi camp - New Zealand Herald

Monterrey (Mexico) Representing North America, Central America and the Caribbean for a fifth time after beating fellow Mexicans Club America in a delayed CONCACAF Champions League final. Their best performance in the Club World Cup was in 2012, when they were knocked out in the semis by Chelsea, but defeated Al Ahly to finish third.

Pirae (Tahiti) A late addition to the roster in Abu Dhabi, Pirae have won the last two league titles in Tahiti but were nominated to represent Oceania by their continental federation after original qualifiers Auckland City had to withdraw from a second Club World Cup in a row, due to Covid travel restrictions in New Zealand.

Al Jazira (UAE) The local representatives from Abu Dhabi secured their third UAE Pro League title last season, topping the table by three points. It is their second appearance at a Club World Cup, having also entered as national champions when the UAE hosted the tournament in 2017.

Chelseas first match will be in the semi-finals, where we will meet the winner of the second of the second-round ties. That sees Al Hilal taking on whichever of Al Jazira or Pirae progress from the first round.

Depending on the results in the semi-finals, the Blues will then face one of Palmeiras, Monterrey and Al Ahly in either the final or the third-place play-off three days later.

Read more here:

FIFA Club World Cup: Who will Chelsea play, when are our fixtures and how to watch live? - Chelsea FC

Here we go again.

The boys are waving their guns about and Oceania could soon be at war with Eastasia. Or is it Eurasia? Either way, another potential conflict played out in some far-flung place.

Then again, if we take seriously the Russia report, published in July 2020 by the Intelligence and Security Committee (ISC), there may be trouble closer to home.

The report paints a scary picture. The security threat posed by Russia to the UK is "fundamentally nihilistic", "fed by paranoia", and based on a "might is right world order".

READ MORE:The UK has a lot of form for changing PM during a time of crisis

We can expect sophisticated cyber attacks and disinformation campaigns designed to undermine our democracy. Indeed there are strong indications that the Russian state was active in the European referendum of 2016.

In short? Be afraid, be very afraid.

Members of the Ukrainian community in Ireland protested over Russian navy exercises in the Irish sea this week. (Picture: PA Wire)

And the bad news? Were not very well prepared and our European neighbours, yet again, are failing to show the same grit and determination as our courageous leaders here in the UK.

Take Jacob Rees-Mogg, for example, often heard urging the government to stand up to the tyrant Vladimir Putin.

What Rees-Mogg doesnt tell usis that he has an estimated 10 per cent stake in Somerset Capital Management, which, according to the Politics Home website, had 217 million of holdings in Russia in May 2018 -including two firms sanctioned by the US, and others, such as state-owned Sberbank, controlled by financiers close to Vladimir Putin.

What kind of game does Rees-Mogg think hes playing?

The ISC report is blunt: "Several members of the Russian lite who are closely linked to Putin are identified as being involved with charitable and/or political organisations in the UK, having donated to political parties."

Jacob Rees-Mogg reportedly has significant financial interests in Russia (Picture: PA Wire)

Could the report be referring to Vladimir Chernukhin, one-time deputy finance minister in Putins governmentand still friends with Kremlin insiders, such as billionaire Suleyman Kerimov?

Chernukhin has donated over 2 million to the Tories via his tennis-playing wife, Lubov. Edward Lucas, journalist and Russia expert isnt amused. The Chernukhins "are not fit and proper people to donate to political parties."

Or what about Alexander Temerko, former minister under Boris Yeltsin, who has given 1.3 million to the Tories? Temerko fled Russia to "Londongrad"to escape charges of theft, forgery and perverting the course of justice. Perfect Tory material.

READ MORE:Partygate: Backbench Tory MP hints at leadership challenge

Oleg Sentsov, Ukrainian film maker, imprisoned in 2014 on trumped up terrorism charges, is clear: "Britain needs to do more to fight Moscows dirty money in London since corruption is a cornerstone to Putins rgime."

Try telling that to the fourteen ministers in Boris Johnsons government - including Brandon Lewis and Robert Courts -whove received thousands of pounds in funding from donors linked to Russia.

Closer to home, Vale of Glamorgan MP Alun Cairns has also managed to secure 15,000 from Mr Temerko.

They may not be inclined to heed Mr Sentsovs advice.

At least we can still rely on the impartiality of our Westminster parliamentary committees, including the ISC, who will always tell it as it is.

Alas, no. Among the Tory MPs whove taken money from Russian sources are senior conservatives Theresa Villiers and Mark Pritchard, who both just happen to be serving members of the ISC.

What an Orwellian mess.

