Category Archives: Government Oppression

Written by BT/MTI

The stakes in next year's general election are especially high because Hungary's ruling parties are "the only heir to freedom" in the country and the only ones with "unquestionable democratic convictions", the prime minister's chief of staff said on Tuesday.

European Union leaders from the western part of the bloc have been fortunate enough to be able to speak about the importance of freedom and democracy in democratic countries their whole lives, Gergely Gulyas said at an international conference marking the 10th anniversary of Hungarys constitution. Hungarys leaders, on the other hand including the prime minister, the president and the speaker of parliament all emphasised the importance of the rule of law while living under a dictatorship, he added.

In the 1980s, Hungarys current leaders stood up for freedom and democracy while facing physical oppression and risking personal existential ruin, Gulyas said.

This is an obvious difference in the commitment to democracy between western and central Europe, he said. Our commitment to the rule of law is not an empty platitude but is based on true conviction.

Gulyas said he was proud of the fundamental law, which responded to social questions of the modern age. Hungary was the last country in the region to adopt a post-communist constitution, but the delay also offered an opportunity to reflect on the legal developments, as well as the social and political changes of the two decades that had passed, he said. Hungarys constitution, he added, followed the example of the EUs Charter of Fundamental Rights, and the two documents bore much resemblance.

Concerning the political situation in Hungary, Gulyas said the governments opponents had extremely weak democratic convictions and no democratic traditions at all. Stipulations in the constitution preventing an excessive public debt in themselves are a reason for them not to like the government the public debt having dramatically increased under their rule, he added.

The opposition now includes officials that used to trample on the right to assembly, and apply physical violence against those expressing disagreement within legal bounds, Gulyas said.

The constitution also stipulates that Hungary has the right to self-determination with regard to its citizens. Since the opposition is for migration, that constitutes a barrier to their endeavours, Gulyas said.

The minister said that the government also had a conflict with the European Union: according to the Hungarian constitution, a father is a man and a mother woman, while the European Parliament has passed a decision under which men could give birth.

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Gulyas: Ruling parties 'the only heir to freedom' in Hungary - Budapest Times

Dharamshala, Nov 17 (UNI) Public awareness campaign was today launched by the Congress party in Shahpur assembly segment of Kangra district to make people aware about inflation, unemployment, oppression of farmers and gardeners and the entire society at large in a march by a large number of Congress workers which was carried out from Shahpur to Chattri. Those who joined the awareness foot march included State Congress General Secretary Kewal Singh Pathania, former IPH minister Chandra Kumar, Congress leader Surinder Mankotia, Karan Singh Pathania, Kamal Kishore, Sanjay Gandhi, Dr. Gulshan, Navneet Sharma, Secretary, State Congress Committee, Assembly Shahpur in-charge, Desh Raj Gautam.

State Congress Committee President Kuldeep Rathore said the Congress party is taking the issues of the people across the state by taking it out in the streets because at this time the people of every section of the society are against the BJP government of this hill state for its anti-people policies. Rathore said after the victory in the by-elections in Himachal Pradesh, the Congress party has started preparations for the upcoming 2022 assembly elections. The Congress party had been warning the government about inflation, but the government is still trying to mislead the public by telling lies.The public is suffering from inflation and the government is busy in its luxuries. The Congress Party has launched a public awareness campaign to bring the failures of the government to the people and the Congress party is getting full support from the public. Regarding the Kangana's statement, Rathore said she has been given Padma Shri for this statement only. This statement is against the sacrifice of freedom fighters. The BJP National President and Chief Minister should clarify the situation against this anti-national statement. Rathore's threat to Lashkar-e-Taiba to blow up temples needs to be investigated seriously by the government.

He said the the Congress party has started a two-week public awareness campaign from November 14 which will conclude on November 28, under this program in all the assembly constituencies Padyatra will be conducted to make public aware about the failures of the government.

Rathore said on November 19, the birth anniversary of Indira Gandhi, the Congress party will start the membership drive. He said Himachal in-charge Rajiv Shukla will be part of the program involved in this program, this campaign will run till March. Rathore taught the Congress workers and leaders the lesson of unity and denied factionalism in the Congress. He said the lousy plans of the BJP government will never be fulfilled, which is trying to mislead the public by giving nonsensical statements against the Congress. He said people have made up their mind to throw out the BJP government for its misdeeds and were desperate to bring Congress party to power.Local Congress leader Kewal Singh Pathania said after the defeat of the government in the recent bypolls inflation and potholes in the roads are also visible. He said after this, the Central and State Government immediately reduced the prices of diesel, petrol, but the bus fares have not been decreased. There is no reduction in the price of cylinders. The government should give relief to the people by reducing these prices. He said the Congress party would take up the issues of the people with more energy after the victory. Pathania said the BJP's state government has failed on the promise of providing employment to the youth in the state, due to which the youth of the state are feeling cheated. For the respect of women, farmers and all sections, a Congress party policy will be made so that the oppression of women and farmers stops.On this occasion, Congress President Surjit Rana, Block Congress Committee Shahpur, Congress Social Media, Congress Seva Dal, Youth Congress, NSUI, Mahila Congress, Congress Party Minority Department, Congress Party, Scheduled Caste Department, Congress Party Scheduled Tribe Department, Congress Party Legal Department, Professional Congress, INTUC, Congress Party OBC Department, Rajiv Gandhi Panchayati Raj Department and various other frontal organizations were present.UNI XC SY 1910

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Public awareness campaign launched by Cong in Kangra dist - United News of India

Chico States Gender & Sexuality Equity Coalition held its 23rd annual womens conference on Saturday to discuss how different forms of oppression overlap in regards to the climate crisis and personal identity. This years theme: intersectional ecofeminism.

The conference took place inside Bell Memorial Union. The conference featured keynote speakers PhD student Elybeth Alcantar and forest therapy guide Blake Ellis, with activities led by Alcantar, activist Daisy Chaves, counselor Angie Hensley and GSEC interns from 10 a.m. to 5 p.m.

Keynote speaker Elybeth Alcantar took the stage first to talk about Indigenous reflections on ecofeminism.

Alcantar is a first-year doctoral student in the Department of Geography and the Environment at University of Texas at Austin and a Lozano Long Institute of Latin American Studies, Foreign Language and Area Studies fellow.

Alcantar began the conference by telling the audience that before she is a geographer or student, she is a daughter, a granddaughter and an extension of her community. She said this is what shapes and influences her view of ecofeminism.

She identifies as Mixtec a proud community in the Mixteca region of Oaxaca, Mexico, who derive their politics through indigenous systems of governance.

Alcantar began her research on the community in 2018, detailing the history prior to, during and after protests in the city of Nochistlan.

In 2016, primary school educators and communities across Oaxaca protested political reforms passed in 2013. These structural reforms created by the World Bank and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development continued the illegal privatization and leasing of nearly 40% of Oaxacas mostly indigenous communal lands to private companies.

Her village was affected by Operation Oaxaca, an army operation deployed under the Oaxacan governors orders and led by the Federal Preventive Police to put an end to the protesters blockades. At least 6 civilians were killed, and over 100 injured, Alcantar said.

