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Monthly Archives: March 2022
Global Photonic Integrated Circuit And Quantum Computing Market 2021 Latest Innovations, Technological Progress, Regional Outlook and Forecast to 2027…
Posted: March 4, 2022 at 4:46 pm
The Global Photonic Integrated Circuit And Quantum Computing Market report conducted by MarketQuest.biz analyses the projection period of 2021-2027 and includes a detailed competitive analysis and market growth outlook for the industrial sector. The study looks at the industrys history, development prospects, and the success of the key dealers in the industry. Photonic Integrated Circuit And Quantum Computing evaluates feasible options as well as the contributing elements that will lead to sector improvement. The research investigates historical growth trends, current development factors, and anticipated tenders.
The Photonic Integrated Circuit And Quantum Computing industry covers market position, profit margins, future trends, financial considerations, opportunities, challenges, risks, and entry barriers. Manufacturing plant distribution, capacity, raw material availability, R&D condition, technology source, and commercial output are evaluated. This section includes general information on the Photonic Integrated Circuit And Quantum Computing market.
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Ghislaine Maxwell trial juror may receive immunity to testify – The Guardian
Posted: at 4:45 pm
A juror in Ghislaine Maxwells criminal trial who apparently did not disclose childhood sexual abuse during jury selection may receive immunity to testify before the judge deciding whether the verdict will stand.
Prosecutors said in a submission to US district judge Alison J Nathan on Wednesday that they were in the process of seeking approvals to offer immunity to the man to compel his testimony at a hearing next Tuesday. They said the immunity offer was considered after the jurors lawyer told the judge that his client planned to invoke his fifth amendment privilege against self-incrimination at the hearing.
Thejuror, who is named Scotty David, was on 24 February ordered to appear in court for questioning about his answers on a screening questionnaire for then-prospective jurors.
Davids completed questionnaire, which was made public last week, shows that he marked the no box in response to the question that asked: Have you or a friend ever been the victim of sexual harassment, sexual abuse, or sexual assault?
The fact that David apparently marked no has spurred extensive controversy as he has claimed in post-trial interviews that he was victimized in his youth.
The British former socialite Maxwell was convicted on 29 December on sex trafficking and other related charges for facilitating financier Jeffrey Epsteins sexual abuse of minor girls, some just 14 years old.
Epstein, a convicted sex offender whose associates once included rich and powerful figures such as Prince Andrew, was apprehended in July 2019 for sex trafficking of minor teens. Epstein killed himself about one month later while jailed in Manhattan awaiting trial.
The controversy surrounding David took off after Maxwells trial.
David claimed in media interviews that he endured sexual abuse in childhood. David said that he told other jurors about this abuse enabling them to understand facts from a victims perspective. When those reports emerged, prosecutors asked Nathan to conduct an inquiry into his comments. Maxwells legal team made that request shortly thereafter.
Nathan agreed to do so, writing in her recent decision: Following trial, Juror 50 made several direct, unambiguous statements to multiple media outlets about his own experience that do not pertain to jury deliberations and that cast doubt on the accuracy of his responses during jury selection.
She said: Juror 50s post-trial statements are clear, strong, substantial and incontrovertible evidence that a specific, non-speculative impropriety namely, a false statement during jury selection has occurred.
In a letter to Nathan filed on Wednesday morning, Davids lawyer, Todd Spodek, said: I write to inform the court that Juror 50 will invoke his fifth amendment privilege against self-incrimination at the hearing.
Later on Wednesday, Maxwells attorney Bobbi Sternheim wrote to the judge, saying Spodek should explain why his client wants to assert the fifth amendment and prosecutors should tell why they are willing to provide immunity to the juror. She noted that the juror had said publicly that he answered all questions honestly.
Prosecutors responded shortly thereafter, saying in a letter that they would try to compel Davids testimony.
The government writes to notify the court that it is in the process of seeking internal approval to seek an order compelling Juror 50s testimony at the hearing, they said. The government will, subject to internal approval, submit a proposed order to the court in advance of the hearing.
Defense lawyers asked the judge to toss out the verdict based on the jurors revelations and order a new trial. They said if she did not do so, she should question other jurors as well, especially after a second juror reportedly revealed post-trial a history of sex abuse. And they asked to explore Davids online and email communications.
But Nathan said last week she would limit the inquiry to her posing questions to David about his answers to the two questions she deemed relevant.The rest of the requests, she said, were vexatious, intrusive, unjustified, and a fishing expedition.
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‘Tech Exec-1’ says he pleaded the Fifth to John Durham’s grand jury – Washington Examiner
Posted: at 4:45 pm
The Tech Executive-1 in John Durhams indictment of a Democratic cybersecurity lawyer testified in a lawsuit that he had invoked his Fifth Amendment rights when asked to testify by the special counsel.
