Monthly Archives: March 2022

Baden Hicks battled drug addiction for 20 years, during which he says he survived 18 overdoses, five by the skin of his teeth.

He has experienced homelessness, been in and out of psychiatric wards and jail. But the 36-year-old wants to be known as more than just a drug addict.

Im a father, Im a brother, Im a son, Im a grandson, Im an uncle. Through my functional addict years, I got a boilermaker apprenticeship, I went to night school and did further studies in that. I worked in the dive industry for eight years. Im a scuba diver and a spear fisher, he tells Guardian Australia.

People dont choose to become drug addicts. Theres a reason why people generally use drugs. For me, I used drugs to deal with a lot of pain in my life, which really felt unbearable.

Having graduated from marijuana to cocaine, heroin, speed and ice, Hicks credits lawyer Michelle Goldberg from First Step with saving his life after she represented him in a case, introduced him to a mental health worker and helped him get a place in the services ResetLife program.

He has now been in recovery for 15 months and has completed a certificate IV in alcohol and other drugs, is volunteering at First Step and working in peer support at Turning Point, an addiction research and education centre in Richmond, Melbourne.

He has also spent time at Victorias parliament in recent weeks to garner support for a bill put forward by Reason party MP Fiona Patten to decriminalise drugs.

Under Pattens bill, to be debated on Wednesday, police would issue a compulsory notice and referral to drug education or treatment to people believed to have used or possessed a drug of dependence.

If they comply, there would be no finding of guilt and no recorded criminal outcome.

Patten has described the war on drugs as one of the most disastrous public policy failures in modern history, which has destroyed lives, wasted money and created a black market that has enriched organised criminals.

What were doing hasnt reduced arrests, it hasnt reduced harm. It hasnt reduced use, she tells Guardian Australia.

Decriminalisation is supported by the United Nations and the World Health Organization and in Australia by the Australian Medical Association, the Royal Australian College of General Practitioners and the Royal Australian College of Physicians, as well as several key drug and alcohol bodies.

But getting politicians to buy in is another matter entirely. Both the Andrews government and the opposition have ruled out supporting Pattens bill.

We know the harmful impact illicit drug use can have on the community thats why Victoria police is constantly focused on targeting drug dealers and manufacturers to break up their criminal activity, a government spokesperson says.

Thats despite costings by the Parliamentary Budget Office that found Pattens proposal would save the state $33m between 2021/22 and 2024/25 and more in following years, thanks to a reduction in drug enforcement activity by courts and prisons, although this would be partially offset by a decrease in revenue of $1.3m due to a reduction in fines.

Patten describes her model as a streamlined version of whats in place in Portugal, which saw drops in problematic drug use, HIV and hepatitis infection rates, overdose deaths, drug-related crime and incarceration rates when it became the first country to decriminalise the possession and consumption of all illicit substances in 2001.

Victoria isnt the first Australian jurisdiction to debate decriminalisation. Possession of cannabis has been decriminalised in Australian Capital Territory, South Australia and Northern Territory for decades.

Theres also a private members bill before the ACT parliament that, if passed, would allow people found with a personal supply of drugs to pay a small fine rather than face criminal charges.

In New South Wales, a plan to introduce a three chance warning system for people found with small quantities of drugs was put to cabinet in December 2020 but opposed by several ministers including deputy premier John Barilaro and police minister David Elliott.

Patrick Lawrence, CEO of First Step, says in his 20 years working in the sector he has never met someone dealing with addiction who hasnt suffered trauma.

The greatest impact of our current drug laws is felt not by the recreational drug user but people who have survived childhood poverty, sexual abuse, homelessness and the absence of love and bonding, he says.

According to the Victoria Police Drug Strategy 2020/2025, police are focused on targeting drug dealers and manufacturers to break up their criminal activity and connecting those suffering addiction with treatment and support services.

The strategy states drug problems are first and foremost health issues and urges officers to show empathy: Drug users could be our children, members of our family, our friends or people who have lost their way. When we see the human, we will see the way forward.

Greg Denham was part of Victoria police in the mid-1990s when a drug policy expert committee set up by then-premier Jeff Kennett recommended the adoption of a harm-minimisation approach.

The committee, headed by academic David Penington, also called for the use and possession of small amounts of cannabis no longer to be an offence, while heroin and other drugs to remain illegal, but with the use of cautions and referral to drug treatment centres for the first offence.

Diversions were introduced and were being used in 80% of circumstances, Denham says.

At the time police were advised that they should use it as often as they can, that a person can get more than one drug diversion. But a lot of police started to say Well, why should we give them a second chance? Why should we give them a slap on the wrist so many times? he says, noting diversions are currently being used in 20% of circumstances.

We need policies that are actually enshrined in law rather than just words that can be easily ignored and disregarded.

Denham says the state has slipped backwards when it comes to drug policy reform and blames politicians.

Its almost become a taboo topic. Theyre so concerned their words may be misconstrued or they may be the next headline in the tabloid press, Denham says.

The Police Association secretary Wayne Gatt, however, maintains Pattens bill is not needed, given officers have been issuing cautions and diverting people into treatment programs for many years.

To be quite honest the settings at the moment are quite balanced. Its simply a fallacy to suggest that low-level drug users are all going to jail, he told reporters last month.

Patten, who has successfully led campaigns on other social reforms, including the Richmond supervised injecting room, the enactment of the nations first assisted dying laws and most recently, the decriminalisation of sex work, concedes her bill wont pass without the support of one of the major parties.

But she is hopeful for a commitment to progress, potentially through a trial, which wouldnt require legislation.

On Hickss right arm is a tattoo of a moral compass. Instead of coordinates, he is guided by morality, wisdom, humility and courage. He hopes politicians will take the same approach.

I hear politicians say they want to focus on mental health and physical health issues. My mental health issues and physical issues have been caused by addiction. You treat addiction and then youre going to be treating mental illness, he says.

You treat addiction, you change peoples lives.

Crisis support service Lifeline is 13 11 14.

The National Alcohol and Other Drug hotline is at 1800 250 015; families and friends can seek help at Family Drug Support Australia at 1300 368 186.

The Opioid Treatment Line is at 1800 642 428 or call the National Alcohol and Other Drug hotline on 1800 250 015.

