Daily Archives: March 3, 2022

Official Irish data for 2021 showed a surge in all-Ireland trade, with food and drink central to the spike in island-wide commerce recorded in the wake of the UK-EU post-Brexit trade deal.

Dublins Central Statistics Office (CSO) last month reported around 8bn (6.7bn) in total all-Ireland goods trade for last year, after both imports from and exports to Northern Ireland jumped by over 50% compared to 2020.

So whats been driving this surge in all-Ireland trade?

Irelands food and live animal imports from across the border climbed to just over 1bn (830m) from 2020s 714m figure, while exports jumped by a roughly equivalent amount to over 1.3bn.

At the same time, Irelands food and animal imports from Great Britain fell by over1bn to around 2bn, while exports dropped by around 300m similar to the rises reported for Northern Ireland.

We have seen a number of changes in our business relating to Brexit and the changed trading relationship between Ireland and the UK, said Conor Whelan, MD of Stafford Lynch, which includes Schwartz, San Pellegrino, John West, Tonys Chocolonely and Kikkoman among the brands it distributes in Ireland.

This has included more activity across the border, but also changes to how brand owners manage their supply chain into Ireland, and how retailers source product, Whelan said.

John West last year said it would ship directly to Ireland as a result of Brexit, bypassing a previously-used route via Britain, while Northern Ireland-based brands such as Finnebrogue, Mash Direct and Whites Oats have landed additional supply deals with retailers across Ireland.

And according to Michael Haverty, partner and senior research consultant at The Andersons Centre, overall, agri-food trade on the island of Ireland is up by around 42% in 2021 versus 2020, a definite shift, and the [Northern Ireland] protocol is a key influence.

The protocol to the UKs post-Brexit deal with the EU meant Northern Ireland stayed legally part of the customs territory of the UK, in the CSOs reading, but effectively remain[ed] within the EU single market for the movement of goods.

The deal in turn created an impetus for people to ask can this be sourced more locally?, according to Haverty.

Paul Kelly, director of Food Drink Ireland, part of the Irish Business and Employers Confederation (Ibec), said the percentages would suggest theres a huge increase [in food trade] across the border in both directions.

Conor Mulvihill, director of Dairy Industry Ireland, also part of Ibec, added the protocol has encouraged companies to invest in the all-island supply chain, particularly Northern Irish companies.

In December, the Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI), a state-funded thinktank in Dublin, described the increase in all-island trade as significant and likely explained by changes to supply chains, be it as a result of substitution by Irish and UK firms or firms redirecting trade through Northern Ireland, as well as more accurate reporting of Northern Ireland trade by UK firms since Brexit.

Border checks

As EU member state Ireland joined the rest of the bloc last year in implementing checks on British goods as part of the UKs post-Brexit deal with Brussels, Irish goods imports from Great Britain fell by almost 2.4bn as imports from Northern Ireland surged to the tune of around 1.6bn.

But at least some of the reported numeric increase in all-Ireland commerce could be a result of honing reporting requirements after Northern Ireland acquired its post-Brexit foot-in-both-camps status.

While in many cases the increases [in all-Ireland trade] are explained by changes to supply chains, according to the CSO, in some cases, traders reported that they had previously incorrectly reported their trading partner as Great Britain, when in fact it should have been Northern Ireland.

The post-Brexit flux has made it hard to tell whether or not all-Ireland trade peaked last year ahead of something like a reversion to pre-Brexit supply chains.

According to Martina Lawless, economist at the ESRI, the last quarter of the year saw a fairly significant pick-up in the level of Irish imports from Great Britain, suggesting supply chains linking the two islands started to find their feet again after a bevy of disruptions related to Brexit, coronavirus restrictions, spiking commodity prices and production costs.

The most obvious reason for this is likely to be a learning or adjustment period that took a bit of time but has now been bedded down, Lawless said.

Covid complications

EU data updated last week showed that although the UKs food and general goods trades with the EU fell last year compared to pre-pandemic levels, they were up compared to 2020 and had regained something close to pre-pandemic monthly numbers by late 2021.

According to Haverty, it is difficult to say if a peak in all-Ireland trade was reached last year as part of a post-Brexit spike, as you also have the pandemic thrown in and a global-level demand [for many food commodities] outstripping supply.

Mash Direct COO Jack Hamilton also said: Covid makes it difficult to make any direct comparisons between the pre and post-Brexit periods, but noted his brand was seeing growth in Britain as well as Ireland.

Over the past few months we have got new national [British] listings as well, across into Morrisons and Sainsburys, he said.

And while increasing all-island trade was likely driven by post-Brexit customs issues, including veterinary health checks and organic certification, according to Whelan, significant supply chain challenges post-pandemic also contributed.

Moreover, although imports plummeted, Irish exports to Great Britain, which has not applied reciprocal checks on goods going east across the Irish Sea, jumped by 17% last year compared to the pandemic nadir seen in 2020, when global trade slumped and most major economies fell into recession.

