Daily Archives: October 10, 2023

WASHINGTON The U.S. International Development Finance Corporation (DFC) has committed a $250 million loan to MHP SE to support the Ukrainian poultry and grain producers efforts to mitigate the effects of Russias war against Ukraine. The funds would be used to refinance maturing debt and support the continued maintenance and war-related expenditures of its poultry and grain production. The loan would also support the companys ability to increase food production and storage and support its export capacity, while mitigating the devastating effects of food insecurity exacerbated by the war.

Improving food security is a priority for DFC, particularly as Russian aggression against Ukraine has endangered global agricultural supply chains and put millions at risk for malnutrition and hunger. As one of the top global exporters of wheat, corn, barley, and poultry, Ukraines ability to supply markets with critical staples is vital to the health and stability of many nations, said DFC CEO Scott Nathan. DFC is open for business in Ukraine and working with the private sector to advance ongoing efforts to operate in the face of Russias unjustified war. DFC continues to seek opportunities to invest in Ukraines private sector now and into the future.

The loan to MHP SE would provide the company with funds to assist in the companys refinancing needs for existing debt as well as capital to support improvements to facilities, including increased storage capacity and installation of electrical backups. DFCs loan would also support the companys transportation operations, increasing the companys ability to transport goods via truck over land. These investments would support MHP SEs production and export capacity.

As part of DFCs broader efforts to support the Ukrainian private sector, DFC is mobilizing financing to support Ukraines agricultural supply chain to ensure that the people of Ukraine can feed themselves and their families. DFCs investment will help build more resilient food systems to mitigate against future food shocks.

DFC has committed $425 million in new transactions in Ukraine over the last year across a variety of sectors and all of its lines of business, including through equity investments, political risk insurance, debt financing, and technical assistance.

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The U.S. International Development Finance Corporation (DFC) partners with the private sector to finance solutions to the most critical challenges facing the developing world today. We invest across sectors including energy, healthcare, infrastructure, agriculture, and small business and financial services. DFC investments adhere to high standards and respect the environment, human rights, and worker rights.

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DFC Commits $250 Million to Strengthen Food Security in Ukraine - DFC

Footage shared with openDemocracy by Borgese appears to show his unit preparing a small boat loaded with jet skis. Borgese, the commander, is a member of the ultra-conservative Christian Bratstvo battalion. The latter is the military wing of Ukraines Bratstvo political party, a small unelected group with a perplexing history of alliances and of working with the Ukrainian security services.

Ukrainian military intelligence has said in public statements that Bratstvo and another battalion, Stuhna, have participated in the raids under its command. The reason for the amalgamation, according to Borgese, is that both have selected people who are prepared for martyrdom.

Ukraines military intelligence reported losses during the second raid into Crimea conducted on 4 October, but gave no indication of their scale. The head of Russian-occupied Crimea Sergey Aksyonov thanked the Russian border services on Telegram for apprehending one of the group and later a Russian military blogger claimed that Crimean authorities discovered a body in a wetsuit that was killed duirng a scirmish.

Borgese said Ukraines military maritime experts initially dismissed the idea of using jet skis, insisting that the small boats carrying the jet skis and fuel would be detected. But, he believes, these operations have disproved their belief that Russia knows and sees everything in the Black Sea.

The Ukrainian raid on a Russian-occupied off-shore oil facility in mid-September, said Borgese, was a practice run designed to show the operation was possible and see what could go wrong. Then came Crimea.

The benefit of using a jet ski, according to Borgese, is that it cannot be detected by Russian radar systems, which are designed for ships and do not set off sea mines again designed for ships. The Ukrainian military had already seen that Russian coastguards and planes were unable to target the mined drones that they once used against the Crimean bridge. Another factor, he noted, was that good quality jet skis travelling at a low speed are relatively quiet.

Borgese also referred to a video in which Russian troops appeared to be trying unsuccessfully to hit a Ukrainian remotely-operated jet ski loaded with explosives using machine gun fire.