Originally posted here:

'People don't choose to become addicts': the push to end Victoria's war on drugs - The Guardian

Toekies residents expressed their disappointment in governments failure to help rid the streets of drugs and other issues in the area.

Executive Mayor of the West Rand District Municipality (WRDM) Hullet Hild; MMC for Health and Social Development, Una Dickson; and Brigadier Mashole Jacob Manamela, the Randfontein Police station commander were among the panellists during the meeting spearheaded by Gauteng MEC for Community of Safety, Faith Mazibuko.

Also read: No woman gives birth to an addict and no father raises a gangster MEC to Toekies community

The venue of the meeting on Wednesday March 2 was the Emmanuel New Life Centre.

Residents took to the floor and spoke out about the many recreational facilities in Toekomsrus that had been neglected and turned into white elephants, resulting in youngsters turning to drugs to pass the time.

They said such circumstances were a breeding ground for thugs and lawlessness, exacerbated by the increasing unemployment among the youth who have the potential to do much better.

Residents said police had failed them, adding that although drug dealers were arrested, theyd soon be seen roaming the streets freely and continuing to cause destruction among the youth of the area, many of whom were suffering irreversible effects of prolonged substance abuse.

They decried the fact that although there were facilities that could be used as a good distraction, they had been neglected and no one would be willing to give answers as to why theyve not been upgraded or revived to nurture those who have good potential to excel in sport.

When it comes to fighting crime, residents said theyre working in silos, and even though their common goal was to combat crime, a collective entity had to be establish to clean up the streets effectively.

Another participant said the issue of drugs in the area had become out of hand so much that there was a house in Toekomsrus where users were known to be queuing to get their fix in broad daylight.

The resident who cannot be named for her protection said she had since taken it upon herself to chase users away. The woman who is selling the drugs there is even swearing at me.

My son was one of the drug victims and hes not normal anymore, and I have to face that every day. If we dont act against drugs now there will no longer be a future for our children as these drugs are finishing our children, the woman said.

Conrad Moses was upset that resolving the matter had not been given the serious attention it warranted, saying whats happening in Toekomsrus was no laughing matter.

We dont know how many millions were spent on the stadium, but today it looks much worse. How are we going to prevent crime if our children dont play sport? Moses asked.

Another resident spoke about the lack of response from the police, saying the community was at the mercy of young children with unlicensed firearms who were desperate to make a quick buck, and were capable of doing anything for it.

Enrique Bhana of WAWA expressed his disappointed because the MEC was not even aware of WAWAs existence in the West Rand region doing its bit to help.

As a former professional soccer player, it pains me to see our facilities in such a state of decay. We cant even help kids who have the potential for sport because of whats going on. Years ago soccer legends came from here, but today we dont have proper facilities, Bhana said.

Desmond Lephale said he had lost many potential boxers to drugs.

Bruce Nimmerhoudt, MMC for Human Settlement in the Rand West City Local Municipality, spoke in his personal capacity and expressed his wish that the engagement with the MEC was not just another exercise of all talk and no action. I am asking for an open-door policy with communication thats going to be robust and not just happen once in a blue moon, or once every five years. We should have practical workshops to find practical solutions that will address and speak to the challenges of this community.

Nimmerhoudt went on to criticise Randfontein Police management based on the fact that their crime statistics had shown an increase, which he said was a clear indication that police had failed the community.

Views of those like Dalmain Hogans were welcomed as he suggested to the MEC to take those from rehab centres into recyclables centres, where funds could be raised to clean and revive public facilities, and promote agriculture to help impoverished families put food on the table.

In his response to some of the issue raised on crime, Brigadier Mashole Jacob Manamela, the Randfontein Police station commander said the police had noted every concern that was raised in the meeting.

We encourage people that when they intend to work with us, they should do so through the CPF.

We also have many complaints from parents who are being victimised by their children as they demanded their next fix and weve tried our best but we cant be a solution to every problem in the community. Parents must also take full responsibility for their own children, because if we as parents let children to do as they please, it is obvious theyre going to do the wrong things, Manamela said.

Manamela furthered responded that their high statistics reflected the fact that the police were attending to the issue, but also admitted that the war against drugs was far from over.

MEC Mazibuko who closed the meeting said the Gauteng Department of Community Safetys safety plan strategy is underway.

We will demand a report from those who have been assigned with this task, and if they underperform we will show them the door, MEC Mazibuko said.

The rest is here:

The war on drugs: Toekies residents take a strong stand - Randfontein Herald

Barely a month into his new job as president of the Philippines and Rodrigo Duterte was dressing down the worlds most powerful. In May 2016, when the Popes visit to the country created traffic jams in Manila, the president lambasted him as a son of a whore a once unthinkable feat in the worlds third most Catholic nation. Months later, when President Obama criticized the human toll of the Philippine Drug War, Duterte likewise called him a bastard and suggested he go to hell. The European Union didnt even stand a chance: its condemnation was met with the casual flash of two middle fingers. Dont fuck with us, the Philippine leader bristled as he threatened to eject 12 of the European ambassadors from the country.

Everyone, it seems, has incurred Dutertes wrath, including, and perhaps mostly vehemently, Filipino detractors. In 2017, the regime arrested Senator Leila DeLima, the chair of the Philippine Commission on Human Rights, who unearthed damning information about Dutertes Davao death squads. The journalist, and now Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Maria Ressa was also targeted, along with her news organization, Rappler, for reporting on the drug wars casualties and challenging police impunity.

Duterte quickly became known as the Trump of the East for his vulgar outbursts and authoritarian tendencies. Yet unlike Trump, Dutertes popularity seemed invincible. In fact, even as the pandemic squeezed Filipinos wallets and last breaths, the punisher of Southeast Asia enjoyed a 91 percent approval rating.

These apparent contradictions make up the heart of The Sovereign Trickster, a new book from University of Washington historian Vicente Rafael. In covering topics ranging from Dutertes obscene speeches that are greeted with laughter to the mass indifference of the Philippine public toward extrajudicial deaths, Rafaels essays lend analytical clarity to the chaotic politics of a democracy in retreat. As Dutertes term nears its end and the return of the Marcos family looms with the May elections, I talked with Rafael about the presidents legacy: his Teflon popularity, his regime of violence and fear, and the significance of his likely successor.