And while Bord Bia in January described a shift in some categories to greater exports to Northern Ireland rather than to Great Britain, which it attributed in part to serving new customers in Northern Ireland, it added the region remained an easy route for onward shipment to northern parts of Britain.

The future of the protocol

Future trade fluctuations, including for food and agriculture, were going to be dependent on what the UK government and EU agree in terms of the protocol, Haverty said.

Earlier this month Northern Irelands agriculture minister, Edwin Poots of the pro-Brexit Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), tried to ban protocol checks on food dispatched to Northern Ireland from Great Britain.

Though Poots order was put on hold by a Belfast court, his party since said it would refuse to allow a government to be set up in Northern Ireland after May elections unless the checks were dispensed with.

According to a House of Commons report published in January, although grace periods delayed some checks and preparations, the protocol had a significant impact on Northern Ireland trade, including causing considerable diversion of trade to Ireland.

As well as being politically divisive, with the DUP fearing being edged into a de facto all-Ireland economy, the checks were costing Northern Ireland over 2m a day, opponents argued.

But despite the checks, traffic between Britain and Northern Ireland is up around 10%, whilst traffic between the Republic of Ireland and Britain is down around 15% to 20% as cargo switches onto domestic (intra-UK) routes and towards the unaccompanied freight model, according to Stephen Carr, group commercial director at Peel Ports, which operates on both sides of the Irish Sea.

Those fluctuations came as overall Irish Sea traffic dropped by around 6% on pre-pandemic levels, a fall primarily due to land-bridge traffic, which would normally cross Britain to connect between Ireland and the EU, diverting onto direct routes to the Continent from Ireland, said Carr.

Direct to Europe

The post-Brexit trade system prompted an increase in ferry and freight links between Ireland and mainland Europe, as traders sought to send goods directly to the rest of the EU rather than transit post-Brexit Britain.

A lot of trade from the island to the continent is shifting to direct routes, said Kelly of Food Drink Ireland.

Northern Ireland-based exporters who sell in the EU could be contributing to this trend, as sending goods to the continent via the expanding number of connections out of Cork, Dublin or Rosslare appeared to be the path of least resistance, compared to sending via the Great Britain land-bridge, according to Haverty.

And according to the website of Invest Northern Ireland, the official foreign investment agency, the regions post-Brexit status has offered dual access to multinationals seeking a potential gateway for the sale of goods to two of the worlds largest markets.

Invest Northern Irelands promotional material said the region was the only place where businesses can operate free from customs declarations, rules of origin certificates and non-tariff barriers on the sale of goods to both GB and the EU.

An Invest Northern Ireland spokeswoman listed key strengths including a talented and loyal workforce, advanced infrastructure, a pro-business environment, competitive operating costs and proximity to major markets as selling points to would-be investors.

Among those to take the plunge was South Africas Moorcroft Foods, which recently announced it would manufacture dried meat products in Newtownards after it identified real growth opportunities for our products across the UK, Republic of Ireland and further afield.

Whatever happens next with the Northern Ireland protocol, its clear the past year has laid the ground for lasting change in the island of Irelands food sector.

The rest is here:

How has Brexit shaped a new all-Ireland food sector? - The Grocer

While the UK left the EU in 2021, Gibraltar was not included in Brexit negotiations, which led to Britain, Brussels and Spain agreeing a temporary deal for the Rock. However, Spain has now prevented commercial vehicles registered in Gibraltar from crossing the border into the British Overseas Territory due to post-Brexit rules.

In a press release, the Gibraltarian government explained Spanish border authorities have prevented several vehicles driven by British citizens and Gibraltarians from crossing the border on Wednesday morning.

It said: "The drivers of these vehicles have been informed that they must have a work permit in Spain, or in a member country of the European Union, in order to be able to carry out commercial activity there.

The measure is aimed "specifically at third country nationals not residents in the EU, as the problem appears to be the nationality of the driver" as "EU drivers who are employed in Gibraltar have been allowed to continue to operate in Spain".

The Gibraltar Government indicated "regrettably" Spain has thereby "broken the existing reciprocity agreement".

Brexit put an end to the EU legal framework under which carriers in Gibraltar operated on the basis of their EU licences.

Since then, Gibraltar preserved the national legislation by allowing EU hauliers to continue operating in Gibraltar and in return, Gibraltarian hauliers have been able to continue operating in Spain.

The statement suggested reciprocity on the rules has been broken, and as a result it will also introduce a system of registration and licensing for EU hauliers seeking access to the colony.

It said: "Importantly, EU hauliers will not be able to operate in the territory of Gibraltar unless they have been issued with a Gibraltar road transport permit from the date of entry into force of the new regime.

READ MORE:Brexit LIVE: Hammer blow for Rejoiner fearmongering

It comes as negotiations between the UK and the EU on the future relationship of Gibraltar have resumed in London.

This is the sixth round of negotiations, following the one held in Brussels in February.

Spain's foreign minister, Jos Manuel Albares, said at the time negotiators were aiming for a deal by Easter, but would meet again for "as many rounds as necessary".