Rodney Joffe, former senior vice president at Neustar, coordinated in 2016 with Clinton campaign lawyer Michael Sussmann, who was indicted last year for allegedly concealing his clients, including Hillary Clinton's campaign and Joffe, from the FBI in September 2016 when he pushed debunked claims of a secret back channel between the Trump Organization and Russia's Alfa Bank.
Alfa Bank filed a John Doe lawsuit and deposed Joffe in February. A common refrain from Joffe was: As a result of the ongoing investigation of the Office of the Special Counsel, on the advice of my counsel, Im going to decline to answer the question on the basis of my rights under the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution.
They did serve me with a grand jury subpoena, and I did invoke my Fifth Amendment rights, Joffe said, saying that the subpoena was for testimony and documents and that the subpoenas came after a request for an interview.
Joffe said Sussmann became an attorney for Neustar around 2010, and it continued until September when the indictment occurred. He pleaded the Fifth on whether Sussmann ever represented him personally. Joffe said he retired in mid-September.
Sussmann pleaded not guilty, with Durham revealing last month he has evidence Joffe exploited DNS internet traffic at Trump Tower, Donald Trumps Central Park West apartment building, and the Executive Office of the President.
CLINTON CONDEMNS 'CONSPIRACY THEORIES' RELATED TO DURHAM INVESTIGATION
Durham said in October that Joffe exploited his own companys access to the sensitive internet data of a high-ranking executive branch office of the U.S. government, both before and after the Presidential election." Joffe pleaded the Fifth when asked to identify the executive office. Joffes attorney said "that should not be interpreted as an admission that the ... allegations, which are just allegations in the indictment, are accurate.
Joffe said he had never heard of the Alfa Bank allegations prior to the summer of 2016.
When asked if it was possible to cause pings from a DNS perspective to make it look like a communication, he said, I have no idea. He denied manipulating the DNS data in the Alfa Bank allegations or creating false pings.
Durhams indictment of Sussmann alleged Joffe tasked researchers with mining internet data to establish a narrative tying then-candidate Trump to Russia. Durham said Joffe indicated he was doing this to please Clinton campaign VIPs."
Joffe said he was not paid by Clinton's campaign. He declined to say whether Clinton campaign lawyer Marc Elias or Fusion GPS were present when he discussed the Alfa Bank allegations with Sussmann in July 2016 and said he had never heard of Fusion before 2016.
Durham said that, shortly after Clintons loss, Joffe wrote in an email: "I was tentatively offered the top [cybersecurity] job by the Democrats when it looked like they'd win. I definitely would not take the job under Trump."
Joffe testified, Ive never been interested in politics. Ive never been involved in politics. ... I havent donated to any parties or given any kind of benefit to any parties, but I certainly over the last few years have had an interest in the politics of the country I live in. Joffe pleaded the Fifth on his thoughts about Trump.
He appears to have referred to himself as Max in a 2018 article pushing the Alfa Bank claims. Max described himself as a John McCain Republican. Joffe declined to say whether that was him.
Joffe claimed he did not anticipate holding any job in the Clinton administration and was not offered the top cybersecurity job if Democrats won. Joffe said he had no possible interest in joining Clinton's administration.
He denied knowing British ex-spy Christopher Steele and said he "had no firsthand knowledge" when asked if he knew Sussmann met with Steele about Alfa Bank claims.
Joffe also declined to answer which businesses he owns, and whether he knew the identity of a person dubbed "Originator-1," who Durham says collaborated with Joffe on the Alfa Bank claims. It is April Lorenzen of Zetalytics.
Joffe said Neustar has provided DNS data outside the company in the past, including "a set of DNS data that has no terms and conditions around it, and that data is provided to a number of parties including security researchers. He declined to say whether he believed DNS data is nonconfidential.
Joffe also said, I take the Fifth, when asked if he knows Daniel Jones, lead author of the Senate Intelligence Committees report on the CIAs interrogation program who founded the Democracy Integrity Project in January 2017. Tax records show he funded Steele, Fusion, and others.
Court records show Jones was asked by the Senate Armed Services Committee in 2017 to look into Alfa Bank allegations, and his 2018 report concluded that "there was a special relationship between the Trump Organization server and servers associated with Alfa Bank.
Cybersecurity expert Robert Graham wrote that "the allegation that this proves a secret connect between Alfa Bank and a Trump server is clearly false.
Joffe said Kirk McConnell is the only person with the Senate committee he could recall.
CLICK HERE TO READ MORE FROM THE WASHINGTON EXAMINER
The special counsel has said Sussmann claimed to another agency, believed to be the CIA, in February 2017 that data he had access to demonstrated that Trump and/or his associates were using supposedly rare Russian-made wireless phones in the vicinity of the White House. Durham found "no support for these allegations." Joffe declined to answer whether Neustar provided the Russian phone data to university researchers.
Joffe testified he had gone through chemotherapy and used the drug Prednisone, claiming: I still have, you know, some effect with memory so, you know, my memory during the period when I was ill, which was from 2012 through 2017.