Patrick Peralta: First, I want to talk about the books title, The Sovereign Trickster. Tell me more about how you arrived at this name, and why you chose to frame President Duterte in this way.

Vicente Rafael

Vicente Rafael: Ive always been interested in the history of the present. In fact, you could say that everything Ive written about tries to think about history as something that speaks to certain moments that were living through. So this book on Duterte is part and parcel of that concern with thinking historically about the present.

Before COVID, I used to go to the Philippines, and of course you couldnt go there after 2016 without running into these questions of Duterte: who is he, why is he doing what hes doing, why is he so popular? And so I didnt set out to write a book about Duterte; at the time, I was writing shorter op-eds about him. I was very fascinated by his style, by his politics, and I was trying to situate him within the history of Philippine political thought. And out of the short pieces, what grew were the longer essays.

Another reason why I ended up writing about Duterte is because at the time I was teaching the work of the philosopher Michel Foucault, which I found to be very useful for situating the political aesthetic of Duterte: his style of rule, the way he governs, the overlapping and contradictory ways in which he tries to assert his sovereignty and power. Hence, the title of the book, The Sovereign Trickster, which encapsulates the paradoxical way in which Duterte seeks to govern the Philippines. On the one hand, he draws upon notions of sovereignty that are linked to fantasies of absolutist rule, but on the other hand, he twists sovereignty in such a way that he subverts his authority only in order to assert it. The latter is the style of a certain kind of tricksterism.

Peralta: Speaking of tricksterism, the second half of Dutertes sovereign trickster regime moves beyond coercion and focuses on the presidents use of humor to foster conviviality against his political enemies. Do you know of any other instances in history or world affairs in which humor is used for violent or authoritarian ends?

Rafael: Certainly the stuff philosopher Achille Mbembe talks about when he talks about African rulers, wherein a certain kind of conviviality is established between rulers and ruled by way of this display of vulgarity. He talks about the aesthetic of vulgarity as essential to the establishment of hegemony, wherein people consent to incivility by joking among each other. You can see that in the United States with Donald Trump, who can be very funny. He has a way of establishing himself as an entertainer figure. After all, he comes from the reality TV world, so theres a certain way hes able to project a kind of humor that is part of his charmwith his supporters. Bolsonaro, Im told, is the same. He also has a way of projecting a kind of humorous persona. Im not sure about Putin or Xi, maybe Modi. But I wouldnt be surprised if humor is one of the ways in which a certain kind of intimacy is established between rulers and ruled.

All of this goes into the formation of what I call the authoritarian imaginary. If youre going to determine the popularity of an authoritarian figure, you have to be able to ask what he imagines himself doing, and what his supporters imagine themselves doing when theyre in his presence. So theres a kind of mirroring relationship that circulates between rulers and ruled. One of the things people dont get about authoritarians is their weaponization of humor, which adds to their charm and disarms you, making it very difficult for you to dissent when youre confronted with it.

Peralta: In your chapter Dutertes Phallus: On the Aesthetics of Authoritarian Vulgarity, you write about how Duterte exercises the authoritarian phallus, or forms of obscenity that project his power and allow him to govern by fear. Among other tactics, he curses his critics, praises his own virility, boasts about his penis size, and fantasizes about rape. At the same time, as you argue, Duterte is able to create a sense of community among Filipinos who enjoy his vulgarity, laugh at his sexual innuendos, and continuously lend him enthusiastic public support. What does this embrace of vulgar authoritarianism say about our current politics and the electoral audiences that shape them? Has personality so subsumed policy?

Rafael: First of all, the vulgarity and the humor are crucial elements of Dutertes trickster persona. If you read the ethnographic literature on tricksterism, youll see that the trickster shares some characteristics with the authoritarian: the trickster is vulgar, hes funny, and he pulls all kinds of pranks, if you will, in order to win sexual conquests, accumulate money, defy authority, etc. So, its this phallic humor thats crucial to his trickster persona.

Second, these vulgar and sexist jokes are not something unusual with Duterte; its something you will see in a lot of local political gatherings. This is characteristic of so much of Filipino male culture; patriarchy in the Philippines precisely thrives on this kind of sexism and misogyny. Its the sort of thing you might encounter if youre sitting around the sari sari store (convenience store) drinking and joking and trying to one-up one another, which is what a lot of these gatherings are about. A lot of it is status competition. And Duterte certainly comes out of this provincial atmosphere, so the notion of humor as an attempt to both establish authority and status and form a sense of solidarity and conviviality is nothing new.

But what Duterte does, though, is elevate a practice usually kept within small circles to the national scale. And I think its precisely respectable middle class people who dont participate in these kinds of ritual one-upmanship who are shocked, but, in fact, the people in Dutertes audiences are laughing. So, one of the things Duterte does is he opens up, or makes visible, a certain kind of class cleavage.

Peralta: Like many people, Im really puzzled as to how Dutertes obscene challenges to morality are popular in the third most Catholic nation in the world. What explains this apparent contradiction?

Rafael: Again, Duterte makes visible something thats always been there, which is this tension between devout followers of the Church and its hierarchy and those who might be considered culturally Catholic, or simply raised as Catholic. I would submit to you that the great majority of Filipinos are cultural Catholics: they pray if they need something, they have these devotions to saints in order to seek protection and favors, and so forth.

The other thing is that theres enough resentment in the Philippines towards a kind of clerical order that tends to be very conservative, self-righteous, and asserts its authority to mold behavior to conduct conduct. Sometimes that resentment wells up, and I think Duterte is a figure that taps into that resentment.

Also, in the case of Duterte, his resentment of the Church is a very personal one. In one of the books chapters, Dutertes Phallus, I talk about how he was molested as a 14-year-old teenager by an American Jesuit priest, and I dont think hes ever gotten over that. Its a trauma that gnaws at him, which is why he constantly tells that story to people as a way of trying to come to grips with it. And when people hear it, they laugh, and I think they laugh because it wouldnt be surprising if many people in the audience were also molested. They share that dilemma, that trauma, with Duterte. So here, there is a political as well as a personal reason to be anti-Church.