These special operations are not Ukraines first surprise forays into enemy territory. Bratstvo with Borgese, as well as other Ukrainian units, have also been involved in operations across the Dnipro river in the southern Kherson region, as well as into Russias Belgorod region.

The operations across the Dnipro into Russian-occupied territory were in some ways more dangerous than Crimea as Russian forces have positions all along the riverbank, Borgese said. Ukraine has since established a tiny foothold on the eastern, otherwise Russian-controlled bank of the Dnipro.

That remains shrouded in secrecy, however, as Ukraines military activities on Khersons riverbanks are a matter of strict military censorship, one Ukrainian brigadier general told openDemocracy on condition of anonymity.

While Ukraine was preparing troops for a second round of the counter offensive, and awaiting western equipment, it is now no secret that Russia was preparing its defensive lines with mines and adapting its techniques for a long war. This means Ukraine, according to analysts, needs to be more creative if it is to succeed.

Ukraines forces have edged the Russian forces back at several points in the south, south-east and east this summer a turn from Ukraines retreats around Soledar and Bakhmut in the east over the winter, but not the big break Ukraine hoped for. The line has moved a few kilometres in places and not at all elsewhere.

If Ukraine succeeds in thwarting Russias ability to use Crimea, it would leave Russia with only one supply route for its forces on the southern and south-western frontline through mainland Russia. This would make it much, much harder for Russian forces, said OBrien, professor of strategic studies at St Andrews University.

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What Ukraines operation against Russian-annexed Crimea means ... - openDemocracy

The Russian authorities are recruiting foreigners for the war in Ukraine, despite Putins statement that the Kremlin does not need people from outside. In particular, citizens of Serbia and other Balkan countries are being recruited into the occupying army. About 100 people sided with the aggressor country. Currently, the scheme for recruiting mercenaries is frozen, the BBC Russia reported.

Mercenaries from Serbia sign contracts with the Russian Ministry of Defense and go to war as part of the 106th Airborne Division.

We are now officially signing a contract with the Ministry of Defense, we are going through the Krasnogorsk military commission, said Serbian citizen Davor Savicic, who formed a platoon of Serbs as part of the Wagner group in 2014.

Serbs living on the territory of Russia participate in recruitment. In particular, Savicic promised to form a full-fledged Serbian brigade as part of the 106th Airborne Division by the fall of 2023. However, it was not possible to implement the plan. It should be noted that mercenary is a criminal offense in Serbia.

Apart from that, the Russians have also recruited more than 100 Cuban citizens since the beginning of the year, the Institute for the Study of War said. Foreigners joined the same 106th division of the Airborne Forces of Russia in the summer. This indicates that the 106th Airborne Division probably suffered heavy losses from fighting in Ukraine, the analysts say.

At the same time, Russia continues to mobilize Ukrainians who received a passport from the Russian Federation in the temporarily occupied territories. Russian authorities are threatening civilians with Russian passports eligible for conscription with fines and detention for not appearing. Russian authorities and occupation administrations continue to conduct forced passportization and mobilization in occupied Ukraine, the Institute for the Study of War said.

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Russia recruits Serbs and Cubans for war in Ukraine - Ukrainian World Congress

Leaders of several European Union countries at a summit meeting in Granada, Spain, on Friday.Credit...Miguel Angel Molina/EPA, via Shutterstock

European Union leaders on Friday wrestled with how the bloc would have to adjust if it added Ukraine as a member, at a summit meeting in Spain that was shadowed by questions about the Wests long-term support for Kyivs war effort against Russia.

Ukraine was given a path to membership last year, beginning a yearslong process of reforms to bring Ukraine in line with E.U. regulations. President Volodymyr Zelensky, as well as leaders of Poland and Baltic States, have pushed for speeding it up, but the blocs leaders have said there is no fast track to membership.