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'Tech Exec-1' says he pleaded the Fifth to John Durham's grand jury - Washington Examiner
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Cothren to take the Fifth in Registry probe TNJ – TN Journal
Posted: at 4:45 pm
Cade Cothren, speaking on phone, attends a meeting with lawmakers and fellow staffers on the balcony ouside the House chamber on April 29, 2019. (Erik Schelzig, Tenenssee Journal)
Cade Cothren, the onetime chief of staff to former House Speaker Glen Casada, intends to invoke his Fifth Amendment right against self incrimination at a Registry of Election Finance hearing on Wednesday, the Chattanooga Times Free Press reports.
Cade Cothren objects to and will not respond to your subpoena, his attorney, Cynthia A. Sherwood, wrote to the Registry last month. This objection is based on the grounds that these subpoenas were made in bad faith and are an abuse of process.
Furthermore, she added, Mr. Cothren invokes his Fifth Amendment privilege against self-incrimination.
The probe involves the role of the Faith Family Freedom Fund in attacking then-Rep. Rick Tillis of Lewisburg during his Republican primary in 2020. The PACs treasurer testified to the Registry by telephone in January that she had registered the group on behalf of Cothren, whom she had been dating at the time. Friedopfer said she had been young and dumb and didnt know she would be liable for the PACs activities. Cothren advised her not to respond to a Registry audit of the PAC, she said.
The Registry responded by issuing subpoenas of Cothren, Casada, and the winning candidate in the 2020 race, Rep. Todd Warner (R-Chapel Hill).
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Cothren to take the Fifth in Registry probe TNJ - TN Journal
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Border agents, the First Amendment, and the continued vitality of Bivens – SCOTUSblog
Posted: at 4:45 pm
CASE PREVIEW ByHoward M. Wasserman on Mar 1, 2022 at 10:24 am
Egbert v. Boule is a lawsuit seeking damages for alleged constitutional violations by a Border Patrol agent. (DCStockPhotography via Shutterstock)
The Supreme Court on Wednesday will consider the continued vitality and expansion of lawsuits for damages against federal officers under Bivens v. Six Unknown Named Agents. Egbert v. Boule considers whether to extend the Bivens cause of action to First Amendment retaliation claims and Fourth Amendment claims arising from immigration enforcement near the U.S.-Canada border.
Robert Boule is a U.S. citizen who owns and runs the Smugglers Inn, a bed-and-breakfast abutting the Canadian border in Blaine, Washington. The town is a reputed locus of cross-border criminal activity, and the Smugglers Inn purportedly attracts drug traffickers and people seeking to illegally cross the border.
Blaine, Washington (Arkyan via Wikipedia)
In 2014, Erik Egbert, a Customs and Border Patrol agent, approached Boule in town and asked about guests at his inn. Boule told Egbert of a guest who had flown from Turkey to New York the previous day and was flying to Washington and driving to the inn. Later that day, Egbert followed the vehicle transporting the guest onto the inns driveway and tried to speak with him. Boule sought to intervene and asked Egbert to leave his property. Egbert twice shoved Boule out of his way, pushing him to the ground. After confirming that the guest was lawfully in the country, Egbert and two other agents (who had been called to the scene when Boule confronted Egbert) left. Boule complained to Egberts superiors, after which Egbert allegedly contacted the Internal Revenue Service and state agencies, resulting in a tax audit and investigations of Boules activities.
Boule filed a Bivens lawsuit in federal district court, alleging that Egbert retaliated against him for complaining about Egberts behavior in violation of the First Amendment and used excessive force in violation of the Fourth Amendment. The district court granted summary judgment in favor of Egbert. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit reversed, and the Supreme Court granted review.
Subsequent to the events giving rise to this case, Boule pleaded guilty to aiding and abetting violations of Canadian immigration law over human smuggling and was sentenced to time served.
The judicially created Bivens cause of action functions as the counterpart to 42 U.S.C. 1983, allowing suits for damages against federal officers for past constitutional violations. The Supreme Court has allowed three Bivens claims to proceed a Fourth Amendment claim against law enforcement, a Fifth Amendment due-process employment-discrimination claim, and an Eighth Amendment claim involving medical care in prison. But the court has described Bivens actions as disfavored judicial activity, rejecting recent claims in Ziglar v. Abbasi against high-level executive officials enacting post-9/11 national-security policy and in Hernandez v. Mesa against a Border Patrol agent over a cross-border shooting of a Mexican national.
Recent cases establish a two-step inquiry. First, the court asks whether the case involves an extension of Bivens into a new context that is different in a meaningful way from previous Bivens cases decided by this Court, even if that extension is modest. If the case extends Bivens into a new context, the court considers special factors that counsel hesitation about granting the extension. Central to this analysis is the presumption that Congress, not the courts, should decide whether a cause of action should be available against federal officers or on a set of facts.