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Leanne Wood: The Russian dark money in UK politics - The National Wales

Franklin (Agenzia Fides) - "We are grateful to Archbishop Julian Porteous for encouraging and supporting us in the beginning of this adventure. We are also grateful for the time we can carry out our service in the Archdiocese of Hobart: we have a great love for the people of Tasmania". This is what Sister Mary Michael, a missionary of the Sisters of the Immaculate Conception, a congregation that operates in Tasmania with a mission opened in 2013, told Fides. Located off the southern coast of Australia, Tasmania is an island known for its vast wild and rugged territories, largely protected by parks and nature reserves where the Church has done so much in terms of evangelization. "Our mission - Sister Mary tells Fides - is to dedicate ourselves to loving God and making him loved; we live this vocation by supporting renewal in parishes through Eucharistic Adoration, the formation of faith and the building of a sense of community". The nun reports: "We devote particular attention to young people: we accompany them to being an integral part of the community. The new generations - she observes - get lost in a materialistic and consumer-oriented culture. Many of them believe they are not of value unless they are not attractive or 'useful' or in possession of the latest technology. They struggle with their self-image and sense of self-worth. Young people - she stresses - need to know that they are loved, that they are a gift to themselves and that can make a difference in the Church and in the world". The Sisters of the Immaculate Conception are involved in the parish of Huon Valley, in the city of Franklin, but also serve in different schools and dioceses across Tasmania, offering activities, conferences and spiritual retreats for young people. "In every aspect of our apostolate - reports Sister Mary - one of the main ways in which we assist young people, and the whole community, is to propose the practice of prayer: a relationship with God is the basis of all the work we do". In this way, over time, an annual "missionary School" was born which trains young lay people, men and women for the pastoral ministry. "This initiative - explains the nun - aims to lead young people to know God, to experience his love and to discover how they can bring that love to others. Since 2008 we have been organizing 'long-term' courses, with moments of prayer, talks on faith, friendship and opportunities for participants to develop their gifts and talents for the service of their parish and the Church. In Tasmania, since 2013 - concludes Sister Mary - we have started a simple dialogue. Through the guidance and protection of Mary, we seek a life of prayer and mission, through adoration, prayer, charity and faith formation for the building of the Church". (ES) (Agenzia Fides, 29/1/2022)

Excerpt from:

OCEANIA/AUSTRALIA - The Sisters of the Immaculate Conception: "Under the protection of Mary, a life of prayer and mission in Tasmania" -...

Thursday, 27 January 2022

Tonga (Agenzia Fides) - "There are ashes everywhere. Electricity is not stable. There is still no phone service for the more distant islands. There is no Internet connection. One of the main problems is the lack of water: people drink bottled water from stores, but there is not enough to last a long time and meet everyone's needs": this is what Caritas Tonga communicates to the Caritas network in Oceania and Asia Pacific that are organizing to monitor the situation and send the first humanitarian aid, after the eruption of the underwater volcano Hunga Tonga-Hunga Ha'apai, on January 15, and the subsequent tsunami. The catastrophe has affected 84% of the approximately 105,000 people living in the kingdom of Tonga, making the supply of food and water to the population problematic.Caritas Tonga, and the entire local Church, have fully mobilized to provide relief, aid and assistance to the affected populations. As Fides has learned, Cardinal Soane Patita Paini Mafi, Bishop of Tonga, has sent a letter to all parishes asking for donations of food and other material, to be sent above all to the Ha'apai Islands, especially to the displaced people who have been transferred to other places. The Church has created a special, "Diocesan Disaster Team" made up of at least one representative from each area or vicariate, which will meet regularly to monitor the situation and needs on the various islands. People evacuated from the Mango and Atata islands to Tongatapu are being temporarily housed in Sopu in the Nuku'alofa area. The Church points out "a clear need for psychosocial support for these groups in particular". Although the government is expected to organize such support, Caritas Tonga workers and volunteers are attentive to the aspects of psychological trauma that accompany disasters and emergencies of this type, and are prepared to monitor the situation and intervene in this area as well. In the 2020 World Risk Index ranking, the archipelago of Tonga (173 between islands and islets), is the second country in the world most exposed to the risk of catastrophes caused by climate change, after Vanuatu, another archipelago in the Pacific Ocean. Last November, Cardinal Mafi, bishop of Tonga and Niue, who is also president of Caritas Oceania, raised the alarm at the UN Climate Conference held in Glasgow (COP26), warning of the frequency from storms, cyclones, floods and coastal erosion, noting that "his land is no longer safe for future generations". The diocese of Tonga, which encompasses the entire kingdom of Tonga and the island state of Niue, has a population of about 15,000 Catholics (out of 105,000 inhabitants), with 43 priests, two brothers and 34 nuns, divided into 15 parishes. (PA) (Agenzia Fides, 27/1/2022)

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OCEANIA/TONGA - Clouds of ash, lack of electricity and psychological trauma: the response of the Church - Agenzia Fides

Ahead of the upcoming Regional Major Rankings cycle that determines the participants of the 2022 Valve-sponsored CS:GO Majors, Valve is making a handful of changes to its qualification system, according to a Valve blog post initially shared by HLTV.