Next month, the European Commission, the blocs executive arm, is expected to publish an assessment of Kyivs efforts to align with E.U. rules, and national leaders will decide in December whether to open membership negotiations with Ukraine.

Looking ahead to the prospect of a further enlarged Union, both the E.U. and future Member States need to be ready, the heads of E.U. governments said in a statement after the meeting. Aspiring members need to step up their reform efforts, notably in the area of rule of law, the statement said. The Union needs to lay the necessary internal groundwork and reforms.

If Ukraine becomes a member, it would significantly transform the structure of the blocs budget. Some Eastern European nations would be required to pay more than they receive in subsidies.

There are many questions, doubts, Viktor Orban of Hungary said about the prospect of Ukraine joining the bloc. First, we need to know how much money we are speaking about.

The informal talks this week in Granada, Spain, where the leaders also discussed migration and economic autonomy, were a preparation for formal meetings of the blocs leaders later this year.

Even as talks over Ukraines membership continued, E.U. nations were reckoning with the economic and political costs of continuing to send military aid to the country, especially as political turmoil in Congress threatened American aid.

E.U. leaders are expected to discuss a 50 billion euro aid package for Ukraine at a summit later this month in Brussels, but they already indicated that they would not be able to fill the gap in support left by the United States should Congress fail to vote for more aid.

Moscows full-scale invasion of Ukraine last year has forced the 27-nation bloc to consider further expanding its ranks, but joining is a long and painstaking process that usually takes around a decade, even for nations not at war.

With this war by Russia against Ukraine, it is not possible anymore to procrastinate, Charles Michel, the president of the European Council, said on Friday, referring to enlarging the bloc. It doesnt mean that its going to be easy, because across the European Union there are different opinions and different sensitivities.

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Pressure Grows on Germany to Give Ukraine Long-Range Missiles - The New York Times

The war in Ukraine has gouged a scar in the landscape so vast, that it's easily visible from space.

A new analysis by NASA's Harvest program and shared exclusively with NPR shows that between 5.2 and 6.9 million acres (2.1-2.8 million hectares) of prime farmland have been abandoned as a result of the war since 2021. The abandoned fields represent between 6.5 and 8.5% of Ukraine's total cropland.

The losses represent "a massive amount of land," says Inbal Becker-Reshef, the program director for NASA Harvest and a research professor at the University of Maryland and the University of Strasbourg in France. Much of the fallow land lies in a vast swath along the front line of the war, while other fields are in areas recently retaken by Ukrainian forces, she says.

The scar left by the fighting is easily visible in satellite imagery from the commercial company Planet. Paradoxically, the untended farmland is still green because it has filled with weeds and other plants. Harvested plots mostly appear brown in the autumn.

Becker-Reshef says that while overall, Ukraine has been able to maintain its agricultural output this year, the abandoned fields have already cost the nation around $2 billion in lost crops. Moreover, she predicts the fighting will likely hinder Ukraine's output for many years to come. As the losses compound over time, "that cost will be much, much higher," she says.

Ukraine is a major agricultural producer, supplying roughly 9% of the world's wheat exports. The front line in the conflict winds through of some of the nation's most fertile fields. After the first year of the war, much of that line has been hardened with trenches, anti-tank barriers, and landmines all of which affect farmers near the front.

But the NASA-backed researchers say that perhaps the largest obstacle to farming is the vast amount of artillery ammunition being lobbed by each side towards the other.

Looking at where the harvest stops, "it is a real, stunningly sharp edge," says Josef Wagner, a graduate student at the University of Strasbourg who's working on the Harvest team. "When you look at the images, you can draw the line where it's cultivated and where it's not." Often, he thinks that line is determined by whether a field is in the range of enemy shelling.

Ukrainian soldiers patrol with a howitzer near the frontline on July 01, 2023. Artillery fire is believed to be a major reason farmers are abandoning their fields. Ercin Erturk/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images hide caption

Ukrainian soldiers patrol with a howitzer near the frontline on July 01, 2023. Artillery fire is believed to be a major reason farmers are abandoning their fields.