Egbert begins by urging the court to categorically reject future extensions of Bivens. While the court has not closed the door to extensions, he argues that judicially created causes of action are relics of a discredited view of federal courts authority, reflected in the Supreme Courts refusal to recognize a new Bivens claim in 10 cases over 40 years. Egbert argues that courts should hesitate before granting a Bivens extension because every extension threatens the separation of powers by usurping congressional power to create private causes of action, to evaluate the far-reaching policy involved in allowing people to sue for money damages, and to make policy judgments about how best to hold federal officers accountable for constitutional misconduct. He argues that extending Bivens in this or any new context breathe[s] new life into doctrines this Court has extinguished.
If Bivens extensions remain permissible, Egbert argues that both claims in this case entail extensions into new contexts, and special factors counsel hesitation, compelling the court to reject both.
As for the First Amendment retaliation claim, the context is new because the court has never recognized a First Amendment Bivens claim, particularly not in the context of retaliation by Border Patrol agents along an international border. A host of special factors counsel hesitation. Egbert argues that retaliation claims (in which lawful action becomes unlawful if done for the wrong reason) are nebulous and amorphous, producing difficult and complex litigation. Claims against Border Patrol agents working near the border raise national-security and immigration-enforcement concerns, different from claims against other federal agents. And a plaintiff in Boules position has alternative remedies, including claims under the Privacy Act, proceedings through the IRS and federal tax code, state tort law, and federal administrative investigations. These remedies reflect congressional consideration of the best way to deter constitutional violations by federal officers, and none involves a claim for damages based on retaliation for speech.
Fourth Amendment claims are available, as Bivens itself involved a Fourth Amendment violation for unlawful search and excessive force. But Egbert argues that the context of this case involves a new class of defendants (Border Patrol agents), a new location (an area along the border), and a new enforcement scheme (the application of immigration laws to foreign nationals). Similar special factors counsel hesitation, particularly the national-security concerns arising from claims challenging enforcement of immigration laws. And Congress provided for alternative remedies, including a claim against the United States under the Federal Tort Claims Act (which Boule began but did not pursue) and complaints to the Department of Homeland Security triggering employment sanctions for the misconduct.
The United States appears as amicus and has been given argument time. Unlike Egbert, the government does not argue that courts cannot extend Bivens. But it insists that extensions are unwarranted in this case.
Like Egbert, the government emphasizes that the Court has never recognized a First Amendment Bivens claim and that this Fourth Amendment claim is meaningfully different in several respects from the claim recognized in Bivens. Egbert is a Border Patrol agent and was investigating a foreign national who might have been involved in cross-border smuggling or immigration violations. It occurred steps away from an international border in an area known for illegal smuggling of persons, drugs, and money. The government insists these facts implicate an element of national security absent in Bivens.
The government identifies a similar list of special factors counseling hesitation and compelling the court to leave to Congress the choice to create a cause of action. It highlights past failure to extend Bivens to First Amendment claims, then emphasizes the special concerns for extending to retaliation claims against law enforcement. And it identifies a series of available alternative remedies for Egberts alleged misconduct: complaints through the IRS for false reporting of tax issues, a claim under the Privacy Act for disclosure of private information, state tort claims, administrative claims through the Customs and Border Patrol, and departmental disciplinary proceedings.
Boule filed his brief under seal with the courts permission, leaving a redacted brief publicly available.
Boule emphasizes that Bivens is not dead or long-buried, extinguished, or demolished, contrary to Egberts arguments. Egberts cert petition asked the court to reconsider Bivens, but the court declined to review that issue. And Boule argues that Abbasi did not reject Bivens as a relic or retreat from all applications of Bivens. Rather, Abbasi left room for cases that are the same or trivially different from the courts prior cases.
Boule argues that is this case. The Fourth Amendment claim involves an unlawful search and seizure by a federal officer on private property, materially indistinguishable from Bivens. And this lawsuit challenges conduct by a ground-level official on U.S. soil against a U.S. citizen at his dwelling. Boule argues that this case does not involve national-security policy or the actions of an officer stationed on the border trying to prevent unlawful entry into the United States. Boule also argues that he has no alternative remedies, as the Federal Tort Claims Act does not replace Bivens and administrative procedures do not provide substantive remedies.
Without holding so, Boule argues, several cases have assumed that First Amendment claims, including First Amendment retaliation claims, are cognizable under Bivens. And the court has established that the First Amendment prohibits government officials from retaliating against persons for speaking out about government misconduct. As with the Fourth Amendment claim, this claim does not implicate separation of powers; it involves ground-level, non-policymaking conduct by an individual officer. Moreover, Egberts alleged retaliation has no nexus to the conduct of agents at the border. Rather, Boules claim involves conduct away from the border, following completion of the initial encounter, when Egbert contacted numerous agencies to investigate Boule. Boule argues that this is not the typical complicated retaliation claim in which a search, arrest, or prosecution may have been retaliatory or may have been independently justified, requiring a court to parse the officers state of mind and the line between lawful and unlawful conduct. Instead, his is a straightforward retaliation claim, in which the causal connection between Egberts animus and Boules injury is obvious and not bound in complex inquiries into causation or probable cause.