Alcantar traveled to Oaxaca to record oral testimonies of those affected by the violence there.

Teachers told Alcantar that she should visit the nearby primary school to see what students were learning in the classroom and what community members were advocating.

Alcantar was heartbroken when she saw a poster created by a third grade class: brown butcher paper with images of animals and plants followed by the words, El aqua es vida, cuidala.

Water is life, care for her.

Beside it were drawings of dead fish and smoggy skies followed by the words, La contaminacin exterminio.

The pollution exterminated here.

She spoke about current environmental battles like the Dakota Access Pipeline led by indiginous communities. Water is life, she repeated, and indigenous peoples are still caring for her.

Alcantar drew her speech to a close with a final look at feminist geopolitics and how it is concerned with gender as a critical variable alongside disparities, inequality, exclusion and violence based on other acts of oppression such as race, ethnicity, sexual identity and disability, among others.

Through this, she said, the connections between the global processes of displacement due to climate pollution can be easily mapped out.

I urge you all here to listen to as many voices of indigenous land defenders, water defenders and the collective voices of the millions impacted by the climate crisis, Alcantar said. There is no one voice or one story, rather millions of people like me and you who are finding our voices throughout this struggle.

After Alcantars speech, participants could join one of two workshops; Go With the Flow, by Daisy Chaves or a Body Mapping presentation led by Alcantar.

Chaves Go with the Flow, workshop delved into the ecological and social impacts of menstruation, which began with a look at how other cultures view menstruation and the historical stigma surrounding it in countries across the world.

Chaves addressed the current cultural practices that segregate menstruating women from male populations and bar them from going to school or cooking their own food.

There is a lack of bathrooms designed for menstruating people in developing countries with weak plumbing and a lack of waste bins for discarded hygiene products, she said. This makes something as simple as using a public restroom very difficult for people who menstruate.

With menstruation, Chaves said, comes socialized shame.

The stigma that menstruating is a terrible thing and should be kept secret, Chaves said, has a lot to do with how the media portrays menstruating people: always moody and angry. People dont want to be mocked or have their feelings invalidated.

This results in very young people developing an unhealthy view of their cycle before they even experience it.

So how do we break the stigma? She asked the group.

Equal access and unsegregated comprehensive sexual education is the key, Chaves said. We must ensure that menstrual products are safe, affordable and available for those who need them. The ability to access these items affects a persons freedom to work, study, be healthy and participate in daily life with basic dignity.

Chaves said the average person can spend up to $12,000 on menstrual products in a lifetime. Not everyone can afford that, so not everybody has access to these products.

Chaves spoke about the environmental costs of these products and the unsustainable ways in which they are manufactured. Its no secret that plastics are one of the biggest pollutants on Earth, she said. A single tampon applicator can take up to five to eight years to break down, whether its in the landfills, oceans or forests.

Chaves worked with the gathered group to explore sustainable period product options such as menstrual cups and reusable pads and tampon applicators. Participants were able to ask questions and seek guidance about how to access and use sustainable period products.

After a lunch break, participants chose between a movie and discussion with GSEC interns or an ecotherapy presentation by Angie Hensley.

Hensley, a therapist with the WellCat Health Center, explained the broad nature of ecotherapy.

She discussed her identity as a white colonizer on occupied land and encouraged participants to look at their own personal history, social standing and privilege.

Hensley guided participants through an in-depth look at their identities and their relationships with femininity and masculinity. She highlighted indiginous beliefs regarding the energy of the natural world.

The oppression of women and the degradation of the earth are linked, Hensley said. The widely accepted notion that the Earth is female relates directly to the mockery and denigration of feminine identity, she added.

Hensley spoke to participants about the importance of decentering whiteness within the feminist movement. She spoke about the need to shift our perspective away from the white-colonizer viewpoint of history and move it toward the perspective of the natural world around us.

Hensley reminded the audience that there isnt just one way to experience healing. Its not about being perfect, Hensley said, its about trying.

Keynote speaker Blake Ellis took the stage to talk about the scientific aspects of ecotherapy.

Forest therapy is inspired by the Japanese practice of Shinrin Yoku, she said, which roughly translates to forest bathing. It was developed for health and wellness through the focus of the five senses in natural environments.

Shinrin Yoko was introduced in the 1980s during the technological revolution. During that time, Ellis said, the Japanese were shifting away from an outdoor-based economy and into mass urbanization. At this point, she noted, the Japanese government began to notice a spike in preventable diseases and suicide rates so they funded a series of research projects to figure out what was happening.

This research project simply asked the question, What happens when humans spend time in forested or natural environments? What they found was pretty incredible, Ellis said.

Scientists discovered that spending time in natural environments activates our parasympathetic nervous system, she said. Trees and other plants are constantly emitting phytoncides, a type of photochemical thats antibacterial and antifungal. Scientists found that when we absorb these phytoncides, either through our skin or respiratory system, it triggers the production of an NK cell, which then fights off disease and stress in the body.

Sometimes, when we get depressed, stressed or anxious, we can get trapped in our heads and forget we have this thing called our body, Ellis said. By connecting to our bodies and our surrounding environments through our senses, we are brought into the present moment, and were not stuck in a past trauma or a future anxiety.

As humans, we have a fundamental need to belong to a place, Ellis said, but we cannot ignore the structural conditions that privilege white settlers over indigenous people with respect to access to land and economic political power, the consequences of settler colonialism, the severance of relationships to the land and forest therapy.

All species are suffering as a result of a broken relationship between humans and the natural world, she said. Nature, which includes the human body, is more than the summation of its separate parts to be extracted for the benefit of humans.

Ellis led the participants out of the building, concluded her speech, and conducted a guided meditation on the green in front of Kendall Hall. As the group gathered one final time, Ellis urged participants to take a second and be present in the tree-lined campus so often forgotten about in the stress of daily life.

Ava Norgrove can be reached at [emailprotected]

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Intersectional ecofeminism discussed at the 23rd annual women's conference - The Orion

Northwest Territories Premier Caroline Cochrane issued the following statement on Remembrance Day:

Today is a time to honour the Canadian men and women in uniform who have served and continue to serve to protect the rights and freedoms that we as Canadians enjoy today. They have helped build and maintain peace and have defended democracy so people around the world can continue to live free of oppression. We thank you for your service.

Its also a time to remember those who lost their lives, have been injured in the line of duty, and those who struggle with the physical and mental wounds of combat. We remember all you have done and thank you for all the sacrifices you have made so Canadians can live in the country that we do.

When we talk about Remembrance Day, we often overlook the families, siblings, children, and spouses who have hugged those they love goodbye as they were deployed in the name of their country. Many were fortunate to return, but others did not. The scars of war are deep for so many in our nation, and its important we remember the impact combat and peacekeeping missions have had on people across Canada.