He ruled out any blockages to the Gibraltar agreement and said: "It's getting closer and closer."

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Mr Albares added a "significant part" of the treaty had "already been agreed" although nothing is "agreed until everything is agreed".

He said: "A significant part of [the treaty] has already been agreed, although nothing is agreed until everything is agreed.

And I cant go into details. [But] I have the sense that we are all rowing in the same direction.

"As we approach the end of the negotiation, which is almost at 99 percent, there is more tension, but for us, for the government of Pedro Snchez, there will be no lack of generosity in any practical or daily aspect.

"I perceive on the other side that good will on their part."

Agreed by the UK and Spain at the end of 2020 although not legally binding, Gibraltar is currently a part of the Schengen passport-free area.

It comes after the Rocks Government has released a Guidance to Citizens booklet which outlines plans for the future of the British Overseas Territory if the UK and EU fail to reach an agreement after Brexit.

Signed off by Chief Minister Fabian Picardo and Deputy Chief Minister Joseph Garcia, they said: The Government remains committed to the framework agreement concluded together with the United Kingdom and Spain as the way forward.

However, since the UK or Gibraltar would never accept an agreement which would sacrifice fundamentals or put Gibraltars future prosperity in jeopardy, we must also be ready to walk away.

Therefore we must plan for an agreement and for no agreement at the same time.

This means that we all have a duty to prepare Gibraltar for the possibility of a Non-Negotiated Outcome (NNO).

Additional reporting from Maria Ortega

See more here:

British lorry drivers in Gibraltar targeted by Spain with crazy red tape rules Rock fury - Express

We are part of the plan. We have always been part of the plan. This is the latest stark warning to the West from Observer journalist Carole Cadwalladr, following Russias invasion of Ukraine.

Cadwalladr, as regular spiked readers are no doubt familiar, has spent the past several years tirelessly uncovering an elaborate hidden conspiracy that can apparently explain more or less every global development that liberal centrists see as unwelcome. Brexit, Trump and now the war in Ukraine are all part of the plot and Russia, Facebook and Brexit-supporting businessman Arron Banks (who is currently suing Cadwalladr for libel) are always somehow connected.

In an extraordinary outburst last night, Cadwalladr claimed that the war in Ukraine is not all it seems. Rather, Russias invasion is merely one front in the first Great Information War. And we in the West have apparently been under sustained attack in this war since at least 2014. And if you havent noticed theres a war going on, thats because it is being carried out invisibly.

Social media may seem like a fun way to pass the time, or a good way to keep up with whats going on in the world, but for Cadwalladr Facebook is a weapon a thermobaric bomb, she says, only online. It has apparently allowed Russia to carry out hybrid warfare on steroids. It has given the likes of Vladimir Putin a golden Willy Wonka ticket to manipulate hearts and minds. Almost completely invisibly. Weve been under attack for eight years now, Cadwalladr claims. But we refuse to acknowledge this, because in Britain, were a captured state. Oh, and its somehow also the fault of her arch-nemesis, Arron Banks. Former Vote Leave mastermind Dominic Cummings gets a walk-on role, too. If this story doesnt quite make sense to you, then perhaps the Russians have already got to you.

Such extraordinary claims are nothing new for Cadwalladr, of course. She has long tried to paint Brexit, in particular, as the handiwork of Facebook, of data-mining firm Cambridge Analytica, of Russian money, Russian bots, Russian disinformation and Russia Today as part of a coordinated plot to hijack democracy by a shadowy global operation. Now that Brexit is done, she tells us that Brexit is just a small plot point in a much bigger, more nefarious scheme.

Carole has essentially fashioned herself as a QAnon leader for centrist liberals a kind of Alex Jones for embittered Remainers in the UK and anti-Trumpists in the US. Yet unlike the real Alex Jones, who is shunned from mainstream platforms, Cadwalladrs crackpot theories have been indulged and encouraged by the liberal elites. She has been lavished with awards from the Orwell Prize, Reporters Without Borders, the Hay Festival and the Political Studies Association, and was nominated for a Pulitzer in the US. Yet so many of Caroles big reveals are presented with quite major caveats, such as Is it true? Who knows? and we are in the dark about so much, suggesting that she might not know the truth after all.

Cadwalladr and her fans see themselves as truth tellers crusading against the tide of foreign disinformation, or dezinformatsiya, in the Russian, as Carole insists on calling it. And as the West is gripped by war fever, there is no doubt a receptive audience for any claim against Russia and Putin, no matter how mad (the first tweet in Cadwalladrs Ukraine thread has over 46,000 likes).

But if these incoherent ramblings are what passes for truth these days, then we are in deep trouble.

Fraser Myers is deputy editor at spiked and host of the spiked podcast. Follow him on Twitter: @FraserMyers.

To enquire about republishing spikeds content, a right to reply or to request a correction, please contact the managing editor, Viv Regan.

Read the original here:

The invasion of Ukraine has nothing to do with Brexit - Spiked