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Border agents, the First Amendment, and the continued vitality of Bivens - SCOTUSblog
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New Zealand’s Ardern faces down frustration over pandemic curbs – Reuters.com
Posted: at 4:44 pm
WELLINGTON, March 3 (Reuters) - New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern sought to cool simmering resentment over the slow unlocking of the country's pandemic restrictions on Thursday, a day after police cleared a weeks-long Canada-style protest outside parliament.
Police in riot gear battled protesters late into the night on Wednesday, finally bringing an end to the occupation which, despite acts of violence and extremist elements, helped rally some support for its calls to end pandemic restrictions. read more
In a special session of parliament to discuss the protest, the most violent in decades in the normally peaceful city, Ardern promised things would change, but gave no timeframe for easing curbs.
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"Our people are coming home. Soon, tourists will return. Vaccine passes, mandates, restrictions they will all change. There is reason to feel hopeful," she said.
A one-time poster child for tackling the coronavirus, New Zealand's swift response to the pandemic and its geographic isolation kept the country largely COVID-19 free until the end of last year, winning Ardern strong support. Total deaths stand at just 56.
However, anger over vaccine mandates for people working in sectors such as health and education and strict border closures have put pressure on the government to now soften its stance in line with much of the rest of the world.
"Ardern has to weave a path between acknowledging some of the government's mistakes without appearing like the protesters had a point," said Andrew Hughes from the Research School of Management at Australian National University.
"She can't be seen condoning their behaviour but she also can't be seen as tone deaf."
A Horizon Research snap poll released on Feb. 18 found 30% of those polled supported the protests and about the same percentage was opposed to Ardern's vaccine mandate policy.
Some local businesses helped fund the encampment and well known figures such as Olympic yachtsman Russell Coutts, Winston Peters, a former deputy prime minister under Ardern, and former prime minister Jim Bolger urged dialogue.
"I'm not anti-vaccine (I'm vaccinated) but I'm definitely against forced vaccinations," Coutts said in a Facebook post two weeks ago.
Ardern refused to meet the protesters, who she said had resorted to violence and bullying.
OMICRON SHIFT
The country of 5 million has a high COVID vaccination rate, with more than 95% of the eligible population double vaccinated. More than 70% of people have had a booster dose.
COVID-19 cases were restricted to fewer than 15,000 in total by end-2021 through a strict elimination approach, but the arrival of the Omicron variant has seen cases top 20,000 a day, reaching a cumulative total of nearly 150,000 on Thursday.
The government says restrictions that have frayed the public's patience are set to stay in place until at least mid-March, when the Omicron surge is expected to peak.
The saga has dented Ardern's popularity since she won a second term in a landslide election victory in 2020.
Her support fell to 35%, its lowest level since she became prime minister in 2017, according to a 1News Kantar Public poll at the end of January. However, Ardern remains preferred prime minister and her centre-left coalition government is still on course to win the next election in late 2023.
The government has made some changes to its tough stand on borders that prevented many Kiwis from returning home due to a compulsory stay in limited quarantine facilities. read more
But the border remains closed to foreigners, unlike in neighbouring Australia which relaxed curbs this month.
Ardern said last week that her cabinet may bring forward the entry of foreign tourists from the current proposed date of October, but again gave no timeframe.
"Unquestionably Ardern's elimination strategy was a massive success and saved lots of lives," said Martin Newell, a spokesman for Grounded Kiwis, representing overseas New Zealanders.
"But with Omicron the government just seems to have been mentally unprepared for a shift in its approach."
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Reporting by Praveen Menon; editing by Richard Pullin
Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles.
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Mike Munro: All finished for Ardern? Don’t you believe it – New Zealand Herald
Posted: at 4:44 pm
Jacinda Ardern visits a West Auckland drinks factory last month. Come election year, more voters could be smiling, too. Photo / Dean Purcell
OPINION:
The parliamentary term has run barely half its course, yet some of the Ardern Government's detractors are already speculating that it is doomed.
Not so fast, naysayers.
A year and a half can be an aeon in politics.
It is reckless to write off a Government amidst a bout of mid-term turbulence and a slump in its popularity.
In 2004, Helen Clark's Labour-led Government endured a gnarly second term as Mori anger over the foreshore and seabed issue escalated. Then with the Don Brash-led National Party on the charge over "race-based political correctness", welfare dependency and law and order tensions, Labour fell up to 10 points behind in the polls. For five months, in fact, National maintained a lead.
Yet Clark was able to rally her troops, reclaim the narrative and, aided by Brash's fumbling ineptitude, surge back to win the next election, thus securing a third term.