The story of Indigenous service in the First and Second World Wars, the Korean War and later Canadian Armed Forces efforts is a proud one. It has been estimated that approximately 12,000 First Nations, Mtis and Inuit people served in 20th Century conflicts. Its important we mark their contributions and remember the many sacrifices made by Indigenous people in uniform. They were far from their communities and families, willing to serve their country. Many have served and continue to serve as part of the Canadian Rangers, using their knowledge of the land to help maintain a national military presence in the Arctic, monitoring coastlines and assisting in local rescue operations.

Veterans across Canada, including Indigenous veterans, continue to wear the uniform with pride, at home and abroad, and for that we thank you for your contributions and the sacrifices you make to ensure peace and security around the world.

I encourage NWT residents to observe two minutes of silence at 11:00 a.m. today. We own our veterans a debt of gratitude for all they have done. Lest we Forget.

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Premier Cochrane reflects on Remembrance Day - Government of Northwest Territories

On 13 November, the youth of Sudan went on the march with the same level of organisation and for the same goals that they did on 21 and 30 October. The streets of Khartoum and dozens of other Sudanese cities were filled with chants defining those goals: the rejection of attempts to block the path of democratic transformation by a return to oppression and tyranny; and the reinstatement of Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok to carry out his duties. The latter is the only way to achieve the former, regardless of any other details that can be discussed later.

It is obvious that the organisers of the street protests are based in local neighbourhoods; they aren't party leaders and do not hold high positions. Their organisation is meticulous, with a strict adherence to peaceful protest, and yet they have been fired at with live ammunition. Some have been killed and others have been wounded.

Who is shooting at the protesters, and on whose orders? Who is the fire directed at? At the country's young people and true forces of the revolution? Or at organised crime gangs?

People are tired of the official statements claiming that some have deviated from peaceful protest and the security forces had no option but to open fire. This is a line that has been repeated in every era in which the authorities disregard the lives of the youth, to the extent that nobody believes it any more. There is more than one way, other than shooting to kill, to rein in unruly revellers, if they actually exist.

Sometimes it seems to me that those in leadership positions underestimate the movement of these young people, despite knowing that without them and their blood that was shed, they would not be in senior positions. However, underestimating and ignoring the young people will only increase their determination and resolve.

READ: The Sudanese Army's attempts to renegotiate a deal with civil society is unlikely to succeed

When they took to the streets in December 2018 they did not do so because of a decision by a political party. It was a response to the struggles of the Sudanese people after decades of setbacks, and in response to the calls and need for an intellectual and political break from all of the wrong perceptions and practices which led to the crisis. Young people from different social classes and ideologies, as proven by experience in Sudan and abroad, have the ability to overcome intellectual and ideological differences to create a melting pot of slogans of the same tone. They have vitality, a sense of adventure, a thirst for knowledge and an awareness of destiny, all of which are characteristics that bring about radical change. They can go beyond the limits of the "movements" and traditional political opposition, so they do not stop at the idea of a minimal programme as much as they search for the start of the right path to redraw their country's fate through the will to deliver justice that does not exclude anyone.

This is why I insist on reiterating that the revolution of these young people was not just a hungry uprising, or to achieve short-term political goals, but a revolution of a generation that has risen up to break the deadlock created by oppression and totalitarianism, and the disappointments of politics and politicians. It is the revolution of a generation that will not rest until it is victorious.

So why are they being shot? Why are they not being listened to? They understand fully the lessons from history that it is not strange for revolutions to pass through several stages before revealing all their possibilities and finally crystallising as a radical new formation, and that the December revolution is no exception. It can have multiple stages, each of which might be lacking in something and without the required success in relation to the final goals. In any case, these young people will get what they want, sooner or later, whether those in the leadership like it or not.

Take note of the goals of the protesters. They do not demand the return of the Forces of Freedom and Change (FFC), but they reject any arbitrary measures against them. In fact, since the beginning of the transitional period, they have been critical of the FFC, accusing them of failing in their duty, especially after the formation of the partisan quota government, which they and the rest of us see as a violation of the constitutional document to which all civilians and military personnel contributed. Moreover, the protesters are still keen to know what is going on with the current initiatives by do-gooders to defuse the crisis. They have even interacted positively with each other, even though they view this as a different path but not one that necessarily collides with theirs. It is not necessary for them to adopt each other's paths, and so they neither reject the other's efforts nor act against them as long as they do not interfere in their own tactics. It is the outcome that matters.

Everyone, on all sides, recognises the need to reform the course of the transitional period and the performance of those involved. However, reform cannot come as a response to the pressures of one party or to meet the interests of another. Nor can reform be achieved by imposing the measures and procedures that have been implemented, and are still being implemented, by the leadership of the armed forces since 25 October. These measures will not achieve reform, but will make the situation worse. I see no other way to avoid bloodshed other than a consensus based on a new political document that addresses all the mistakes of the past two years of the transitional period, regardless of the differences or similarities in the positions of the various forces.

READ: Civil forces in Sudan are the ones who lost their revolution

This article first appeared in Arabic in Al-Quds Al-Arabi on 14 November 2021

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.

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Who are they shooting in Sudan, and why? - Middle East Monitor

I have lived in Mathare since I was four years old and I have seen it grow from a slum with a medium population density to become Kenyas most densely populated area with over 68,000 people per square kilometre.

I began my schooling in the early 2000s at Action Child Mobilization Centre, a local private school that was nothing more than a shack built of iron sheets where we were taught by form four school leavers. In this part of Nairobi, qualifications did not matter and anybody could be a teacher as long as they had an average command of English. This was the best we could get. The different classes were scattered all over the neighbourhood, as it was not possible to find space for all the classrooms to be in one place. We became accustomed to learning while listening to loud music from neighbours houses and we sometimes did our exams while a couple was quarrelling and fighting next door. That was the environment we learned in.

As a resident since childhood, I can attest that despite the sad, depressing stories that come out of my Mathare, it is also a place of beautiful stories. Some of our best footballers and sports people honed their talents while training on our soil, people like football international Dennis Oliech and famed female boxer Conjestina Achieng. Mathare has also produced great musicians like Bahati, Willy Paul and Eko Dydda.

But the world does not get to hear about our success stories, knowing only about our struggles and the challenges we go through. When you mention Mathare to a random Kenyan, what comes to their mind is the Mathari Mental Hospital, Kenyas only national and public psychiatric referral hospital that was established in 1901. Due to its close proximity to Mathare Valley, some people even have the audacity to ask why we live with mad people; they believe Mathare is for the mentally challenged and escapees from the hospital. I once tried to explain to a friend in high school that, just like anywhere else, only a few people in Mathare are mentally challenged. But he said, Yes, every market has its own mad man, but Mathare is a market where all are mad. I stopped talking to him. I was very angry and bitter about the picture painted of my home, the place that has nurtured me since I was four.

The stigma of coming from Mathare was so acute that, while in high school, I stopped telling other students where I grew up to avoid ridicule. Any wrong or weird answer would be attributed to my so-called upbringing with mentally challenged people. Most of them would back their highly opinionated statements with references to the violence witnessed during any general election, where Mathare youths are hired by rogue politicians to die for them on the streets.