HLTV reports that Valve has made the decision to run offline RMR events on LAN in just three regions, combining the six regions used in online play. For LAN events, teams from North America and South America would play together, as would European and CIS teams, and Oceanic and Asian teams. But online events will reportedly continue to be split up between six regions so teams can compete with proper ping settings.

Additionally, the blog post, which Valve has yet to officially share on its own social media channels, outlines a few new and updated changes to the RMR system, including a big one regarding which region teams can compete in. Going forward, a teams region will be solely determined by the citizenship of the majority of its players. In previous years, regions like North America had teams with a majority of Brazilian and even Australian players competing in it. A team like FURIA or paiN will be able to play in the Americas LAN events for RMR but wont be able to play in NA online RMR events.

Each Major again will feature eight Legends, eight Challengers, and eight Contenders. The distribution of Major qualifying teams will look like this, according to HLTV:

This distribution of the teams and the announcement of the region mergers have not been officially revealed by Valve yet.

Continue reading here:

Valve will reportedly combine Americas, EU-CIS, and Oceania-Asia for offline RMR events in 2022 - Dot Esports

The Dec. 20 eruption of the volcano Hunga TongaHunga Haapai in the Kingdom of Tonga focused global attention on this tiny, fragile Pacific Island country. Tongas water and food supplies were disrupted and its undersea internet cable was cut. In one explosive moment, life in Tonga was dramatically altered. All Pacific Island countries face natural and human security threats. At the moment, U.S. engagement among these countries is uneven at best.

U.S. Indo-Pacific coordinator Kurt Campbell recently grabbed attention by saying that the United States may soon face a strategic surprise in the Pacific. He appears to have had in mind agreements and basing arrangements between Pacific Island countries and China. Campbell went on to say that the United States has not done enough to engage with the island countries, while Australia and New Zealand have done plenty. He called on the United States to substantially up our game and said he looked to Australia to lead. The seven-decade-long alliance between Australia and the United States has seen profound changes with the addition of AUKUS. The Pacific presents a another set of challenges for the alliance, which are important both for the alliance itself and in the broader context of strategic competition. Failure to effectively manage these new challenges will have profound repercussions for both the United States and Australia.

Two related questions emerge how can the United States raise its game among the Pacific Island countries, while at the same time building on the foundations laid by its long-time ally, Australia?

The Biden administration has an opportunity to build on the steps taken by the previous administration and deepen U.S. engagement in the Pacific. Improving U.S. engagement with these fragile island states, while enhancing collaboration with Australia as a key regional ally, will serve as proof positive that the United States is able to successfully shift its strategic focus to the Indo-Pacific. Failure to effectively improve U.S. regional involvement in Oceania will be a failure of American will, with broader implications. An essential element to U.S. engagement is a durable strategy uniquely aligned to the needs of the small Pacific Island states.

Over the past decade, two issues climate change and strategic competition have animated American interest in the Pacific, the latter the more significantly. U.S. Pacific Island strategy should be informed by the Pacific Islands Forum Boe Declaration, which endorses a commitment to the rules-based international order and upholds the right of member countries to conduct their national affairs free of external interference and coercion. Importantly, the declaration also promotes both a traditional and non-traditional view of security, emphasizing human, environmental, and cybersecurity as well as concern over transnational crime. These are the areas in which the United States can most productively collaborate with Australia to enhance security among the Pacific Island countries.

Whether the United States can sustain and deepen security cooperation remains an open question. The perennial competition for budgets and the power and influence of Department of Defense may challenge Americas capacity to be an effective partner in addressing regional needs. Pacific Islanders like Meg Taylor, the former secretary general of the Pacific Islands Forum, have voiced concern that American interest in their region is driven purely by an anti-China perspective. Furthermore, she warns against a transactional approach to relationships. The call for partnerships has a long history consider the words of the late Peter Tali Coleman, governor of American Samoa and the longest serving governor of any U.S. territory or state, when he said, Come, let us build for the future in partnership.

Chinas apparent desire to expand its military capability among the Pacific Islands has raised concerns in both Australia and the United States. China has announced plans to improve an airfield on the coral atoll of Katon in Kiribati, which is roughly 3000 kilometers from Oahu and lies near the sea lanes connecting Hawaii with Australia and New Zealand. Elsewhere, China has completed work on improving Momote Airport on Manus Island in Papua New Guinea, which is the closest airfield to Lombrum Naval Base. Australia, the United States, and Papua New Guinea are collaborating on upgrading Lombrum, originally built by the U.S. Navy in World War II and rivaling Pearl Harbor in size and capacity. China has also reportedly sought basing opportunities in Vanuatu and Tulagi in the Solomon Islands. While these efforts ultimately proved unsuccessful, U.S. officials clearly remain worried. Beyond basing rights, China could well seek to emulate American Pacific arrangements and negotiate its own compact of free association with, for example, Kiribati.