Precise estimates of how much artillery ammunition has been used in the war so far are hard to come by, but Russian and Ukrainian forces are firing thousands of rounds a day, according to Michael Kofman, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Kofman says that there are multiple reasons why artillery has featured so heavily in the war. Part of the issue is that strong air defenses on both sides of the line prevent aircraft from playing a role in the fighting.

"In an environment where neither side is able to obtain air superiority, then the way of fighting is going to very heavily privilege artillery," he says. In addition, both Russia and Ukraine's armies have their roots in the Soviet Union, which heavily favored the use of artillery in military maneuvers.

Regardless of the precise cultural and tactical reasons, the artillery war in Ukraine is unlike other recent conflicts. America's wars in Iraq and Afghanistan saw the use of air-launched weapons and roadside bombs, both of which took an enormous toll in terms of human life. But for the most part, those weapons were used on selected targets, usually in populated areas.

In the case of Ukraine, much of the ordnance is being fired over vast sections of rural land. As a result, shells are landing in random fields throughout the countryside.

"The mass of metal flying each way is phenomenal," says Patrick Hinton, an officer in the British Army's Royal Artillery and a recent visiting fellow at the Royal United Services Institute, a London-based defense think tank.

The amount of artillery being expended is so great that both nations are seeking additional stocks: Ukraine has sought munitions from the West, including controversial "cluster munitions", while Russia is reportedly talking to Iran and North Korea about supplying it with more shells.

World War I craters near the ruined village of Fleury devant Douaumont, France. More than a century after the fighting, the area is still considered unsafe for habitation. Virginia Mayo/AP hide caption

World War I craters near the ruined village of Fleury devant Douaumont, France. More than a century after the fighting, the area is still considered unsafe for habitation.

The situation harkens back to the world wars of the previous century, Hinton says. And those wars may provide the best hints of what the long-term consequences will be. More than a century after some of the battles were fought, unexploded shells and bombs are regularly being found in places like Flanders, Belgium.

"These can lay in the ground for over a hundred years and still be lethal," says Iain Overton, the executive director of Action on Armed Violence, a British non-profit that focuses on the harm caused by explosive weapons.

And when shells explode correctly they can make an even bigger mess spraying heavy metals and toxic chemicals across the fields on which they land. The contaminants "can get into the food chain and cause some very long-term and very real consequences to the quality of the food Ukraine is producing," Overton says.

In the case of previous wars, the impacts have been profound. Parts of northeastern France are still uninhabitable because of concentrated shelling in the First World War. The land, known as the "Zone Rouge", remains peppered with unexploded ordnance and toxic metals.

The intensity of the artillery fire in Ukraine is a far cry from WWI, where well over a billion shells were expended. Still, Overton says, the amount of unexploded ordnance, land mines, and toxic pollution in farmland along the front line will make returning those fields to production a "gargantuan task."

"There is a very-long term challenge for the Ukrainians," he says.

A tractor collects straw on a field in a private farm in Zhurivka, Kyiv region, Ukraine, Thursday, Aug. 10, 2023. Despite losing a significant amount of cropland, Ukrainian farmers have managed to maintain production. Efrem Lukatsky/AP hide caption

A tractor collects straw on a field in a private farm in Zhurivka, Kyiv region, Ukraine, Thursday, Aug. 10, 2023. Despite losing a significant amount of cropland, Ukrainian farmers have managed to maintain production.

Despite losing some of their best cropland to the war, Ukraine's farmers have managed to keep producing, the NASA Harvest analysis shows.

In part that's because Ukraine had a good summer in terms of weather and rainfall. "While we've seen some decrease in planted areas, we've seen increases in yields," Becker-Reshef says. In addition, the analysis showed a dramatic increase in oilseed crops, such as rapeseed and sunflower oil.