Today I am writing the story of Mathare, the untold story that is unknown to many. Not out of anger or bitterness, but as a counter-narrative about the place I call home from a proud insiders perspective. It is the beautiful story of a former quarry that became an urban bastion against oppression by the colonial government, and by the four regimes we have had in Kenya since independence.

I am writing this piece because only we can tell our story to the outside world. The struggle of people against power is the struggle of memory against forgetting, as Comrade Gacheke Gachihi of Mathare Social Justice Centre puts it.

Mathare did not start as a settlement for mental hospital escapees as some claim. Mathare emerged from what had been a stone quarry during the early years of colonial rule in the Pre-World War 1 (WW1) period. Most of the building stones and ballast used in the construction of the Eastleigh and Muthaiga residential areas and the Nairobi Central Business District were extracted from this big quarry. It is only after the First World War, in the early 1920s, that people started settling in Mathare. Some of the early settlers were from the areas around todays City Park and Muthaiga that were then part of the larger Karura Forest, from where they were evicted by the colonial government. These prime areas were reserved for the white colonial elite and the former inhabitants were rounded up and concentrated in the low-laying areas, leading to the birth of Mathare and the mushrooming of the many slums in Nairobis Eastlands area.

The first evictees settled in the lower Pangani area that is separated from Mathari Hospital by River Mathare. This area that is today part of Mlango Kubwa and Lower Pangani was known as Kiamutisya. The different sections of Mathare were named after the headmen or leaders controlling them, like Kiamutisya and Kwa Kariuki. From there, the slum began to spread eastwards to Bondeni, then known as Kiandururu. Other areas such as Gitathuru, Mashimoni and Mathare 4A emerged gradually as the population burgeoned.

Mathare is now one of the most congested slums in Nairobi with over 500,000 residents concentrated in a mere 7.25 square kilometres. It is home to diverse ethnicities from all over the country, from as far away as Turkana in northern Kenya, and to foreign nationals from Uganda, Rwanda, and Tanzania.

Mathare is 8km from Nairobi CBD. This proximity, and its closeness to Eastleigh to the southwest and Muthaiga and Karura to the West, attracted Kenyans, particularly those from eastern and central Kenya, who came in search of jobs and settled in the area. This rural-urban migration created a cheap labour pool for the upmarket areas occupied by the settlers, as well as for the Asian community that resided in Eastleigh and Pangani. By the late 1920s, Mathare was home to several thousand Africans living in temporary makeshift houses made of wood, mud and other materials and working in the surrounding areas.

As the struggle against colonial rule began, Mathare emerged as the hub of anti-colonial organizing because of its strategic location. It slowly became the urban vanguard against the colonial government. Meetings to strategize how to disrupt the peaceful stay of the settlers in the country were planned in Mathare.

The agitation was amplified by the presence in their midst of radical elements who had fought alongside whites in both world wars. Residents started protesting against the punitive measures imposed on Africans, such as the hut tax, the kipande (identity document) and unfair urban zoning. The British felt threatened by the continued agitation and in 1952, at the start of the State of Emergency which was declared by the then Governor Sir Evelyn Baring, the colonial government razed down many houses in Mathare. Baring was reacting to intelligence that Mathare residents were supporting the Mau Mau, the nationalist movement fighting for Kenyas independence. This did not deter Mathare residents; it only emboldened them to push further and Mathare continued to be the planning ground for Mau Mau activities.

It is during the active years of the Mau Mau (The Kenya Land and Freedom Army) struggle that Mathare became the crucible of anti-colonial action with the help of people like Pio Gama Pinto, who played a key role in uniting the different factions agitating for independence. Pinto was a Kenyan-born Goan who had studied in both Kenya and in Goa in India. After completing his studies in India, Pinto joined movements against Portuguese rule in Goa, which placed his life in danger and so he fled back to Kenya for his safety. In Kenya, he was the link between trade unions, the Mau Mau, lawyers and others involved in the fight against British rule in Kenya.

Workers from Karura and other areas would steal arms and other supplies from their white employers, which would be gathered and smuggled to the Aberdare and Mt. Kenya forests from where Mau Mau guerrillas were waging their war against the British.

After Kenya gained independence in 1963, the population of Mathare grew exponentially as more people flocked to the city. The first government of Jomo Kenyatta did not undertake any measures to improve the dire living conditions of the people of Mathare. The residents continued to live under the poor conditions that had existed since the colonial period. As the slum expanded, the residents were abandoned to their fate, despite the active and largely undocumented role they had played towards the attainment of Kenyas independence.

This neglect of the people of Mathare continued under the Moi regime. During his 24 years in power, nothing was done to ensure planning, access to water and other basic services. In 1982, the residents of Mathare bore the brunt of the failed Kenya Air Force coup. The Moi government turned its anger on helpless and defenceless citizens, the majority of whom had no idea what was happening in the country. The military were unleashed on the residents like bloodthirsty dogs and houses were ransacked under the guise of searching for soldiers who had participated in the failed coup and whom it was alleged were being harboured in Mathare. The crackdown that followed in the wake of the failed coup left more than 200 civilians dead, the majority from Mathare, which is just across the road from Moi Air Base, the epicentre of the aborted coup attempt. Bodies were left lying in the streets and hundreds were maimed and injured. The damage was enormous, and the trauma would last peoples lifetimes.

The oppression has continued, but has never broken the resilience of the residents of Mathare, forged from a legacy of resistance. The neglect continued unabated under the Kibaki regime, and together with it, oppression from law enforcement agencies. An example that stands out is the infamous crackdown on Mungiki in Kosovo and other parts of Mathare between 6 and 9 June 2007. Those were tension-filled days as officers of the feared General Service Unit unleashed violence, rounded up citizens and demolished tens of shacks. The crackdown came after two police officers were killed and their guns stolen on the night of 4 June 2007. It was a terrible time to be a young man in the valley. Wearing dreadlocks only made things worse as they would use that to profile members of the banned Mungiki Sect. Young men were rounded up, made to lie on the streets, beaten and then forced to wade in the filthy and murky Mathare River in search of the arms that were supposedly dumped there. As though the demolitions and brutality meted on them was not enough, the police then executed more than 30 young men, some in broad daylight. The executions were carried out under the orders of the former Minister of Interior Security John Michuki and the former Inspector General of Police Gen. Muhammed Ali.

One day during that terrible week, shortly after our mid-morning break, the sound of gunshots reverberated around us. The police were firing tear gas grenades and our school was soon engulfed in smoke. With no water available, we washed our faces with the porridge in our mugs and as panic spread, some of my class six classmates tore through the iron sheets and scampered to the safety of their homes.

It is during this time that I witnessed a scene that has never left my mind. It is still as vivid as though it happened yesterday. A man was lying face down on the ground with some officers poking his back with their bayonets, those sharp knives fixed to the muzzles of their guns. The man was crying and pleading with the police and after a few minutes, gunshots rung through the air scattering the crowd that was watching from afar. I went back to the scene late in the afternoon and what I found was only blood-soaked soil. I have lived with that memory my whole life.