Letting an Ally Lead

Some might wonder why Campbell would suggest that the United States should play junior partner to Australia. After all, America has extensive bases in the North Pacific and U.S. Indo-Pacific Command is headquartered in Honolulu. The challenge that Campbell has in mind is not in the North Pacific, however, but in the south where most of the Pacific Islands lie. Across the Pacific, Australia leads the globe in development assistance, followed by New Zealand. According to the Lowy Institute, the top five donors of overseas development assistance to all Pacific Island countries in 2019 (the most recent data available) were Australia at $864 million, New Zealand at $254 million, Japan at $179 million, China at $169 million, and the United States at $140 million. Overseas development assistance plays a vital role in these small island states, which are amongst the most aid-dependent countries in the world. Australias diplomatic presence in the region outstrips that of all other countries, with 19 embassies among the Pacific Island nations. By comparison, the United States has embassies in just six of them, three of which are in the North Pacific. Where America has the greatest, albeit subjective, potential is in the allure of its soft power.

Australia has manifest strengths in the region. So, how can the United States improve its engagement in the Pacific and work with its capable ally?

The Trump administration had already made inroads on raising U.S. engagement in the Pacific. Its declassified U.S. Strategic Framework for the Indo-Pacific links competition with China and U.S. Pacific Islands policy, calling for the United States to Ensure the Pacific Islands (e.g., the U.S. territories, the Freely Associated States, the Melanesian and the Polynesian states,) remain aligned with the United States.

Free association maintains the sovereignty of these island states but gives the United States the task of their defense, while denying any other state the right of military access, in exchange for financial support of the islands for a defined period of time following negotiations and U.S. Congressional approval. Funding for the Micronesian and Marshallese compacts will expire in 2023, along with Palaus in 2024. The Trump administration sought to renew funding for all three compacts, and the three island leaders met briefly with President Donald Trump in the Oval Office on May 21, 2019. They also went to Capitol Hill, where legislators promised speedy passage of any new compact funding. Negotiations for renewed funding have since become bogged down amid COVID-19 travel restrictions and the 2020 U.S. election. In September 2019, the United States also announced $65 million of new funding in the Pacific Pledge, focusing on enhancing resilience to environmental challenges, building resilient infrastructure and expanding connectivity, enhancing good governance, enhancing maritime security, and building cyber capacity.

At the same time, the Trump administration also cancelled U.S. involvement in the Paris Agreement on climate change. The Paris agreement had broadly been seen as a victory for Pacific Island diplomacy, and the U.S. withdrawal was met with disappointment. Tuvalus prime minister, Enele Sopoaga, said, We are very, very distressed, and Fijis prime minister, Frank Bainimarama, said that the loss of Americas leadership was unfortunate.

Climate change threatens American islands just as much as it threatens Tuvalu and Fiji, and recognizing this is an essential step to creating a lasting Pacific Island strategy. The same can be said of illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing. For many Pacific Island countries, fishing represents their main source of income 75 percent in Kiribati, for example. Such fishing results in Pacific Island countries losing an estimated 12 percent of their prized tuna catch.

The United States shares a destiny with the other Pacific Island countries through the state of Hawaii, the territories of Guam and American Samoa, and the Commonwealth of the Northern Marianas. It is this shared destiny that should keep the United States engaged well beyond strategic competition. Yet, strategic competition creates even greater urgency as the United States embraces a free and open Indo-Pacific. Once again, America has an interest in maintaining the international rules-based order as much as the Pacific Island countries do. In embracing Americas Pacific Island identity, U.S. policymakers should listen to American Pacific Island voices, giving greater durability to American involvement with the Pacific Islands.

There are five steps that the United States should take to improve security cooperation. First, it should continue to adapt Pacific Deterrence Initiative projects to better align with the realities of the Pacific Island countries. Second, Washington should move forward on funding the compacts of free association with Palau, Micronesia, and the Marshall Islands. Third, Congress should legislate for deeper and more reliable cooperation and collaboration with allies and partners regarding the Pacific Island states. Fourth, Congress should embrace the language for interagency working groups found in the Maritime SAFE Act and incorporate that into other non-traditional security cooperation legislation. Finally, the United States should improve the management of these policies and legislation through the appointment of a Pacific coordinator.