These are unequivocally difficult days for Jacinda Ardern's Government. The pandemic and its consequences have been tiring for everyone, especially ministers charged with making the big and critical decisions on protecting lives and livelihoods.
It certainly has been tiring for the populace. Sir Geoffrey Palmer noted in a newspaper column last week that after two years of having their freedoms restricted restrictions greater than any outside wartime "people are sick of it". Business failures, chronic labour shortages and cost-of-living increases are adding to a feeling of malaise.
Unsurprisingly, the polls have tightened and National can be expected to pull ahead of Labour in the near future even though Wednesday's police operation to disperse the deranged mob who defiled the parliamentary precinct in the name of anti-mandate protest action might yet play favourably for the Government.
4 Mar, 2022 04:00 PMQuick Read
A dip in popularity as a consequence of general pandemic-related disquiet, coupled with a range of economic headaches, need not be a terminal condition for the Government.
This is because March could be our worst month for Covid-19. Omicron cases are expected to hit a peak in the next three or four weeks. Beyond the autumn there is the prospect of better times ahead.
Of course, the possibility remains that a new variant, causing severe disease, emerges and displaces Omicron, which would necessitate more restrictions in the future. That is the big unknowable.
But in announcing this week that self-isolation requirements are being lifted, and that the end is nigh for the divisive MIQ system, the PM will have lifted the mood of many affected by border bottlenecks. Ardern has herself acknowledged that the anguish of MIQ has been real for families and their loved ones.
Presupposing that the pandemic begins to abate in the second half of 2022, the Government will go into the election year basking in the distinction of a job well done: one of the most vaccinated countries in the world, and public health measures that have worked, as evidenced by the lowest death rate from Covid-19 in the OECD.
Overall, the Government's response to the pandemic has reflected the country's inherent anxiety about the virus.
The latest Ipsos Issues Monitor, drawing on fieldwork conducted in mid-February, found that about 75per cent of respondents believed the restrictions were about right, or could have been tighter.
And nearly half (47per cent) of those surveyed by Ipsos wanted the border kept closed, with nobody allowed in or out of the country until Covid-19 was contained.
So the Government's cautious approach has been well aligned with public sentiment. That will not be forgotten by voters come election time.
There has clearly been an economic price to pay for Covid-19, as closures and labour shortages have illustrated, though macro indicators are heading in the right direction.
Tax revenue fuelled by strong GST returns is above forecast and debt levels remain well below economies with which we compare ourselves, so much so that the markets barely flutter.
The deficit remains lower than expected, despite Grant Robertson dishing out $23 billion in wage subsidies and resurgence payments to businesses over the past two years. The country is still expected to return to surplus in 2023/24, three years earlier than forecast in the May 2021 Budget.
But it is clear that economists and the populace are in two different places. In the focus groups people tend to use the likes of their hairdresser or local caf as an indicator of economic health, and so the narrative that has emerged is one of flatness and failures.
They commonly lose sight of the bigger picture namely the resilience of the New Zealand economy as reflected by the Crown's financial accounts and a buoyant export sector. This mindset can be expected to change as border restrictions are lifted and international tourists begin to arrive.
Inflation, pushed along by rising oil prices and supply chain constraints beyond New Zealand's control, had been expected to begin easing from the third quarter of 2022, but with Russia waging war in Ukraine, those hopes might've been dashed for now.
If cost-of-living pressures are weakening as election year begins, and consumer behaviour changes quickly, the Government stands to have the benefit of tailwinds in the run-up to the election.
Imagine for a moment that 2023 sees inflation cooling, farmgate milk prices still at giddy heights, overseas tourists beginning to return, Kiwi exporters cashing in on the UK Free Trade Agreement, FTA talks in Brussels striking paydirt and house prices stabilising.
Under that scenario it would be an intrepid punter who bets against the Government's re-election.
- Mike Munro is a former chief of staff for Jacinda Ardern and was chief press secretary for Helen Clark.
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Ardern’s response to Ukraine invasion is too cautious – Newsroom
Posted: at 4:44 pm
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New Zealand now finds itself standing virtually alone among western countries in having applied few meaningful economic sanctions against Russia.
New Zealands initial response to Russias invasion of Ukraine has been remarkably nuanced.
In Parliament this week, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern againcondemnedVladimir Putins attack, describing it as the blatant act of a bully brutal, intolerable, and an act of aggression.
Other party leaders largely echoed the Labour leader with the National Partys Christopher Luxon describing Putin as completely unhinged.
The strong language and condemnation may suggest that New Zealands position is indistinguishable from that of other western countries.
However, New Zealand now finds itself standing virtually alone among western countries in having applied few meaningful economic sanctions against Russia.
This week, evenJapanandSingaporefell into line with EU, UK and US-led moves to make Russians pay a heavy economic price for Putins brutal war. Both countries had been traditional hold-outs on sanctions.