That same afternoon, I saw the Inspector General of Police criss-crossing the alleys and open trenches in the valley. It was very unusual to find a high-ranking government official in the deepest parts of Mathare. He was escorted by a contingent of heavily armed officers. Even at my young age, I knew that the next few days were going to be hell, and they were. The people of Mathare endured nights of violence at the hands of state agents and more people died. My two cousins, who had come to the city in search of jobs after finishing high school, had to be sneaked out before the door-to-door search that started with the start of the dusk to dawn curfew that had been imposed. The operation left more than 30 people dead, hundreds injured, demolished shanties, displaced people, and trauma. This kind of reaction by so-called law enforcers has also been witnessed during election times, where police officers act without regard for the sanctity and dignity of human life.

Uhuru Kenyattas Jubilee government has exacerbated the already precarious situation in Mathare. As poor youth, we have been criminalised by the same system that oppressed our grandfathers and our fathers. Young men spotting dreadlocks like those worn by Kenyas freedom fighters are targeted for arbitrary arrest, extortion, killings and, as is the trend nowadays, enforced disappearances. According to Missing Voices, an organization that documents cases of arbitrary arrests, enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings, 105 people were killed or disappeared by police between January and July 2021. The majority of these killings and disappearances occurred in the low income neighbourhoods of Nairobi such as Mathare. It is quite common for a youth to be framed and accused of being in possession of marijuana it is planted in their pockets during arrest and end up disappearing at the hands of the police, only for their lifeless bodies to be found in the city morgue or dumped somewhere else.

I see the youth being terrorized every day in this valley. I have also been a victim of arbitrary arrest several times by the same officers who swore to protect us and uphold the constitution. I have lost classmates and friends to police bullets; the trend of extra-judicial executions continues unabated.

It is this injustice that led me to join the Ruaraka Social Justice Centre immediately after graduating from college instead of looking for an internship or finding a job.

A systematic approach is needed to deal with this systematic oppression of generations of Kenyans, first by the colonial government and the African Home Guards, and by their allies in the four post-independence regimes. One of the founders of the Mathare Social Justice Centre, Gacheke Gachihi saw this need and collaboratively established this community justice centre in the heart of Mathare, on the same grounds where the anti-colonial struggle was planned. As a visionary leader, Gachihi saw the need to form a network of social justice centres in the country that would coalesce around issues of social justice. The reactionary approach of one-day demonstrations has been replaced with a systematic approach: that of organizing the community, educating it and allowing the same community to liberate itself from the shackles of exploitation and oppression. Through this community organizing, of which I have been a part since 2019, the residents of Mathare are now cognizant of the power of a united people with a common goal.

With my pen and paper, I shall live to protect Mathare and its rich history and heritage that derives from the critical role it has played in organizing the masses and as a revolutionary bulwark against oppression in the colonial era and during successive regimes. The onus is now on my generation not to betray the struggle but to bring it to fruition.

Mathare is now home to various progressive groups such as the Mathare Youth Sports Association (MYSA), Mathare Roots, Mathare Green Movement and the Mathare Social Justice Centre (MSJC), the mother centre of the social justice centres movement in Kenya. Mathare is once again leading the struggle against oppression and it continues to play this role faithfully. The blood of our freedom fighters that was shed on our soil will continue to water the seeds of our freedom. Every time I walk along Mau Mau Road, from Mabatini to Mlango Kubwa in Mathare, I walk with my head held high knowing that I am walking on fertile ground, the home of past, current and future revolutionaries. The name Mathare is no longer a source of shame for me but a beacon of hope for the future for I now know that it means resilience. From Mathare to the world, the social justice movement is born. May the sacred torch of freedom fighters never dim but light the way to a socially just nation.

This article would not have been complete without contributions from Comrade Kimani Antony of Kiamaiko Community Social Justice Centre, Comrade Samuel Kiriro of Ghetto Foundation, Mr Zaangi of Muungano wa Wanavijiji and Comrade Gacheke Gachihi of Mathare Social Justice Centre

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GATHANGA NDUNG'U - Mathare: Urban Bastion of the Struggle Against Oppression in Kenya - The Elephant

Thousands of lives lost, many rendered homeless and many more left to fend for themselves. This is the story of countless Afghans. The 2021 Fragile States Index claimed that Afghanistan was one of the most unstable countries in the world. Not just this, the country is also at the highest risk of terrorism worldwide according to the Global Terrorism Index of 2020.

Afghanistan's history has long been mired in political conflict and turmoil. The United States' invasion of Afghanistan, the so-called war on terror, ended in August 2021 as Taliban re-established their rule over the country. This takeover shocked the world. Interestingly, this was not unprecedented as the Central Afghan Government never held control over the majority of the 408 districts in the country.

As the chaos unfolded and the Taliban began strengthening their grip over the country, critics questioned the Taliban governments legitimacy and their extremist history. The group responded with claims of reformation, promising a moderate approach. During their last stint which lasted from 1996 to 2001, Taliban banned almost all education for women and girls, confined women to their homes unless they were escorted by a Muharram, a male family member and restricted them from performing even the most basic of activities.

When the Taliban took control in August of 2021, it didnt take long for the facade to fade away. Reports of closure of schools and women being forced to leave their jobs emerged. With headlines like Afghan women forced from banking jobs as Taliban take control and Taliban bans women from sports' making rounds, the inevitable questions about womens rights and inclusivity under Taliban are being raised by the International community.

Historically, the situation of women in Afghanistan has long been dire. Amnesty International says that 87% of Afghan women are illiterate, while 70-80 percent face forced marriage. 1 in 3 girls are married before they reach the age of 18. Time and again, researchers have pointed out the obvious: The future of Afghan women and their safety has always been hanging on the developments in the battlefield.

The situation is complicated by the fact that Afghan women face not only political violence, but are also victims of domestic violence. In a 2015 study published by Global Citizen, researchers found that 46.1% of women in the country aged 15-49 said they had been subject to physical or sexual violence by a current or former intimate partner within the previous year.

The conflict has forced millions of Afghans to leave their soil behind and live as refugees in other countries. There is no reliable data on the number of undocumented Afghans in India but, as of 2017, there are more than 12,300 Afghan refugees and asylum seekers registered in India with UNHCR. Many from the displaced community have found shelter in India's capital, Delhi, and have made the city their home.

Awaz-e-Khwateen, a Delhi based NGO, reached out to the refugee community to provide them with a platform to air their grievances and raise their issues.

It was in this spirit that a protest was organised in Delhi by the Afghan Womens Refugee Association in collaboration with Awaz-e-Khwateen to shake the world from this stupor. On 30 October 2021, a group of 400 Afghan women and teenagers gathered at Jantar Mantar protesting the violence on women in Afghanistan. The protest was a clear message of resistance against oppression and that women weren't afraid to speak up against the new regime.

In a sea of Afghans, one woman stood apart. Her name was Khatera Hashmi, a police officer from Ghazni, who was reportedly attacked by the Taliban. As she recounted her experiences to AeK, it became apparent that women were fighting the dual battle against the new existing social order and a new regime which pushed them further into the margins and a spiral of persecution.