Sending the Pacific Deterrence Initiative South

In its original form, the Pacific Deterrence Initiative, as part of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2021, was designed to

enhance budgetary transparency and oversight, and focus resources on key military capabilities to deter China. The initiative will also reassure U.S. allies and partners, and send a strong signal to the Chinese Communist Party that the American people are committed to defending U.S. interests in the Indo-Pacific.

The lions share of Pacific Deterrence Initiative funds will be used in the North Pacific, especially in Guam. A small portion of the funds, however, should be used to build traditional and non-traditional security cooperation, in particular to build and improve infrastructure in the islands where the United States could anticipate deploying forces. Harbor facilities throughout the region should be examined for upgrading to provide berthing for U.S. Navy and Coast Guard vessels, for example. Serious consideration should be given to negotiating with Papua New Guinea to create Coast Guard facilities at either Lae or Madang. Equally, U.S. Indo-Pacific Command should identify where airfields could be improved, as in the example of Baucau Airfield in Timor-Leste.

Pacific Deterrence Initiative funds should also be used for forward positioning of defense material. These efforts would both expand the capacity of the U.S. military to operate in the region and, importantly, invest in employment among the islands. The numbers employed need not be large to have an impact in these small, aid-dependent states. While most Pacific Island countries do not have militaries, the United States should as a matter of urgency complete the suite of status-of-forces agreements with the remaining regional nations to allow for the potential of visits by U.S. forces.

On Congress To-Do List

A second task should be completing the negotiations and passing the funding for the compacts of free association. The compacts came into being as part of the decolonization process following World War II, when the United States administered the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands that included the Marianas, the Marshall Islands, Micronesia, and Palau. The Marianas elected to become a commonwealth with the United States, whereas the others opted for sovereignty. Compact funding for the Marshall Islands and Micronesia was renewed in 2003 for a twenty-year period. Palaus compact funding was negotiated in 2010, though Congress did not appropriate funds until 2016, and it will expire in 2024.

The Biden administration is yet to make significant advances on these negotiations. Several missing building blocks need to be restored to move forward. A simple yet important step would be the timely nomination of an Assistant Secretary of the Interior for Insular Affairs, who is largely responsible for the three freely associated nations. A more complex building block is trust, which has been eroded over the years by remaining issues around compensation for nuclear testing in the Marshall Islands. Trust was further damaged when the United States removed Medicaid coverage from the Marshallese with the passage of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act in 1996. The compact had originally promised to provide access to healthcare, but it took roughly a decade from the first introduction of legislation by then-Rep. Mazie Hirono to restore access to Medicaid for the Marshallese. Swift and meaningful action in negotiating the new funding agreements by the Biden administration could go a long way toward securing the financial future of the compact states, as well as repairing trust.

The United States also needs to deepen its work with allies and partners with an interest in development assistance in the Pacific. Congress has before it two pieces of legislation, the Boosting Long-Term Engagement in the Pacific Act (or the BLUE Pacific Act) and the Honoring Oceania Act, both of which promote greater cooperation with partners in the Pacific.

The BLUE Pacific Act envisions cooperation with Australia, Japan, New Zealand, and Taiwan to deescalate conflict in the region, safeguard Pacific populations, and ensure complementarity of programing. The Honoring Oceania Act calls on

Australia, France, Japan, New Zealand, the Republic of Korea, and the United Kingdom to advance shared alliance goals of the Oceania region concerning health, environmental protection, disaster resilience and preparedness, illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing (commonly referred to as IUU fishing), maritime security, and economic development.

In some ways, the act merely codifies what is already taking place in practice. The United States has partnered with Australia, Japan, and New Zealand in the electrification of Papua New Guinea, and Australia, Japan, and the United States have laid new high-speed internet cables for Kiribati, Micronesia, Nauru, and Palau.

American work on traditional and non-traditional security cooperation requires coordination across a disparate number of agencies and authorizations. The federal government deals with issues that cross organizational boundaries via an interagency working group, more often than not ad hoc in nature. The Maritime SAFE Act envisions the challenges of addressing illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing and mandates the structure and composition of an interagency working group. This approach to interagency working groups should be used in promoting U.S. work on non-traditional security threats. Congress should amend the Honoring Oceania Act to incorporate specific instructions, drawn from the Maritime SAFE Act, on how the United States can align and coordinate programs and resources.

Point Person Needed

A fifth recommendation is that a coordinator for U.S. Pacific Island policy be appointed. The coordinator should work to orchestrate and align policy across the administration, with Congress, and internationally. The Trump administration had a National Security Council staff member covering Oceania (Australia, New Zealand, the Pacific Islands, and Antarctica), but this position is too junior to undertake the tasks at hand. The coordinator should be appointed at the level of ambassador-at-large, report directly to the White House, and have deep experience in U.S. government service. This suggestion goes beyond that made in a bipartisan Congressional letter of June 29, 2021, which merely called for a senior official to lead negotiations over compact renewal, instead calling for a senior official who will work, both domestically and internationally, at integrating policy across the Pacific.