Becker-Reshef believes the decision to shift to these crops is in part due to the fact they are easier to grow than wheat, and also because the oil, which is liquid, is easier to export through land corridors. Wheat, by contrast, has been shipped primarily through ports that have been attacked in recent months by Russia.

As the war wears on, Becker-Reshef thinks it will be harder and harder for Ukraine to maintain its agricultural production. The destruction of the Kakhovka Dam earlier this year drained a massive reservoir and left nearly a thousand miles of irrigation channels without a source of water. "We're seeing a lot less irrigation this summer relative to even last year," she says." Basically all the canals have dried out." Those canals mainly supply water to Russian-occupied Ukraine.

Still, she says, Ukrainian farmers have demonstrated incredible resilience. They continue to farm "whatever they can, wherever they can."

"I think we expect Ukraine to come out of this and to be able to rebuild and recover," she says. "But at a very large expense."

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The bruising artillery battle in Ukraine has left a scar that is visible ... - NPR

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Military briefing: the advance of Ukraine's 'mosquito navy' - Financial Times

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy (center) walks with Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., (left) and Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., on September 21. Zelenskyy made his renewed case for American aid to Ukraine to a deeply divided Congress. Mark Schiefelbein/AP hide caption

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy (center) walks with Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., (left) and Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., on September 21. Zelenskyy made his renewed case for American aid to Ukraine to a deeply divided Congress.

The next speaker of the House will have the power to decide what policies come up for a vote in the House of Representatives, leaving funding for U.S. involvement in Ukraine in the balance.

Last week, former Speaker Kevin McCarthy, R-Calif., made a last-minute decision to move ahead with a short-term government spending bill without the $24 billion for military, humanitarian and economic aid for Ukraine requested by President Biden. That move avoided an impending government shutdown but it may have doomed any future funding.

McCarthy lost his job days later after hardline members turned on him for passing a spending bill with the support of Democrats. Now as House Republicans choose his successor, each candidate is under the same intense pressure from far-right members who ousted McCarthy.

Roughly half of House Republicans recently opposed a relatively small $300 million aid package for Ukraine and support for further spending is even less predictable. The issue also divides the three potential candidates who have emerged so far, House Judiciary Committee Chairman Jim Jordan, R-Ohio, House Majority Leader Steve Scalise, R-La., and Rep. Kevin Hern, R-Okla.

Jordan and Scalise are officially in the running and Hern has yet to decide. While others may still enter the race, the future speaker will need to win the support of 218 members and Ukraine is expected to be a significant factor.

Jordan told reporters Wednesday that he was "against" moving forward with an aid package for Ukraine. "The most pressing issue on Americans' minds is not Ukraine," he said. "It is the border situation, and it's crime on the streets. And everybody knows that. So let's address those."

Jordan and Hern have both consistently voted against Ukraine funding since the war began, and both voted against the $300 million in aid that was separated from the Defense bill last week.

Scalise, however, did vote for the $300 million in aid last week, as well as $40 billion in supplemental funding for Ukraine in 2022.

Ukraine aid was one of several sticking points among House Republicans as they tried to coalesce around government funding bills last month. There are a number of members in the conference who do not support any further assistance to Ukraine.

Others say they are sympathetic to the cause, but have concerns about oversight and potential corruption in the Ukrainian government. Republican leadership removed $300 million of Ukraine aid when the divide over that funding threatened their ability to pass the entire Defense Department appropriations bill.

Leaders decided instead to bring that $300 million up for a standalone vote 101 Republicans supported it and 117 Republicans opposed.

When McCarthy introduced a short-term government funding measure last week to avoid a shutdown, there was no money for Ukraine.

Democrats said they were disappointed the Ukraine money did not make it into the stopgap, but they were also optimistic that McCarthy would move forward with the aid separately. Rep. Jim McGovern, the top Democrat on the House Rules Committee, told reporters "I trust that we'll figure out a way" to pass more funding.