But instead of immediately reintroducing a ready-to-go autonomous sanctions bill from National that Labour had previously blocked, this week Ardern said the Government was working on a bespokeRussian sanctions bill.
For Ardern, this is a typically pragmatic solution, with advice to be sought and details to be worked out in good time.
But the problem for the Government is that, globally, nuance has largely been thrown out of the window in the wests response to Russias brutal assault against its neighbour.
Shocking images of Russias bombing and destruction of Kyiv, Kharkiv and other Ukrainian cities alongside the massive influx of refugees into Poland and other EU countries have galvanised the worlds response to Ukraine in a way few would have thought possible, even just a few short weeks ago.
Rather than Arderns cautious approach, rapid decision-making and retribution are now very much the order of the day.
Across the west, countries are rushing to supply Ukraine with weapons to defend itself. From New Zealands part of the world, Australias contribution of$70 million in armsis notable.
But Germanys overnighttransformationof its foreign policy is perhaps even more instructive. In response to the invasion, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz not only scrapped the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline between Germany and Russia itself a hugely significant and symbolic shift but is also reversing Germanys long-held ban on sending arms into foreign conflicts. Berlin will now supply Kyiv with a wide range of weapons.
Scholz is also pledging an enormous new, one-off war-chest of 100 billion (NZ$163 billion) and is committing to lifting its military budget to a minimum of 2% of GDP a huge increase on the countrys current spending level of roughly 1.5%.
After a steadydeclinefrom 3% of GDP in 1980 to a low-point of about 1.1% in 2015, New Zealands own military spending has been increasing rapidly ever since.
It currently hovers around the same 1.5% level that Germany had until Scholzs new commitment.
Could New Zealand follow Germanys lead and seek to increase its military budget even further?
Both the recently releasedIndo-Pacific Strategyof the US and New Zealands new, hawkishdefence assessmentsuggest that it may.
The two new blueprints openly identify China as a threat.
Russias sudden invasion of Ukraine may well be harnessed to emphasise the risk of geopolitical instability in Asia and the perceived need to counter this with military deterrence.
If Russias invasion of Ukraine heralds the start of a new militarisation of the world, Labours decisionlast yearto spend another $20 billion on defence could be just the beginning.
During the early Cold War period, US President Dwight Eisenhowers Cross of Ironspeechin 1953 warned of the trade-offs that higher military spending brings: Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired signifies, in the final sense, a theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those who are cold and are not clothed.
In other words, the peace dividend of the post-Cold War era is now gone as geopolitical analyst Ian Bremmerpoints out.
By arming Ukraine and imposing massive economic sanctions on Russia, the west hopes that Vladimir Putin will reconsider his actions and stop the war.
Alternatively, some hope that Putin could be rolled in apalace coupthat brings a more benevolent leader to power.
But there are far less palatable endings as well.
If Russias economy collapses, it may bring about a repeat of Russias turmoil of the 1990s the ultimate outcome of which was Putins own rise to power.
Another worst-case scenario could be a war inside Russia itself.
The Russian Civil War from 1917 to 1922 still holds the Guinness World Record for being the worldscostliest civil war, with some 10 million soldiers and civilians dying from fighting, starvation and illness.
It is also worth recalling the more recent, sobering experience of the Arab Spring.
Revolutions across the Middle East in 2011 ultimately resulted in long-running, bloody civil wars in Libya, Syria and Yemen and powerful new strongmen in Egypt and Tunisia who tolerate little in the way of dissent.
As always, it is a case of being careful what you wish for.
Away from sanctions and military spending, New Zealand has some other useful options that it could tap into as a small democracy.
Using the tools of multilateralism has been one pathway.
Foreign affairs minister Nanaia MahutacondemnedRussias actions at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva as a clear act of aggression, a blatant breach of Ukraines sovereignty.
New Zealand was also one of more than 90 countries to co-sponsor a UN General Assemblyresolutioncondemning Russias military offensive, which passed with support from 141 of 193 member states.
Moscows current disregard for diplomacy makes an intermediary role for New Zealand seem less likely in the short term, although Putins belligerence has not stoppedIsrael,Franceand evenChinafrom trying to keep dialogue alive this week.
Another area on which New Zealand could focus is the nuclear threat.
Vladimir Putin announced on Sunday that he had placed Russias nuclear forces onhigh alert.
The implicit nuclear threat also underpins therefusalby Nato and its allies to enforce the no-fly zoneover Ukraine that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has called for.
Jacinda Ardern made no mention of the nuclear dimension in her speech to Parliament this week.
This is perhaps surprising, given that Labours adoption of a nuclear-free policy in 1984 became such a cornerstone of New Zealands identity and outlook.
Ardern declaredthat climate change was my generations nuclear-free moment during Labours 2017 election campaign.
Behind the scenes, however, this week New Zealand did sign up to ajoint statementfrom 13 countries at the UN mainly from Latin America that expressed grave concern and rejection of Putins threats.