Taken together, these five steps would make significant advances in U.S. engagement and involvement in the Pacific Islands. By creating a strategy predicated on durable engagement, the United States would position itself in the region with a rationale inclusive of strategic competition but also stretching to areas of non-traditional security concerns.

Alan Tidwell is professor of the practice and director of the Center for Australian, New Zealand and Pacific Studies at the Walsh School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University.

Photo by Mass Communication Specialist 1st Class Mathew Diendorf

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Being a Better Partner in the Pacific - War on the Rocks

Superb staterooms, gourmet food, impressive wine lists, private shore excursions, and excellent personalised service these are the hallmarks of a luxury cruise experience.

Most cruise companies offering luxury cruises are using medium to smaller vessels to deliver personalised service, which is important in creating exceptional five-star experience for VIP guests.

But the size of the vessel is not always the standard in a luxury cruise. Some companies are focused on the concierge-style of service, while others are proud of their Michelin-inspired fine dining.

Cunard has large cruise ships, but it has designed its onboard experiences so that it never feels crowded.

Overall, Australians love luxury cruises because of exceptional service, quality furnishings, entertainment centres, exclusive access to curated onshore activities and more.

But one area that people look into while choosing a luxury cruise experience is the quality of accommodation.

In this article, Cruise Passenger provides you with a glimpse of the top luxury cruise companies and their suites or staterooms.

The only truly all-inclusive luxury cruise line offers thousands of FREE Unlimited Shore Excursions to explore when you sail to 450+ ports of call aboard its luxury fleet across the globe.

RSS offers an in-suite luxury experience. Every suite has spacious closets, high-end finishes, relaxing Elite Slumber beds and private balconies. Sizes range from 307 to 4,443 square feet (93.6 to 1,354.2 meters)

The Regent Suite is the lines most luxurious suite. The 371-plus sq.m. suite includes top-of-the-line, customisable amenities, a private car and driver in every port, an exclusively personal dining experience in The Study for you and select friends, an in-suite spa with unlimited, Serene Spa & Wellness treatments, and much more.

Meanwhile, its Distinctive Master Suite is a 2-bedroom, 2.5-bathroom Master Suite that boasts a chic Park Avenue style, replete with rosewood furniture and a crystal chandelier. The large living room and two balconies are perfect for entertaining.

RSS Itineraries include Africa & Arabia, Alaska, Asia, Australia & New Zealand, Bermuda, Canada & New England, Caribbean & Panama Canal, Mediterranean, Northern Europe, South America, and South Pacific.

RSS also offers Grand Voyages and World Cruises.

The lowest fare for a 10-day cruise aboard an RSS ship starts from A$ 7,045 per person.

Recognised as Best Overall Cruise Line by Cruise Critic and Boutique Cruise Line of the Year by Food and Travel Magazine, Oceania is undoubtedly one of the top luxurious cruise ships in the world.

Oceanias seven small, luxurious ships carry no more than 1,250 guests and feature the finest cuisine at sea and destination-rich itineraries that span the globe.

Oceanias suites are contemporary luxury featuring rich woods, lustrous fabrics, original artworks, and custom-crafted furnishings.

Plump the goose-down pillows of the Ultra Tranquility Bed, an Oceania Cruises exclusive, and relax in bed while reading the latest bestseller.

All Oceanias suites and staterooms are added with a custom-designed Ultra Tranquility Bed to help you wake up feeling refreshed and revitalised during the whole trip.

Oceanias Penthouse Suites feature oversized living and dining areas, marble and granite-clad bathrooms with a bathtub, as well as a separate shower and walk-in closet.

The lowest fare for a 10-day cruise aboard an Oceania ship starts from A$ 4,143.00 per person

Cunard, the stately cruise line that is the ambassador of all things British, is a famous luxury cruise line in Australia.

Cunard is considered the last big ship luxury line and its appeal for those who want a more formal experience aboard a large vessel with more amenities.

It is famous for white-gloved waiters, traditional afternoon tea, gala balls, and event cruises.

Accommodation on board Cunard ships are luxurious with floor-to-ceiling windows, abundant space, and exquisite furniture.

But unlike other luxury ships, Cunard staterooms (Queens Grill) come with a personal butler.

Some rooms feature iPads or game consoles upon request.

The lowest fare for a 10-day cruise aboard a Cunard ship starts from A$ 3,370.00 per person

Seabourn pioneered small-ship, ultra-luxury cruising and continues to represent the pinnacle of that unique style of travel.