Top Democrats in the House released a statement saying, "When the House returns, we expect Speaker McCarthy to advance a bill to the House Floor for an up-or-down vote that supports Ukraine, consistent with his commitment to making sure that Vladimir Putin, Russia and authoritarianism are defeated."

But now that McCarthy has been voted out, Republicans have to choose his replacement before any work can be done to pass appropriations on the floor for Ukraine or otherwise. And there's no guarantee that McCarthy's successor would agree to advance Ukraine aid at all. Which brings us back to his potential replacements.

President Biden said Wednesday that he is worried the speakership shake-up could threaten Congress's ability to deliver more Ukraine funding. "But I know there are a majority of members of the House and Senate, in both parties, who have said that they support funding Ukraine," he added, noting he planned to soon announce a "major speech" on the issue.

It's unclear whether House Republicans who oppose aid to Ukraine would vote for a new speaker who supports it. But outright opposition to Ukraine aid could also alienate the 100 or so Republicans who do want continued support. And as we saw this week, it only takes a handful of defectors from within the narrow majority to bring the chamber to a screeching halt.

Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham, who supports Ukraine funding, has suggested the money could be paired with border security measures to win passage in the House. He said the Senate should craft a package with Ukraine money, border security and natural disaster aid to send over to the House as part of the next short-term government funding measure.

"If they took up that package ... it would pass overwhelmingly in the House," he said. "You'd get more than half of the Republicans and virtually all Democrats."

Sen. Mike Rounds, R-S.D., said he would support further Ukraine funding however it could pass either as a standalone bill, part of a border package or attached to a larger appropriations bill.

"Regardless of who the speaker is, I believe that we will have appropriate funding for Ukraine. The question is what vehicle is the best vehicle and for what length of time," he said. "But for folks that are wondering whether or not we need to send a message to Putin, there is no misunderstanding about the fact that we will support Ukraine in their battle for freedom."

But even before McCarthy's ouster, Democrats brushed aside the idea of pairing Ukraine money with border security as unworkable, or political gamesmanship.

"Why are we playing politics with the future of the world order?" Sen. Chris Murphy said Saturday night. "Guess what? We haven't been able to do immigration reform in 40 years. It's hard. We should do it but you shouldn't put the survival of Ukraine on the backs of our ability to break a 40-year logjam on immigration. It's just too important."

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The fate of Ukraine funding lies in the balance with speaker's race - NPR

Its estimated that4.5 million more workers may be needed over the next decade in the labour force.

UN News asked Michael Newson, Senior Programme Coordinator for Migration and Sustainable Development at the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in Kyiv, Ukraine, about how people could be encouraged back home.

Michael Newson: IOM has already observed an increase of Ukrainians returning to Ukraine despite the ongoing war. Numerous surveys have indicated that a large percentage of Ukrainians who fled the country, especially those based in the European Union, intend to return once conditions allow. We can also expect that many will remain abroad in the long term. Current data suggests that Ukraine can expect a larger share of its population abroad to return after the war than we have seen in other post-conflict settings.

When and whether Ukrainians abroad return to the country will depend on a number of factors, including their conditions in their countries of refuge and in Ukraine. The number of people who choose to return to Ukraine will also depend on the types of policies and programmes that the Ukrainian Government and the international community put in place to incentivize return.

Reconstruction efforts are already underway in Ukraine, including schools.

UN News:What conditions are needed to encourage people to return home?

Michael Newson: Security is obviously a key criterion. Until people can feel safe and comfortable returning to their homes, any incentive programmes are likely to have a limited effect. People want to have a sense of economic stability and confidence that they will be able to provide for themselves and their families upon return. As such, ensuring basic healthcare and education services are in place is essential.

Developing programmes to link persons abroad with job opportunities in Ukraine even prior to their return will go a long way in encouraging people to return to the country. Often, we speak of providing financial incentives for return to address the costs of return and re-establishing oneself. Ultimately, incentive packages have to reduce the risks that people perceive with return. That includes security risks but also the economic risks and the risks that, should they choose to reverse their decision, they wont be able to return to their country of refuge.