Peralta: Your chapter Photography and the Biopolitics of Fear examines the unique role and work of photojournalists who document the Philippine Drug Wars indiscriminate and often nightly killings. What unique legacies do you think Dutertes drug war will leave?

Rafael: You can think of Philippine society as one that is constituted by all kinds of wars: counterinsurgent wars, revolutions, war on crime, war on terror. And so the war on drugs follows in the wake of, for example, anti-communist wars and wars against gangs. Theres also a brutal war against Muslims (in the Philippines, the Moros) and indigenous peoples (in the Philippines, the Lumads). So, I dont want to make it seem like the war on drugs is sui generis or brand new. Its not. It comes from this long history of warfare thats constitutive of Philippine society, which is why I talk about the war on drugs as much as a class war that victimizes the poor and, even more, as a civil war because of the lines drawn. It is not only rich people against poor people, but poor people against poor people. Many of the cops and vigilantes that kill these drug dealers and users are from the same class.

The second thing in terms of the legacy of this war against drugs is that it is characterized by, of course, the prevalence of extrajudicial killings. With Duterte, what you have is the amplification and intensification of extrajudicial killings. Again, extrajudicial killings have been par for the course for earlier administrations. But with Duterte, theres a certain kind of celebration of the hypervisibility of these killings. What I think is happening now, though, is that theyre becoming so commonplace to the point of being banal. And lets admit it: from 2016 to 2018, it was pretty nerve-wracking and traumatic, but after 2018, there were almost no more photographs and the reporting became very scattered. Its still happening, and all throughout the COVID pandemic, but people seem to have lost interest. This normalization is one of the legacies of Dutertes drug war. Vigilantism will continue long after Duterte is gone, especially if Duterte is not brought up on charges in the International Criminal Court (ICC), which I doubt he will be. People will try to put this behind us, but its still happening.

Peralta: For months, BongBong Marcos has been the frontrunner in the 2022 Philippine presidential race. There are multiple similarities between him and Duterte: Marcos Jr. is a dictators son; Duterte is a dictator; Marcos Jr. has deflected accusations of his familys ill-gotten wealth; Duterte has had his own corruption scandals. And both have armies of social media supporters. Yet the appeal of the two politicians appears different: Marcos Jr., like Marcos Sr., is composed, measured, and glamorous while Duterte is coarse, meandering, and modest. Despite their controversial backgrounds and stylistic differences, what is it about Marcos and Duterte that speaks so strongly to the Filipino electorate? Is Marcos also exercising the authoritarian phallus to win over voters?

Rafael: I dont think BongBong is exercising the phallus; Sara probably has a bigger dick than him, so to speak. But its very interesting, the current situation. Duterte has no love lost with BongBong; hes criticized BongBong and called him out as a drug user, which he is. Duterte has no respect for BongBong; he says the senator hasnt done anything for the country, that hes very lazy, a mommas boy. Also, if you look at the campaign, youll notice it has a long history. YouTube is the site of a lot of his campaign activity, which goes all the way back to 2012 when you could see them paving the way with revisionist histories of martial law, with very PR-type videos of their family, and so forth.

And, of course, theres the role of Cambridge Analytica, which has been hired by the Marcoses to do a lot of their social media work and trolling. So, its a very complex operation going on, and one of the ways to understand his popularity isnt because BongBong has personal charisma he has none but that his charisma has been completely manufactured through social media and Cambridge Analytica. Also, because the Marcoses have billions and billions of dollars of plunder, BongBong has been giving regular monthly pay-offs to local officials. Were not talking about one-time payments as the election approaches. This has been going on for a couple of years. Everyone from council members to barangay (village) captains to municipal mayors has been getting envelopes of support from the Marcoses. And when you have local officials supporting a particular candidate, its not hard to mobilize support from everybody else in the community because some of that money is often dispersed to those people.

So you have to understand BongBongs popularity as the result of a much longer history of campaigning and the presence of unlimited amounts of plundered cash. Its understandable. He doesnt like to debate, he doesnt want to be in the public eye. For him, the less said, the better. This makes him very different from Duterte. You could argue that Duterte came to power on the strength of his own charisma, whether or not you agree with him. BongBong has nothing to offer.

Peralta: To close, you emphasize that your book is diagnostic rather than prescriptive. In other words, you seek to explain Philippine political life under Duterte and how we arrived at this moment instead of recommending a solution or method to resist him. Yet with a President BongBong Marcos and a Vice President Sara Duterte on the horizon, do you think the Philippines can overcome the kind of crass and cruel politics Duterte unleashed?

Rafael: First of all, Duterte certainly nationalized and popularized that style of politics, but its not unique to him. Its quite common among local politicians. So will it change? Probably not because its so deeply rooted; its a certain kind of vernacular politics. In the books conclusion, I draw from a very rich ethnographic study of Bagong Silang a slum in Caloocan City, Manila and you can certainly project that outwards and see that political style happening in other places in the Philippines. And not just among poor communities, you can probably see that happening in more middle-class and wealthier communities.

So, theres a certain kind of post-colonial Philippine political culture that still relies on patron-client relations, fantasies of revenge in order to deliver justice, seeing rights in terms of the rights of the wealthy as opposed to the rights of the poor and disenfranchised.

And why does this happen? I think it occurs against the backdrop of prevailing inequality, of a very deep ambivalence towards democracy, where, on the one hand, you have a desire for more freedom, and on the other hand, a nervousness towards or rejection of democracy in favor of something like security. In the end, overcoming Dutertismo will require social revolution, and Filipinos have tried and failed many times, which is why the book ends on a pessimistic note.

Continue reading here:

Fear and Loathing in Duterte's Philippines: An Interview with Vicente Rafael - FPIF - Foreign Policy In Focus

Sarah Helm, executive director of the NZ Drug Foundation, is one of many New Zealand fans of the US teen drama Euphoria. So how does she feel about the way it depicts drug use?

Contains spoilers for the season two finale of Euphoria.

This week, fans of the US TV drama Euphoria, me included, were glued to our screens for the agonising finale of season two. Hearts in mouths, we watched as lovable good/bad-boy Fezco saw his brother Ashtray be shot repeatedly by a team of armed police, and messed-up bad/good-boy Nate was driven by his raging internalised homophobia to confront his newly out father Cal.