Its fleet of intimate, all-suite ships, carrying between 458 and 600 guests each, sail to the worlds most desirable destinations at their peak seasons.

Seabourn Suites embody sublime comfort that features a personal suite host and suite attendant to ensure everything in your suite is always as you wish.

Rooms have twin or queen-sized beds with a luxurious custom-built mattress, cotton linens, fluffy all-season duvet and a choice between soft or firm pillows.

In-suite bars are added with a selection of beverages and complimentary wines or spirits. There are ample storage spaces and walk-in closets with plush terry robes.

A spacious marble bath with double vanities, a full tub, shower and luxury products featuring an exclusive signature scent created for Seabourn by Molton Brown, London

If you are cruising on expedition ships, a pair of SWAROVSKI OPTIK binoculars are available in every suite for you to use during your voyage.

The lowest fare for a 10-day cruise aboard a Seabourn ship starts from A$ 8,703.34 per person

PONANT promises you unforgettable moments aboard our sleek and intimately sized cruise yachts, all of which sail under the French flag.

Discover the innovatively designed cruise ship Le Boral and her three sister vessels: LAustral, Le Solal and Le Lyrial.

Experience Le Ponant, our famous three-masted ship, with her 32 staterooms, each combining traditional authenticity with modern comfort; and enjoy the pleasures of Le Laprouse, a technologically cutting-edge cruise ship, the first in the PONANT EXPLORERS series.

Ponant prides itself on a five-star service. Even under the most extreme climatic conditions, you can be sure of great comfort and an exceptional service which is the hallmark of our line.

Butler service is available for passengers travelling on one of the suites on Deck 6 aboard Le Lyrial, Le Boral, LAustral, or Le Solal.

Attentive and discreet, your butler will provide fully personalised service. Throughout your 5-star cruise, he will be at your service. You will benefit in this way from a bespoke, carefree voyage.

The lowest fare for a 10-day cruise aboard a Ponant ship starts from A$ 6,740.34 per person

For almost a decade, Crystal Cruises has been named the best luxury cruise travel by Cond Nast Travelers Readers Choice Awards. It also landed 24 number one spots in Travel + Leisures Worlds Best Awards.

Onboard experience features excellent butler service plus Michelin-inspired food hubs.

Meanwhile, the accommodations are ultra-luxurious suites and penthouses, most with private verandah. All rooms are equipped with supremely comfortable beds and plush amenities.

Crystals most luxurious stateroom is the 1,368 square feet penthouse with a verandah that features in-suite dining, a built-in bar, a Swarovski chandelier, and a custom entertainment centre with flat-screen HD TV.

The penthouse has separate living and dining rooms, and the master bedroom includes a dreamy queen-size bed or twin bed that features walk-in closets, fine Frette linens, and private access to the expansive verandah.

The master bath has a Jacuzzi, heated floor, separate shower and bidet, and decadent marble features.

The lowest fare for a 10-day cruise aboard a Crystal ship starts from A$ 5,387.44 per person.

Crystal is currently not sailing after its owners, Genting Hong Kong, filed for liquidation over unpaid bills.

Read the original here:

Personal butlers, Swarovski chandeliers: here are the worlds top luxury suites - Cruise Passenger

The 2022 Asian Games will take place from September 10 to September 25, 2022, in Hangzhou, Zhejiang, China and there will be five co-host cities.

The multi-sporting event will feature 40 sports with a total of 61 disciplines, including Olympic sports like swimming, archery, athletics, badminton, equestrian, fencing, football, hockey, judo, kabaddi, and much more.

E-sports and breakdancing will debut in the 2022 Asian Games as full medal sports after being approved by the Olympic Council of Asia (OCA) this year, while Cricket will be back at Asian Games in T20 format to raise the excitement of the viewers.

India is a member of the South Asian Zone of the Olympic Council of Asia (OCA) and one of the only seven countries that have competed in all the editions of the Asian Games.

India has won at least one gold medal at every Asian Games and always ranked within the top 10 nations of the medal table, except in the 1990 edition. So far, India has won 139 gold, 178 silver, and 299 bronze medals at the Asian Games and will look to significantly increase the medal tally this year.

For the first time ever, more than 300 athletes from Oceania countries have been given the chance to compete at this year's 19th edition of the Asian Games. The Oceania athletes, including those from Australia and New Zealand, will be allowed to compete in five sports: triathlon, athletics, wushu, roller skating, and weightlifting.

Sony Pictures Networks India, (SPN), has acquired the exclusive rights for the 2022 Asian Games from November 2021 to September 2023. This association will give SPN exclusive rights to broadcast the 19th edition of the Asian Games on its sports channels across India and the subcontinent including Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Nepal, Afghanistan, Bhutan, and the Maldives. The tournament will also be available on the OTT platform, SonyLIV.