UN News:How will IOM support the Ministry of Economy in the process of reintegrating Ukrainians and ensuring a smooth transition back into the labour market?

Michael Newson: These are precisely the types of conversations we are currently having with colleagues at the Ministry of Economy and International Labour Organization (ILO).

Agriculture is one of the most important industries in Ukraine.

What is absolutely essential is that programmes are evidence-based. We need to develop programmes that respond to concerns Ukrainians abroad have when they are considering returning and to issues people who have already returned have faced in terms of their reintegration and transition into the labour market.

We can also learn from previous post-war scenarios. We need to recognize that, like anyone who is considering a major move, having a job and being able to provide for oneself is only part of the concerns of moving.

Developing services for potential returnees that assist and facilitate the process of finding housing, enrolling children in school, finding a job, or linking with healthcare services for existing and chronic health issues will also encourage return and ensure a smooth transition.

What we want to avoid is providing incentives for return and reintegration that put returnees in a more favourable position to those who have remained in the country, as this can lead to social tensions.

UN News:If not enough Ukrainians workers return home post-war, how will this affect the job market?

Michael Newson: Given the demographic situation in Ukraine even before the full-scale invasion, its clear that returning Ukrainians, on their own, will not be sufficient to meet the labour market needs of the country going forward, both for reconstruction and the broader economic recovery.

The Ministry of Economy has indicated that an additional 4.5 million workers may be needed in the next 10 years to meet labour market needs and economic objectives.

Incoming labour migration will be one of several tools that will be used in order to address this.

Ukraine is one of many countries in the region which is not traditionally seen as countries of immigration but need to start to reconsider policies and look at bringing in foreign workers to meet growing labour market gaps both at higher and lower skill levels.

Many Ukrainians who were forced to live in basements during the early stages of the invasion fled the country.

Beyond these priorities, we should also be looking at capital investments such as machinery and automation as well as a re-design of management and operations structures that can increase productivity.

UN News: How challenging do you expect the post-war period to be as Ukraine readjusts to peace time?

Michael Newson: The challenges Ukraine faced even prior to the full-scale invasion were significant. The war has obviously exacerbated a number of these challenges relating to demographics, social services, and economic development.

However, I am heartened and encouraged by the Government of Ukraines willingness to acknowledge and face these challenges head on. The Government and the people of Ukraine have demonstrated incredible resilience and adaptability over the past 18 months.

There is no reason to think that, with the support of the international community, they could not adapt in order to stimulate the countrys reconstruction and economic recovery when peace arrives.

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INTERVIEW: Planning the post-invasion return of citizens to Ukraine - UN News

To date, this Emergency Appeal, which seeks CHF 800 million, is 59% cent funded, and a significant funding gap of CHF 328 million remains. To continue supporting National Societies around the world to play their key role in supporting people impacted by the crisis, the IFRC calls for partners to renew their commitment to accompanying the IFRC Network in its response by further contributing to the IFRC Appeal

Description of the crisis

Eighteen months of conflict escalation between Russia and Ukraine continues to claim lives and fuel a wide-ranging of hu-manitarian crisis. 21 million people are affected in and outside of Ukraine and the humanitarian needs remain high, with sudden spikes in response to the developments on the ground, including new hostilities in eastern Ukraine and movements of people within and outside the country.

One devastating recent consequence of the conflict has been the destruction and subsequent depletion of the Kakhovka dam, leading to urgent and dire humanitarian needs across southern and eastern Ukraine. The repercussions have extended to surrounding regions, where private homes, businesses, and community infrastructure have suffered extensive damage. Tens of thousands of people in the Dnipropetrovsk Oblast lost access to piped water, as the reservoir, which serves as a crucial source of drinking water for at least 700,000 individuals, experienced in the first week a staggering 70% decrease in capacity, as reported by Ukrainian authorities.