All of this drama left Rues statement about staying clean for the rest of the year as something of a sidebar, a surprising turn given that her addiction issues have been the main storyline of much of the show so far.

Zendayas portrayal of the attractive and magnetic Rue and arguably also Angus Cloud as Fezco, Dominic Fike as Elliot, and other characters have led to accusations that Euphoria glamorises drug use. The trouble with these takes is that they miss the point that art often reflects reality albeit, in Euphorias case, a distorted, hyper-real version. In the United States right now, thousands of Americans are dying each month due to an opioid epidemic that is spurred on by the inhumane and racist war on drugs, a poorly regulated pharmaceutical industry, a privatised health system, and more specifically, the drug fentanyl entering the black market. Powerful synthetic opioids like fentanyl, and its analogues, are causing alarming numbers of drug deaths in communities across North America and Europe.

And so in that context, it makes sense that a US TV show features a young lead character who forms an addiction to prescription pharmaceuticals and other illicitly acquired substances, and is then introduced to fentanyl. Still, this is drama, not documentary, and for all its attempts at verisimilitude, Euphoria cant stop itself romanticising drug use at times. For those who understand the pain inflicted by fentanyl, perhaps the most disturbing line in the entire series so far is the one uttered by Rue in season one: There is not a thing on planet Earth that compares tofentanyl, she says, except Jules. Its a good line but, to me, comparing the romantic and sexual allure of a characters girlfriend to the devastating harms of opioid addiction crosses the line into glamourising drug use.

New Zealand audiences experience Rues storyline in a very different way to those watching in the US. These are not our stories. Thankfully, we havent had a fentanyl crisis here although my colleagues and I live in fear of this possibility, as NZ is grossly under-prepared. Our support options here are very different to those portrayed in the series, including alcohol and other drug practitioners who work as part of school support teams.

One of my biggest issues with Euphorias depiction of drug use is the way it perpetuates some aspects of the failed war on drugs, using stigmatising language that New Zealanders are now used to hearing from American politicians and popular culture. While we empathise with Rue, we still hear that she is striving to be clean, implying that as a drug user she is dirty and that a pure body is the only acceptable state. In fact, many people who use treatment services chose to reduce their use of drugs rather than abstain forever. For some, this is an acceptable outcome and often results in drug harm being significantly reduced. For Rue, and some real-life drug users, abstinence is the only option. But this clean/dirty dichotomy, one of the many myths arising from the war on drugs, does not help anyone.

It is also worth noting that most people who use drugs do not experience addiction. In fact the UN estimates about 90% of people who use drugs do not experience serious harm.

So what does Euphoria get really right on drug use? For one, the stories of both Rue and Fezco demonstrate an important truth: that underpinning the more harmful aspects of drug use can be trauma, parental loss and unmet social and health needs. Meanwhile, we see other characters consume drugs and alcohol with a range of impacts from pure hedonistic pleasure, through to acute incidents and emergencies. The acute incidents are probably much more dramatic than most peoples real experiences, but even showing drug use without it automatically being linked to the myth of one hit and youre hooked is progress.

If youre a parent, should you be worried that your kids are watching Euphoria? To be honest, Id have some concerns fortunately, my own kids are too young to be interested. But our team at the Drug Foundation agree that the best solution isnt banning your kids from watching the show, but having honest, open and calm ongoing conversations with them about drug use. After all, they will encounter other portrayals of drug use in television, social media and film, and likely encounter it in the real world too. Help them build critical thinking skills about what they see on screen watch an episode with them, and ask them questions about what they saw, how that matches up with what they see in their real life, and what parts of the characters behaviour they do or dont like. One thing you should try to avoid is over-reacting, because then its clear you are not someone they can talk to about drug or alcohol use.

Find more information and support at thelevel.org.nz and drugfoundation.org.nz.

Read the rest here:

What Euphoria gets right and wrong about drugs and the problem with getting 'clean' - The Spinoff

We're honoring women this month!

I was raised by a single mom who instilled in me the idea that knowledge is cumulative like a tower of many stones stacked on top of each other and that there is something to be learned from every experience no matter how heavy it might be to carry. Today is International Womens Day, and March is Womens History Month. This year, Im creating space for voices from the cannabis and psychedelic diaspora to express appreciation for the women in our community, and to pay respect to those who are no longer with us but whose contributions live on whose stones are the ones we lay ours upon.

Sara Rotman

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Sara Rotman, CEO and Founder of Wellfounded Botanicals

Founded by farmer and former luxury brand builder Sara Rotman, after experiencing a life-threatening battle with Crohns disease, Wellfounded Botanicals is a new woman and Latinx-owned cannabis brand dedicated to promoting plant-based wellness.

The success of the Wellfounded brand and Busy Bees Organics cannabis farm in which we grow our products rests entirely on the shoulders of the women at Wellfounded. We dont hire or assign team members because of their gender, but it just so happens that weve found the best people in the business, and they happen to be women. They have taught me so much about grace, perseverance, and how to thrive in a world which can be unfavorable to women. Im particularly proud of my legal team, Susan Petrovich and Amy Steinfeld, as well as our Chief Compliance Officer Carmela Beck and our EVP, Director of Brand, Kimberly Brower. Im lucky to be surrounded by women who inspire and support me and the Wellfounded brand - they remind me to maintain my integrity and commitment, agnostic of my gender.

Steven Jung, Chief Operating Officer of PAX

Before joining leading cannabis brand PAX, Steven Jung served as President and Chief Operating Officer of Weedmaps, the leading tech company serving the cannabis

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Steven Jung

industry. Jung brings an extensive career in operations, and began his career in operations leadership as a Captain in the United States Army where he held both strategic and tactical roles.

"I'm inspired by Stephanie Shepard who, after being incarcerated for cannabis, is now helping others find freedom and reentry support through Last Prisoner Project. Our country's approach to drug policy has caused irreparable and disparate harm no one should be in prison because of this plant. I'm incredibly grateful to Stephanie, and others like her, who are sharing their stories and doing this mission critical work to address decades of injustice and create opportunities for people in cannabis."