See the original post here:

Asian Games 2022: 40 sports to feature, cricket to be back after 11 years - WION

If all goes according to plan, the All Whites matches this month will be a footnote when the history books are written.

From Winston Reid and Chris Wood on down, they want 2022 to stand alongside 2010 and 1982 as a year where New Zealand played at a mens World Cup.

To get to Qatar for the main event in November, theyre going to have to win the Oceania World Cup qualifying tournament there in March and an intercontinental playoff there in June.

STUFF

Danny Hay will use the All Whites' friendlies against Jordan and Uzbekistan to prepare for greater tests ahead

Six months out from that potential one-off fixture, against the fourth-placed team from North and Central America and the Caribbean, they appear to be better positioned than they were at the same stage in the last two World Cup cycles.

READ MORE:* Tim Payne buzzing to be back in the All Whites and ready to play where needed* Danny Hay wants All Whites to be unpredictable in World Cup qualifying* New contenders to stake claims for All Whites' troublesome right back position* All Whites' first session to set the tone for 2022 as they eye a place at the World Cup

A core group of players emerged last year, when coach Danny Hays tenure finally got started for real, after being stalled, like so many things, by the Covid-19 pandemic.

Wins over Curaao, Bahrain, and The Gambia ensured there was a buzz around the team, even though those fixtures were just seventh, eighth, and ninth they had played since the last intercontinental playoff, against Peru in 2017.

With The Gambia advancing to the quarterfinals of the African Cup of Nations this weekend and Algeria A, who the All Whites defeated in a non-cap earning fixture, winning the Fifa Arab Cup prior to Christmas those results in 2021 have only got better with time.

But the hope is their fixtures against Jordan [kickoff Saturday 4am NZ time] and Uzbekistan [kickoff Wednesday 4am NZ time] will be tougher and give Hay, his players, and fans a clear picture of where the team stands as they head into must-win territory.

All Whites matches against teams outside Oceania are so rare and come against such a wide range of opponents that they arent easily forgotten.

The last time they played Jordan, ahead of the intercontinental playoff against Bahrain in 2009, they won 3-1 a result that gave the country hope it could make it back to the World Cup after a 28-year wait.

The last time they played Uzbekistan was Anthony Hudsons first match in charge a 3-1 loss in 2014 that featured Jeremy Brockies only international goal.

But in less than five months 20 weeks time they will either be off to the World Cup or not, and the results and details of these coming matches in Abu Dhabi and Dubai will forever sit in the shadow of that outcome.

The focus is really on World Cup qualifying, Hay said during his pre-match press conference.

Let's not beat about the bush we need to know exactly where our strengths and weakness lie, so that we can give ourselves the best chance possible of making the World Cup. When I talk about World Cup qualifying, hopefully we can get through that Oceania stage and then get onto the intercontinental [playoff] and can win that as well.

Hay is expected to be generous in distributing playing time over the two matches and the likes of Francis de Vries, Logan Rogerson, Clayton Lewis, and Tim Payne who joined Hay in speaking to media ahead of the Jordan match should all get chances to show what they have to offer.

A number of players are going to get opportunities that they potentially haven't had in the past, Hay said.

We've got a guy sitting right next to me now [Payne] I know exactly what he's capable of, but we need to see that again on the international stage, so that he can try and put a stake in the ground in terms of making sure that if we make it to Qatar at the back end of the year, then he's a big part of that.

There's going to be some big decisions to make, not just looking that far ahead, but for World Cup qualifying as well who's going to play in the big games. A lot of players are going to get opportunities, and they've got to show us what they're capable of.

Hay said Payne, Wood and goalkeeper Michael Woud would all start against Jordan, but that Joe Bell was unlikely to start, while managing a niggle. Alex Greive only arrived in camp late on Wednesday after replacing Andre de Jong, while Joey Champness arrival from Turkey was delayed until Thursday after a blizzard prevented him from flying out.

Goalkeepers: Matthew Gould, Jamie Searle, Michael Woud

Defenders: Michael Boxall, Nikko Boxall, Francis de Vries, Kelvin Kalua, Tim Payne, Nando Pijnaker, Winston Reid, Tommy Smith, Bill Tuiloma, Dalton Wilkins

Midfielders: Joe Bell, Clayton Lewis, Sarpreet Singh, Marko Stamenic

Forwards: Joey Champness, Alex Greive, Elijah Just, Callum McCowatt, Logan Rogerson, Chris Wood

Saturday, January 29, 4am: v Jordan; New York University Stadium, Abu Dhabi

Wednesday, February 2, 4am: v Uzbekistan; The Sevens Stadium, Dubai

Read more:

All Whites back in action with friendlies, but a place at the World Cup remains their focus - Stuff.co.nz