As women gathered, their message was clear. They wanted the world to listen to their voice. The Government of India also responded in a positive fashion. Recent developments show the Indian government is taking cognizance of the unstable situation in Afghanistan. Earlier on November 10, India hosted a NSA-level Afghanistan meeting which was chaired by National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Doval. The NSAs of 8 countries attended the meeting, discussing the evolving situation in Afghanistan. The members expressed deep concern over the current political situation in Afghanistan.

India came forward, reiterating that humanitarian aid should be provided in a non-discriminatory manner across all strata of the Afghan society. This move by the Indian government has raised the hopes of the Afghan Refugee community. Speaking to Awaz-e-Khwateen, Pakeezah Shahbzai from the Afghan refugee community said her community feels seen after this meeting as it has brought attention to the plight of Afghan people and has given a semblance of hope to her community. Pakistan refused to attend the meeting, despite its prolonged involvement in the affairs of Afghanistan. Members of the Afghan refugee community questioned Pakistans absence. While the discussions continue, Afghans have been left to fend for themselves, with no food security and women relegated to the margins.

As the political situation in Afghanistan continues to hang by a thread, the only way forward is to listen to the raw and unfiltered voices of Afghan people. As the country continues to loom under threats from the new regime, it is imperative to provide them with a platform, so we record history and document the country's predicament going forward.

(Rutba Iqbal is associated with Awaz-e-Khawateen, a Delhi based NGO working for education and empowerment of women. She studies English Literature from Jamia Millia Islamia. Email: rutbadar6@gmail.com)

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Silenced by Taliban and Debated by the NSAs: A Sordid Tale of Afghan Women - Rising Kashmir

Thousands of protesters demonstrated outside the Chinese Embassy in London and Chinese consulate in Manchester on Saturday as part of a weekend of protests worldwide, demanding that the Chinese Communist Party stop its genocidal policies against Muslim Uyghurs in Xinjiang and shut down a network of re-education camps that have held up to 1.8 million Uyghurs and other Turkic minorities. The Stand4Uyghurs campaign was organized by a coalition of over 50 British Muslim organizations in an effort to rally a largely reticent Muslim world to speak up for the persecuted Uyghurs. Salman Butt, chief editor of Islam21c, a digital Islamic news platform, was campaign coordinator of the event in the UK. He spoke with reporter Nuriman Abdurashid from RFAs Uyghur Service about the demonstrations and the messages that the coalition wants to send to Muslims in East Turkestan, the Uyghurs preferred name for Xinjiang, and to the Chinese government. The interview has been edited for length and clarity.

RFA: What is the Stand4Uyghurs campaign?

Butt: The Stand4Uyghurs campaign is part of our impact element, and its a broad coalition of 50-plus British Muslim organizations. We want to expand as far and wide as possible, and its aim is to channel people towards effective action for the Uyghur cause of East Turkestan.

RFA: How did you decide to hold the [London and Manchester] events, and what triggered the large turnout?

Butt: The protests yesterday happened simultaneously in London and Manchester. In Manchester, there were approximately 350-plus people, and in London there were thousands some estimates range from 2,000 to 3,000-plus. The people were there primarily in order to simply stand with our Uyghur brothers and sisters to show that we are all part of one body, that any attack on the Uyghurs is an attack on us, and if they are prevented from speaking, then we will speak for them and give them a voice.

RFA: Could you elaborate more on the slogan Tell the Uyghurs who we are, la ilaha illal lah [there is no God worthy of worship except Allah]?

Butt: So firstly, we know that this statement Tell the Uyghurs who we are, la ilaha illal lah is one of the core causes why the Chinese Communist Party wishes to persecute the Uyghurs because it renders the Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities slaves of Allah first and foremost, rather than being slaves to the state party, and that is a threat to them. And they want to assimilate them. One of the things that the Chinese Communist Party is doing is trying to remove the Muslims, trying to remove the Islam and the iman [faith] from the Uyghurs and the other Muslims minorities in East Turkestan. Part of their call is that youre not Muslim, youre Chinese. This kind of assimilation is an aggressive assimilationist attempt. We wanted to reaffirm that these brothers and sisters are indeed part of our broader collective. This is who we are. This is why we are standing for them and standing with them. And this is why the statement is one that they need to hold fast to as well. So, its showing again our united Kalima [statement of faith] cause and a united word with the Uyghur brothers and sisters across the world.

RFA: What message do you have for the Uyghur diaspora?

Butt: My message for the Uyghurs in the diaspora is wherever you are, whatevers going on, we want you to know that we are with you and, inshallah [God willing], ummah [the Muslim world/community of believers] has not forsaken you. The Muslim ummah is there, is present, and our leaders or our people who have been in charge of our institutions and our governments and so forth may have agendas, but the vast majority of the masses of Muslims the body of the ummah is with you, inshallah, and we want to give that moral support.

RFA: Whats your message for the Chinese government?

Butt: Our message to the Chinese government is clear. This behavior has to stop immediately. These are demands. We read our demands on the day as well. We were not asking for something unreasonable. Its basic things that any civilized human being would expect to stop the persecution and open up the mosques, close down the concentration camps, and let the Uyghurs practice their deen, their faith, with dignity.

RFA: Do you know why the Chinese flag was removed from the Chinese Embassy in London on the day of the protest?

Butt: I dont know why the Chinese flag was removed. We noticed that when we were setting up that it wasn't there. My own suspicion is because maybe they were afraid or ashamed because of the demonstration that was about to happen, because their people were notified much earlier when this demonstration was going to happen.

RFA: How did the UK government react to the protests?

Butt: We have not had any reaction from the UK government thus far that I'm aware of.Our campaign is a longer term one, and God willing, inshallah, to form an Islamic and Muslim-led platform welcome to anyone who wants to stand with us on this. But its there to fill a void because most of the loudest voices against China and there is a crucial absence of an Islamic grassroots voice which is genuinely critical of all types of oppression. This is what we want. Were calling people to stand on this platform with the Uyghur brothers and sisters. Our aim is to motivate people, to inform people about who the Uyghurs are and what is happening to them, and then to channel them into effective action.

Edited by Roseanne Gerin.

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Interview: 'Any attack on the Uyghurs is an attack on us' - Radio Free Asia

Right before the stay-at-home order hit Chicago in March of 2020, Lookingglass Theatre opened Her Honor Jane Byrne, written and directed by ensemble member J. Nicole Brooks. I called that production a rich, riotous, and soul-searching world premiere, and mourned its truncated run.

Well, you cant keep a good show down. After winning the prestigious Harold and MimiSteinberg/American Theatre Critics Association New Play Award for Jane Byrne, Brookss play is back as the first post-shutdown offering at Lookingglass. There have been a few changes in the cast, just as there have been some monumental changes (but not enough of them) in the world around us since that first outing.

Which makes this play perhaps the most relevant offering currently available in Chicago. Set during the three weeks in 1981 when Byrne, the first woman mayor of the city, moved into an apartment at the notorious Cabrini-Green housing projects, Brookss play is both a time capsule and a cri de coeur asking us to reflect on the necessity of pushing back against the establishmentwhile also acknowledging how politicians like Byrne had their own struggles with both challenging and assimilating into the boys club of machine politics.