TaJanna Mallory, CEO of CannAssistants

Founded by TaJanna Mallory, CannAssistants is a virtual assistant agency that provides administrative support to mid-size cannabis companies, founders, and

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TaJanna Mallory

business executives. At the core of her work, Mallory believes the foundation of every strong organization is a steady and seamless support staff that excels in daily operations and exceeds client expectations.

I've been fascinated by the resilience that I've seen among women, especially in the past two years. In the cannabis industry, there's always going to be a fight until prohibition ends. I've watched women in this industry like Amber Senter and Chaney Turner, continue the fight for the greater cannabis community while still running their own businesses. "Pivot" is a word that has been exhausted since the pandemic. More than a pivot, I've witnessed women find new and creative ways to crush their obstacles while continuing to fight for the things they are passionate about.

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Susie Plascencia

Susie Plascencia, Brand Partner at Humo

A Spanish word for smoke, humo is the unmistakable result of cannabis when ignited. Humo Brand Partner, entrepreneur and cannabis advocate Susie Plascencia leads the pioneering, Mexican American owned craft cannabis companys commitment to providing meaningful representation in an industry that has caused disproportionate harm to Latino communities. Plascencia is especially passionate about Latina representation in the cannabis industry.

Womens History Month is especially important in the cannabis industry because its a time to recognize and celebrate the many contributions of those who are often underrepresented in positions of professional leadership. As a woman led company, Humo is so proud to align with queer and Chicana led nonprofit, The Social Impact Center. We understand that repairing the harm caused to communities by the War on Drugs begins with meaningful action and by supporting their transformative programs and criminal record expungement clinics, we know were doing our part to foster a more equitable industry while supporting women in cannabis. Im also personally a supporter of the great work of Women Grow, Supernova Women and Latinas in Cannabis, a nationally recognized online community I founded after seeing a need for Latina representation and empowerment in cannabis.

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Jeffrey D. Welsh, Partner, Vicente Sederberg, LLP

Jeffrey Welsh

Jeffrey Welsh is a partner at Vicente Sederberg LLP where he focuses his practice on advising companies, brands, entertainment and media properties, other law firms, and investors on how to navigate the California cannabis marketplace.

I've been incredibly blessed to have many inspiring female mentors throughout the course of my life, starting with my Mom, who instilled work ethic, drive, and unconditional love into the fabric of my being. My team at Vicente Sederberg is comprised of many thought leaders who I work with on a daily basis, including Cassia Furman, Shawn Hauser, Sahar Ayinehsazian, Andrea Golan, and Emily Hackman, to name a few! Throughout the industry at large, I am incredibly thankful to be colleagues and friends with Zoe Wilder, a tireless advocate for the plant and a tremendous ambassador to our industry. I am so thankful for all of the incredible women in my life! Love you, Mom!

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Angela White

Angela White, Equity for Industry Program Manager at Success Centers

Success Centers Angela White focuses on developing sustainable career and entrepreneurial paths previously less accessible to communities impacted by inequality and the War on Drugs.

Its always an honor for me to acknowledge all of the super sisters in cannabis who volunteer their time and talents to the equity community, and have made this work possible for the Equity for Industry Program. Our mission is to empower marginalized community members through education, employment and art programs, so they may develop a positive self-image as well as a sense of hope and purpose for their future. Grateful to all of the women in the industry who have helped us with this important mission! Shout out to Jessica Strange, Marie Montmarquet, Tiffany McBride, Alisha Johnson, Jasmine Hall, Liz Gehl, Dale Sky Jones, Summer Jenkins, Julia Jacobson, Reese Benton, Cindy De La Vega, Nicole Howell Esq, Rhiannon Woo and Merril Gilbert, Suzy Jones, Jennifer Lujan, Christina DaPaci, Hannah Stitt, Esq, and Paige Penbrook Esq. There are many more of you that may not be on this list but you are all deeply respected and appreciated.

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Shelby Hartman, Co-Founder & CEO of DoubleBlind

Shelby Hartman

Journalist Shelby Hartman was meditating when she had a vision to start a magazine focused on psychedelics. A media company and education platform at the forefront of the rapidly growing psychedelic movement, DoubleBlind reports on some of the most important issues of our time all presented in visually compelling, rigorous long-form features, poetry, art, and photo essays.

Much like in other industries, for decades, men in psychedelics have been platformed disproportionately, relative to women. I, by no means, want to diminish the incredible contributions that men have made to the psychedelic field, but, alongside them, there have often been women who have simply gotten less acclaim. Women such as Kathleen Harrison, Ann Shulgin, Bia Labate, and Amanda Feilding, not to mention the countless women, Indigenous and non-Indigenous, who have been holding space for others to heal for generations. I'm excited to see that changing, as well as to see all of the incredibly inspiring women who have begun to work in psychedelics in more recent decades: Natalie Ginsberg, Liana Gillooly, Lauren Taus, Charlotte James, Melissa Lavasani, my dear cofounder Madison Margolin...I'm almost reluctant to name names, because there's so many more, too many to name. I'm hopeful that this growing devotion to platforming women in psychedelics is a part of a larger movement towards inclusivity within the field, including making sure psychedelic businesses are prioritizing equity and access as well as Indigenous reciprocity. I do believe that if any industry is poised to reimagine what equitable and inclusive businesses look like, it's the psychedelic industry.

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[Disclosure: I am the co-founder and Chairperson of the Board for the non-profit Last Prisoner Project]

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Creating Space For The Cannabis And Psychedelic Diaspora To Honor Women - Forbes

Mandy Moore has announced details of her new album In Real Life and shared the records title track you can hear the new song below.

The record will be the follow-up to Moores March 2020 album Silver Landings, and is set for release on May 13 via Verve Forecast.

Produced by Mike Viola, In Real Life which has been previewed today (March 8) by the title track, which you can hear below features a host of collaborators, including Moores husband, Dawes Taylor Goldsmith, and his brother/bandmate Griffin Goldsmith, Lucius Jess Wolfe and Holly Laessig, keyboardist Lee Pardini (The War On Drugs) and bassist Sebastian Steinberg (Sharon Van Etten, Phoebe Bridgers).

So much of this record came from future-tripping on the next chapter of my life and what it might look like: what parenthood would feel like, how it would change everything, and all the excitement and trepidation that comes with that, Moore said of In Real Life in a statement.