The number of displaced people increased over months in some of the neighboring countries. For instance, Bulgaria has witnessed a doubling of arrivals since May 2023, placing immense pressure on services and aid support. While some of these arrivals may be temporary, already 5,000 additional displaced people sought accommodation support in the country. Hosting countries are also issuing new legislations with a variety of impacts on displaced people from Ukraine and other migrants.

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Ukraine and Impacted Countries Crisis - Emergency Appeal n ... - ReliefWeb

In a bid to boost international research collaboration, the University of Liverpool has successfully led a project aiming to enhance digital research ties between the UK and Ukraine. Focusing on a broad digital theme, the initiative explores areas like mathematics, algorithms, AI, data science and more.

Titled Building Digital Capability for Recovery in Ukraine, the venture was pioneered by Professor Igor Potapov from the Department of Computer Science at the University of Liverpool Science for Ukraine initiative. The programme's goals are multifaceted, from stimulating the growth of the research environment and promoting Ukrainian scientific organisations to establishing a vibrant research network with representatives from various prestigious organisations. These include The Royal Society, The Turing Institute, and the National Research Foundation of Ukraine.

The project was formally started with an open call for Digital Theme Ambassadors in January 2023. This call saw significant promotion on popular social platforms like LinkedIn and Twitter. Thanks to assistance from the #ScienceForUkraine academic community group and the Cormack Consultancy Group, the call reached a broad audience. From January to March 2023, the project witnessed the recruitment of 64 Digital Theme Ambassadors. These ambassadors hail from diverse academic backgrounds, with 48.4% from the UK, 36.9% from Ukraine, and the remainder international academics.

To further nurture these collaborations, the University of Liverpool hosted a series of hybrid coordination meetings, culminating in the UK-Ukraine research twinning conference. The event occurred from March 27-30, 2023, with an impressive turnout of 292 participants from the UK and Ukraine. Post the conference, a research network known as the DIGITAL-UA Slack Channel emerged. The channel is initiated and maintained by Digital Theme Ambassador Dr Olexandr Konovalov from University of St Andrews and the channel now boasts 180 academic members, serving as a hub for discussion, information dissemination and fostering new initiatives.

Various online platforms facilitated this conference, with Easychair utilised for the submission review process, Gather.town for organising virtual poster sessions and Zoom for online sessions of invited talks and presentations.

On the benefits front, this initiative is expected to pave the way for Ukrainian academics to integrate seamlessly into the international research circuit. Numerous new collaborations have already surfaced. For instance, The Turing Institute is now in talks on cybersecurity and software verification, while there's a budding collaboration between BCS and top Ukrainian universities.

These advancements echo the OECD Policy Responses recommendation for Digitalisation for recovery in Ukraine. Furthermore, multiple academic media platforms and newsletters have reported the success of this initiative, amplifying its significance in bolstering UK-Ukraine digital research collaborations.

It is a groundbreaking move that promises to augment Ukraine's digital infrastructure, digital economy, and IT sector, potentially playing a pivotal role in its future recovery.

The University of Liverpool utilised a trio of online platforms for a recent conference: Zoom for videoconferencing, Gather.town as a virtual venue, and Slack for updates and chat conversations. Zoom provided the leading platform for talks, but solely relying on it could lead to a mundane experience. Gather.town was incorporated to mimic the atmosphere of a physical event, allowing participants to engage in impromptu interactions when their avatars approached each other.

Gather.town excelled during the poster sessions. Attendees could navigate their avatars to different poster booths, view previews, and interact with presenters in a designated private space. However, anticipating its use for spontaneous interaction was more challenging and might require more host interactions. Nonetheless, Gather.town is suited well for virtual exhibitions with predefined informational context for interactions or for more intimate gatherings where participants had pre-existing real-life connections.

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Digital Collaboration between UK and Ukraine | BCS - BCS