Her Honor Jane Byrne Through 12/19: Wed 7 PM, Thu 1:30 and 7 PM, Fri 7:30 PM, Sat-Sun 2 and 7:30 PM; also 2 PM Fri 11/26; Wed 11/17, 6 PM only; Thu 12/16, 7 PM only; Sat 11/20, 2 PM only; Sun 12/5 and 12/12, 2 PM only; no show Thu 11/25; Lookingglass Theatre, 821 N. Michigan, 312-337-0665, lookingglasstheatre.org, $60-$70.

Christine Mary Dunford returns as Byrne. Sneaking cigarettes, nervously snapping her fingers next to her side as tension mounts all around her (in the first three months of 1981, 11 people were killed and 37 others shot at Cabrini, which provided one of the reasons she gave for moving in), Dunfords Byrne is both bluntly defiant and at sea. We see her trying to equivocate and negotiate her way through corrupt pols and bureaucrats like First Ward alderman Fred Roti and Chicago Housing Authority chair Charlie Swibel (both nimbly played by Raymond Fox, replacing Thomas J. Cox). For context, Roti was convicted on 11 criminal counts in 1990 and identified in a 1991 report by the U.S. Attorney General as a known member of La Cosa Nostra.

But the residents of Cabrini also have good reasons to distrust Byrne and to assume that her public posturing for reform wont add up to real change (especially since she and her husband, Jay McMullen, played by Frank Nall, appear to be running home to sleep in their own bed every night). Just because shes a woman doesnt mean shes going to be any different than any other white politician. Marion Stamps (the longtime activist who won a short-lived gang truce and who was instrumental in the election of Harold Washington after Byrne) is there to underline every one of those reasonswith a bullhorn, if necessary. Sydney Charles steps into the role originally played by TaRon Patton with bristling energy and sardonic Ive heard this story before panache in her meetings with the mayor.

Robert Corneliuss Black Che, a street peddler and longtime Cabrini resident, returns to give us short pungent history lessons on the area that was known as Little Hell and occupied by Irish immigrants (like Byrnes ancestors) before the first Mayor Daley built the towers. Rene Lockett as Mabel Foley, a woman trying to keep her grandson (Willie Prince Roc Round) out of trouble in Cabrini and willing to give Mayor Byrne a chance, seems like the softer side of community organizing compared to Charless firebrand, but she ultimately shows that she too has a spine forged out of decades of oppression and grief.

But just as happened the first time I saw this show, the character who most got their hooks into me is Nicole Michelle Haskinss Tiger, a young woman living largely on her own and struggling to keep afloat. A scene where shes trapped in a broken elevator as she attempts to leave Cabrini to go to a new job encapsulates the many ways poverty and neglect perpetuate segregation and oppression, and that those ways are mostly by design.

Corneliuss Che again reminds us that Cabrini started out OK for his family and others, including Japanese Americans who came to Cabrini after being in U.S. internment camps during World War II. It was white flight (fostered by government programs that favored the white middle class) that decimated too many Black communities. As he tells a white reporter (played by Emily Anderson), We all run from each other. Well, they run from us. And as Reader staff writer Adam Rhodes wrote in March of 2021, While stories of Cabrini-Greens dangerous history are indeed true, a lesser recognized or outright ignored narrative is one of community, activism, and resilience. And to know Cabrini is to understand that those can both be possible at once.

Both things can be true is the thread running throughout Brookss story. We dont doubt that Dunfords Byrne is horrified by the gun violence at Cabrini. But Her Honor Jane Byrne leaves us wondering why we would ever think any one person, even one at the top of the political establishment, can ever effect lasting change without playing footsie with the police (hi, Mayor Lightfoot!) and other tools designed to bolster the status quo. Yet at the same time, Brooks and the terrific ensemble have created compassionate and surprisingly uncynical portraits of people on the ground who keep trying to make their community work.

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The resurrection of Her Honor Jane Byrne - Chicago Reader

The reasons for insurgency differ from State to State.

By Lt Gen Shokin Chauhan,

The recent ambush and killing of Colonel Viplav Tripathi along with his wife, son and four other soldiers of 46 AR in Churachandpur, Manipur, has once again brought the continuing insurgencies in the Northeast to the fore.

Northeast India is the easternmost region of India and comprises eight states, Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Nagaland, Mizoram Manipur, Meghalaya, Sikkim, and Tripura. The Siliguri Corridor in West Bengal, with a width of 21 to 40 km, connects the North Eastern Region with Mainland India and is critical to India. The region shares an international border of 5,182 km, with the neighbouring countries, 1,395 km, with Tibet Autonomous Region, in the north, 1,643 km, with Myanmar in the east, 1,596 km with Bangladesh in the south-west, 97 km with Nepal in the west and 455 km with Bhutan in the north-west. It comprises an area of 262,230 square km, almost 8 percent of that of India.

What distinguishes these states from the rest of the country is the sensitive geopolitical location with diverse ethnic groups with different historical backgrounds. The North East as a whole is not a single entity with a common political identity. Instead, it comprises many other tribes, each with their vision of their political future. The NE region of India is of immense geopolitical importance to the sub-continent due to its terrain, location and peculiar demographic dynamics. It is one of the most challenging regions to govern and is the gateway to Southeast Asia as it is bordered by Bangladesh, Bhutan, Myanmar, Nepal and China. The Tribal communities in Northeast India live on the fringe of three great political communities, India, China and Burma. Some of them played roles of buffer communities, and others as bridge communities between these three great political communities.

Post-independence, the history of this region has been marred with bloodshed, tribal feuds and under development. Protracted deployment and operations by the army and the Assam Rifles have been instrumental in diminishing violence and restoring the security situation to ensure civil governance elements can function.

Genesis & Evolution of Insurgency in North East India

North East India has been in turmoil since independence. The oldest insurgency dates back to 1947, with the Nagas raising the issue of their sovereignty. Since then, insurgent movements have sprung up in most parts of the constituent states of the region. Due to several expected and specific abetting factors, violence mushroomed in different areas and during varied periods. At present, a delicate uneasy peace prevails in the region.

The reasons for insurgency differ from State to State. Several factors like common ethnic stock, similar historical background and comparable geo-politics are responsible for abetting insurgency in the region. In addition, certain other factors specific to states, regions or tribes also acted as abetting factors for insurgency in the NE. The physiographic constraints, the geographical isolation of the region and the wide communication gap are the primary geopolitical factors responsible for mushrooming insurgent groups and their prolonged struggle against the Indian government.

Spatial Spread of Insurgency. Protracted efforts by the Security Forces, involvement of interlocutors, participation of social groups and reconciliation by various insurgent groups has ensured the emergence of near normalcy in most parts of the region in the past two decades. With most groups under Cease Fire or Suspension of Operations and being engaged in negotiations with GoI, the spatial spread of insurgency in the NE is now reduced to a few districts/ areas. The spectrum of insurgency also varies from intense in certain areas to mild/dormant in most areas of the NE. The state-wise spread of insurgency is given in the succeeding paras.