At the same time it was about celebrating and acknowledging where we were at the moment and really trying to be completely present in the everyday which is maybe the hardest part of the human condition.

Of the lyrical content of the album, Moore added: To me its all about staying open, staying aware, staying sensitive and empathetic to the people around me.

Theres something about expressing myself through lyrics and melody that makes me feel whole, and I see it as a privilege to have that outlet. And even though this album is very specific to me and my experience theres songs about my baby, my husband, my father, my friends I hope everyones able to see their own lives in it. I hope theyre able to come along on the journey with me, and put themselves in the drivers seat.

Moore has also announced details of a North American tour which will take place across June and July you can find details of the dates and tickets here.

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Mandy Moore announces new album 'In Real Life' and shares title track - NME

The bold new world of legal cannabis can feel a lot like the tired old war on drugs of the 80s and 90s, denying rest and relaxation for the L.A. entrepreneurs who sell us cannabis.

Only now, its no longer to ward us away from a relaxing high. Its all about the money.

Hot on the heels of reports that the sheriffs department and feds are raiding vans moving cash for legal cannabis businessesa move later given blanket acceptance by a federal judgecomes the raid last week on one of L.A.s most longstanding dispensaries, complete with guns drawn on owners and cash swiped from budtenders tip jars.

The raid on Boyle Heights TLC by Jungle Boys dispensary first came to our attention on Instagram, where the 16-year-old business detailed the unexpected appearance of roughly 20 undercover cars last Tuesday. Owners watched on video as employees were rounded up by a variety of law enforcement agencies including CHP, LAPD, and the Sheriffs Department.

As the legal business reached out to its attorneys, soon guns were being pointed at the owners heads, with orders to get on the ground and detainment for the ensuing hour.

Owner Ivan Vanorwick told High Times of the tense encounter, They wont talk to our lawyer. They wont look at the appeal paperwork they just basically said theyre taking all the money inside the building. Im like, wait, this is over the $66,000?

Indeed. All over a late payment, the business was already contesting with The California Department of Tax and Fee Administration (CDTFA). According to Vanorwick, the charge had previously been submitted to an appeals process, in an attempt to argue late fees racked up by Jungle Boys due to the agencys own inability or refusal to accept payments at the height of COVID-19 infections.

After TLC management was informed that the CDTFA was there to take all of the money, the agencys bill collectors took $174,000 out of the dispensary, and in a move straight out of the Sheriff of Nottinghams playbook, even pinched the contents of jars left out to collect tips for the businesses budtenders. In a subsequent post, we see video of the cops taking money straight from the register.

All of thisthe guns, the raid, the detainmentdespite the late fee reportedly totaling only $66,000, a drop in the pan considering TLC by Jungle Boys reportedly paid over $18 million to the agency last year.

In the original Instagram post, a TLC rep illustrates the insult offered to their injury, when some of the cops present asked how much money they could make cultivating marijuana themselves, all while other authorities employed money counting machines to take every dollar in the building before telling Jungle Boys they were free to open back up and leaving.

Noting how theyve been over taxed and over regulated, the post steams over how the California Cannabis tax system is broken and we will all be out of business while all these agencies continue to get bigger every day, echoing wider industry complaints in California over aggressive taxation dovetailing with poor representation.

The CDTFA, for its part, tells High Times, This is our standard procedure for cannabis businesses or any business. Were not singling out any industry or type of business. If you owe taxes in California, we do our best to collect what is due.

Despite it being 2022 and despite the countrys more open views towards the consumption of a plant that makes you feel good and treats long-term medical problems, deep issues persist that make entering or surviving the cannabis industry, which is now legal in 32 states, ever difficult.

The uncertainty extends to local ganjapreneurs like Jungle Boys, who were targeted with firearms over a late tax payment they were reportedly trying to legally contest. And also affects national cannabis connoisseurs, as well.

Last week, the news quietly broke that the Biden Administrations newly updated employee conduct guidelines will most likely deny security clearance to anyone who has invested in a cannabis business or in cannabis stocks, following 2021 in which actual White House employees were dumped over previous admissions that theyd inhaled.

The more things change, right?

Continued here:

After Paying $18M in Taxes, Jungle Boys Raided For All Its Cash In Boyle Heights - L.A. TACO

(Photo: Adobe Stock)

Editors note: The following article is an op-ed, and the views expressed are the authors own.Read moreopinionson theGrio.

There are so many times and so many ways Black people have become a political football in America. White people fought a war and almost broke up the country over whether or not we should be free. They started another war, the war on drugs, at a time when there wasnt a major drug epidemic because its easier to repress Black people when its crime or drugs or safe streets.

The recent war over critical race theory has been a novel way of using Black people as a political football or as a way to energize white voters and make them think theres a real threat to their kids that they need to stand up and fight. Once again, we are supposedly the threat that they need to fear. But in this conversation, we should put critical race theory in quotes because were not really talking about actual critical race theorythe legal theory that racism has shaped America. Were talking about critical race theorya right-wing bogeyman thats telling white adults that schools are teaching white children to hate themselves and feel guilty about American history and that it must be stopped.

A recent poll from CBS/YouGov sampling a robust 2,500 people found that despite widespread right-wing caterwauling about CRT, most Americans say they know little to nothing about CRT. Sixty-five percent say theyve heard either a little or nothing about it. The rights national PR campaign has largely fallen on deaf ears, and their messaging isnt in line with what most people think68 percent of those surveyed said, teaching about race in America makes students understand what others went through. Only 23 percent agreed with the GOPs message that it makes students feel guilty about past generations. Eighty-seven percent said books should not be banned for discussing race or depicting slavery. Most people do not want history to be erased.

This is largely good newsmost Americans disagree that teaching students about race and Americas dreadful history on race is a bad thing. Despite all the videos weve seen of people protesting school boards and all the Republican noise, most Americans have not even heard about CRT. The big schism in the poll is thisamong those who have heard of CRT, 81 percent of Democrats say they have a favorable opinion of CRT while 86 percent of Republicans say they have an unfavorable opinion.

So the Republican argument around CRT isnt winning over new voters, but it is connecting with people who are already in their tent. Once again, Republicans are using Black people as a political footballCRT is triggering white victimhood and motivating Republicans to vote. But most Americans see through this smokescreen.