Phil Twyford, New Zealands disarmament minister, also expressed similar sentiments in aspeechto the UN Conference on Disarmament.
Twyford called Putins nuclear threats an irresponsible and destabilising act that could bring catastrophic consequences for humanity.
In just one week, Russias invasion of Ukraine has already changed geopolitical calculations around the world.
Putin has certainly given New Zealand a lot to think about.
And this is just the start.
Geoffrey Miller is the Democracy Projects international analyst and writes on current New Zealand foreign policy and related geopolitical issues. He has lived in Germany and the Middle East and is a learner of Arabic and Russian.
This article can be republished under a Creative CommonsCC BY-ND 4.0license. Attributions should include a link to the Democracy Project.
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Jacinda Ardern reveals she forgot anniversary with Clarke Gayford on air with Jono and Ben – New Zealand Herald
Posted: at 4:43 pm
Lifestyle
1 Mar, 2022 07:15 PM2 minutes to read
Jacinda Ardern reveals she forgot her and Clarke Gayford's anniversary. Video / The Hits
We've all forgotten important dates before - and Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern is no exception.
The PM has quite the to-do list each day, and sometimes important things get left off the list, she revealed on The Hits Breakfast this morning to hosts Jono Pryor and Ben Boyce.
The hosts asked her if, with everything she has to remember, she occasionally forgets things - and admitted she recently forgot a very important date.
"I forgot our anniversary," she said on air this morning.
"I did ... Clarke sent me a message just as I was going into a Cabinet committee."
"I just had to own it. There was no wriggling out of it, there was no backup, it was all on me."
It's not the first time the PM's busy schedule has had an impact on her personal life.
When the Omicron outbreak first hit this year, she was forced to postpone her wedding, which was rumoured to be taking place in late January in Gisborne.
Ardern called off her wedding to partner Clarke Gayford as the country prepared to move to the red traffic light setting on January 23.
"When it comes to events, whether it's a birthday or a wedding or any kind of event of that nature, gathering limits of 100 do come in with the red light setting at 11.59pm tonight," Ardern said.
"As for mine, my wedding won't be going ahead but I just join many other New Zealanders who have had an experience like that as a result of the pandemic. And to anyone caught up in that scenario, I am so sorry, but we are all so resilient and I know we understand we are doing this for one another and it will help us carry on."
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Federal designation goes to millions of Southern Indiana acres – Evening News and Tribune
Posted: at 4:42 pm
SOUTHERN INDIANA It's a title that Southern Indiana shares with only nine other regions nationwide.
Earlier this year more the 3.5 million acres near military installations Naval Support Activity Crane, Lake Glendora Test Facility, Atterbury Muscatatuck Training Center and the Indiana Air Range Complex earned the Sentinel Landscape designation.
This means the lands around these locations, often used as buffers between the facilities and civilian life, will be protected.
The Conservation Law Center at the Indiana University Maurer School of Law in Bloomington will help to manage this designation.
It took about six months to work on the application for these lands, saidAndrea Lutz, Conservation Law Center Director of Advancement.
"It's an interesting thing to have the Department of Defense partnered in conservation," Lutz said. "The military manages so much land in our country, they're a big part of conservation people don't think about."
The Department of Defense, U.S. Department of Agriculture and the Department of the Interior are all part of the project. In addition to Indiana, officials chose lands in Florida and Texas to be part of the program.
"(We were) putting together the application, pulling together a plan and showing the federal Department of Defense, 'Listen we are serious about conservation and we are serious about your mission as well,'" she said. "We can work together to make this a really impactful thing for the state."
The Conservation Law Center is part of IU Bloomington, and Lutz said it's a pro bono law firm that helps conservation organizations statewide.
"Like a land trust in Indiana (for example)," she said. "As a non-profit it's expensive, so we supply that legal advice and support free of charge."
The CLC is interested in making sure land can be conserved across Indiana and often, she said, it's only conserved in pieces and parcels, like a park or nature preserve. The Sentinel Landscape connects these kinds of areas.
This designation will allow the maintenance of healthy forests and saving of habitats for wildlife. Two of those animals are the endangered Indiana bat and threatened northern long-eared bat. Partners will also work on protecting local rivers and watersheds.
Lutz said a major goal of this project is also to support agricultural land in Indiana. The group is still working on the ins-and-outs of the designation.
"This is not something where we are looking to change how people use land without their buy-in or without their interest," she said.
Ideas about conservation have changed since the law center opened in 2005.
"I think back in the day, 40 years ago, people thought conservation was more liberal," she said. "They wanted to put kind of a political stamp on it. We are not a political organization whatsoever. We are looking to have cleaner water, more conservation and to save endangered species."
Conservation Law Center Executive Director Christian Freitag said in news release that this is one of the biggest conservation projects of all time in Indiana.
"This is a tremendous opportunity for farmers, forest owners and other private landowners to gain even greater access to existing federal land management programs," he said.
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