Assam.

In 1947, large parts of Bengal Province were merged into Assam, which started slow immigration into Assam, initially Bengali Hindus. However, there was a major influx of Bengali Hindus after the massacre in East Pakistan. Assam and Tripura bore the brunt of this influx. By the 1970s, Bangladeshi Muslims started emigrating as well. Consequently, agitations commenced in 1979 over illegal immigration. Assam could not bear the massive strain of additional population and things began to crack. Anti-Foreigner agitation of 1980 & Assamese- Bodo tensions further aggravated the situation. Anger & rage amongst the Assamese population crept in as others claimed their land. The area is marred with insurgencies due to a clash of interests & territorial claims. Potential of communal tension due to rapid increase in the population of immigrants & overlapping areas of interest exist and need to be monitored closely.

The roots of insurgency in Assam began with the protests/ agitations of the All-Assam Students Union (AASU) against the illegal influx of Bangladeshi immigrants. A breakaway faction of the AASU formed the ULFA in 1979 to create a sovereign socialist Assam. With the signing of the Assam Accord in 1985, the AASU ended its agitation and constituted the AsomGana Parishad (AGP). This regional political party participated in elections and subsequently formed the government. However, ULFA continued with its struggle, with sovereignty as the prime motive. Apart from ULFA and Bodo insurgents, the Dimasa groups of North Cachar Hills (now Dima Hasao District) had been claiming Dimaraji, a Dimasa state based on historical records and the presence of Dimasas in the majority. These demands were in direct conflict with the interests of Nagas, who claimed the overlapping areas as parts of Greater Nagaland/ Nagalim. Dimasa insurgency was brought under control with the signing of the Memorandum of Settlement (MoS) in 2012, with the consequent formation of the North Cachar Hill Autonomous Council (NCHAC). However, splinter Dimasa groups continue to venture out and carry out kidnapping and extortion. Most of these groups have been neutralised; however, minor cases of extortion & kidnapping continue. The ex-cadre continue to resort to such activities to sustain themselves in the absence of any rehabilitation programme.

Transient Presence of NSCN (IM) & (K)

Cadres from both groups frequent the districts of Dima Hasao and Cachar to carry out extortion/ rest & recoup or escape action by Security Forces in Manipur. However, with reducing support of locals, common apprehensions are made.

Islamic Groups

The radical Islamist groups are demanding security for the Muslims in Assam. The influence of these groups is yet to fructify in the districts of Karimganj, Hailakandi & Cachar. However, initial traces of the same are visible. The infiltration of Rohingyas is a matter of concern.

Manipur.

In 1824, the King of Manipur, Gambhir Singh, asked the British for help, and Manipur became a British protectorate. In 1826, peace was concluded with Burma. Manipur became a princely state under British rule in 1891. In 1949, Maharaja Budhachandra was summoned to Shillong, capital of the Indian province of Meghalaya, where he signed a Treaty of Accession, merging the kingdom into India. After that, the legislative assembly was dissolved, and Manipur became part of the Republic of India in October 1949 and a full-fledged state in 1972. Manipur. The roots of insurgency in the State date back to 1964 with the creation of the United National Liberation Front (UNLF). The discontentment was for the alleged forced merger of Manipur and delay in conferring statehood. Subsequently, groups like the Peoples Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK) in 1977, Peoples Liberation Army (PLA) in 1978,Kangleipak Communist Party in 1980 and KangleiYawolKannaLup (KYKL) in 1994 emerged in Manipur. All insurgent groups propagated the idea of an independent Manipur with minor variations in ideologies. In the Hill districts, contiguity with Nagaland and inhabitation by Naga Tribes enabled spillover of Naga insurgents into the State. NSCN (IM) has laid claim over these hill districts in the scheme of Nagalim or Greater Nagaland. Kuki- Naga clashes in the Hill districts of Manipur in the early nineties instigated the creation of several Kuki groups in the State. The groups which were initially formed to resist oppression by Nagas subsequently started the demand for a separate Kukiland State encompassing the Kuki inhabited areas of Manipur, Assam, Mizoram and even parts of Myanmar. However, most of these groups are now under SoO with GOI. Islamist groups like the Peoples United Liberation Front (PULF) has also been founded to protect the interests of the Pangal Muslims. Links with other insurgent groups of the NE and camps in Myanmar have been corroborated. The insurgents have been broadly divided into Valley Based Insurgent Groups (VBIGs)and others comprising the Nagas, Kukis, Muslims and those representing minor tribes.

The main protagonist of this ambush, the PLA, has formed a govt in exile in Bangladesh. The group is active and has been involved in acts of violence/ extortion. The group enjoys widespread support and has established linkages with the NSCN(K) in Myanmar responsible for the dreadful attack on 6 DOGRA on June 03 15 in Manipur. PREPAK is also active in Manipur Valley with strategic links with UNLF/PLA. All these groups maintain joint Camps in Bangladesh and Myanmar. KYKL operates in the valley districts of Manipur and shares a close nexus with NSCN (IM). Other groups like the UPPK, UNPC and KCP are generally dormant and have been involved in sporadic incidents of extortion/ violence. Most of the VBIGs are not under SoO/ negotiations with the State Government/ GoI and have stuck to their un-constitutional demands, thus continuing unrest in the region. These groups possess the potential to create periodic limited violence.

PULF. The only Muslim group of Pangal Muslims is active in Manipur Valley and Thoubal district. The group is active and shares solidarity with Islamic Radical groups in Assam. The group possesses potential to flare communal clashes with support from other Islamic groups in the NE. Linkages with the ISI are also suspected.

Kuki Insurgent Groups. All 18 Kuki insurgent groups in Manipur are under SoO with the Govt and negotiate a separate state encompassing areas inhabited by their tribe. The groups have their influence in parts of Senapati, Tamenglong, Chandel and Churachandpurdists. The dialogue process of these groups is under the banners of United Peoples Front (UPF) and Kuki National Org (KNO).

Hill Districts. The hill districts are under the influence of the Naga insurgent groups. Successful State elections are indicative of the yearning of locals for normalcy and peace. The region has witnessed sporadic violence in the recent past. With the signing the Framework Agreement by NSCN (IM) with the Government of India, the region has witnessed an increase in the groups influence in the Hill districts. After the Abrogation of ceasefire by NSCN (K), a reduction in the presence of their cadres in the hill districts has been observed. Most of the cadres are believed to have shifted base to Myanmar.

TO BE CONTINUED

(The author, a veteran soldier, is a second generation officer of the 11th Gorkha Rifles, and has served in the Indian Army for almost 40 years. He was the former Director General of Assam Rifles and was later appointed the Chairman of the Cease Fire Monitoring Group located in Kohima where he was chartered to bring the various insurgent groups to accept an ongoing Ceasefire with the GOI. Views expressed are personal and do not reflect the official position or policy of the Financial Express Online.)

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Insurgencies of the Northeast explained (Part I) - Financial Express