CRT has become the rights new imaginary enemytheir old imaginary enemies include the people who stole the 2020 election, the people who vote illegally and are the reason why we need voter ID, the people who believe in climate change, whoever gave Obama a fake birth certificate, whoever really attacked the Capitol on Jan. 6. Its all part of this bizarro bubble they live in where facts go to die, Black people are the problem and whites are the real victims. The erasure of Black history is critical to maintaining that fiction. Still, for now, most Americans understand that what we call Black history is American history, and its valuable for Black and white children to learn it.

Tour is the host of the podcast Toure Show and the podcast docuseries Who Was Prince? He is also the author of seven books.

TheGrio is FREE on your TV via Apple TV, Amazon Fire, Roku, and Android TV.Please download theGrio mobile apps today!

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How Americans really feel about critical race theory - TheGrio

The General Assembly is considering legislation targeting a loophole in the states retail recreational cannabis law that has allowed gatherings like the controversial High Bazaar in Hamden, where vendors of marijuana flowers and related products gift them to paying customers in a party atmosphere.

Proposed new legislation would ban public gifting parties, with criminal penalties of a year in prison and $10,000 fines for violators.

The proposal drew opposition on Tuesday from Connecticuts cannabis community, who charged that the bill is an attempt to again criminalize the drug less than a year after the legislature legalized marijuana possession and set in motion a new retail industry that could begin statewide adult sales by the end of 2022, as well as recreational home growing in July, 2023.

Another section of the bill, which would ban billboard advertising for cannabis companies, was opposed by outdoor advertisers led by John Barrett, owner of the West Haven-based Barrett Outdoor Communications.

And state Rep. Juan Candelaria, D-New Haven, a longtime proponent of full cannabis legalization, warned that weaknesses in the social equity portion of the law - aimed at helping residents of neighborhoods adversely impacted in the failed war on drugs to obtain careers in the legal landscape - is being weakened by big corporations from out of state that are poised to take over Connecticuts budding, lucrative retail market.

Some of the language presented in the bill...in fact would re-criminalize this plant and would be a major step backwards for all, said Duncan Markovich of Branford, who told lawmakers that he owns a cannabis-related business. The citizens of the state of Connecticut and those of us specifically within the cannabis community, culture, advocacy and industry cannot fathom such draconian language around this plant. Enacting a law that criminalizes the giving of any of this plant-based medicine to our fellow family members, friends or even complete strangers is unethical, unfathomable and borderline nefarious.

For several months, as many as 1,200 visitors on a Saturday would attend the High Bazaar in a Hamden industrial park, with live music, open consumption of cannabis and dozens of vendors, until an injunction stopped the parties last month.

Giving away cannabis products should be no different than offering people vegetables from ones garden, Markovich said during a virtual public hearing on the proposal before the legislative General Law Committee.

But state Rep. Michael DAgostino, D-Hamden, co-chairman of the committee, said that while proponents claim they are not selling cannabis and cannabis-infused materials in the events, its plain that cash is going from the hands of people into the donation boxes - and vendors pockets - in exchange for the substances.

The committees intent, with this language, was to really prevent and rein in these retail gifting events that have been occurring in the state, which really are retail events, DAgostino said. Theyre just an end run around the permitting and transaction process that weve set up through our cannabis laws.

You cant give it away as part of a broader commercial transaction, said Michelle Seagull, the commissioner of the state Department of Consumer Protection, which runs the medical cannabis program and is in the process of creating the adult-retail system. It has to be a lot more than if you just gave it to a friend, Seagull said.

House Minority Leader Vincent Candelora, R-North Branford, a staunch opponent of legalized cannabis, said that societal issues are bound to emerge in the new market. He suggested banning cannabis smoking in public housing complexes, along with prohibiting cannabis-related billboards.

But Justin Welch, a member of the CT CannaWarriors and the New England Craft Cannabis Alliance, which successfully lobbied the 2021 legislation and which co-sponsored the weekly Hamden events, noted the danger and potential sanctimony of the General Assembly enacting a law that reimposes criminal penalties.

I use cannabis daily and rely on gifting for a variety of different reasons, Welch said in prepared testimony. I do not deserve to be punished for this, nor does anyone else. For too long now, good people have been persecuted for their involvement with cannabis. The grassroots cannabis community that exists here in Connecticut will not cease to exist, whether you pass this bill or not. Moving forward we need sensible cannabis policy that looks more like a craft beer policy.

Seagull, under questioning from the committee, stressed that her agency has no legal authority over the gifting parties or billboards that have become ubiquitous along Connecticuts interstate highways since last July 1, when cannabis possession became legal and state cannabis consumers were first directed to Massachusetts cannabis dispensaries.

House Minority Leader Vincent Candelora, R-North Branford, a staunch opponent of legalized cannabis, said that societal issues are bound to emerge. He suggested banning cannabis smoking in public housing complexes, which is not part of the pending proposal, and supported banning related billboards. Adults are going to find the product on its own, Candelora said. We dont have to advertise it.

DAgostino said that lawmakers seem restricted to either banning billboards or allowing them, with a likely First Amendment, free-speech court challenge if lawmakers approve the proposed prohibition.

Barrett, who is also president of the six-member Outdoor Advertising Association of Connecticut, which owns 88 percent of the billboards along state highways, said that unless all advertising for cannabis is banned in the state, billboard owners would be singled out in an unconstitutional manner under the proposal.

Candelaria, in dissecting the wishes of the bill proposed by the Social Equity Council that is setting up the framework for business opportunities in under-served communities, warned that the entire state industry might get taken over by corporate interests.

My concern here is that theyll corner the market, said the 20-year House veteran, a deputy speaker of the House.

Others who testified on the bill criticized the states 10-year-old medical cannabis program, charging that high prices and questionable quality is driving holders of medical cards to the High Bazaar and underground markets. A lot of the current producers and the dispensaries are out of state, Candelaria said. They are not people from Connecticut. Our intention was to ensure that equity applicants from our state have an opportunity to conduct cannabis businesses.

The deadline for the General Law Committee to act on bills is March 22.

kdixon@ctpost.com Twitter: @KenDixonCT

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Legislation would prohibit cannabis gifting parties in CT with $10,000 fines - CT Insider