Monthly Archives: February 2022

A federalism issue, a political necessity

A proposal made by Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M K Stalin and Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee to hold a convention of non-BJP Chief Ministers in Delhi has received much attention. Both Chief Ministers are pushing the proposal and trying to bring their counterparts from other states on a common platform. There are other CMs, too, moving on the same lines. Telangana CM K Chandrashekar Rao has been in touch with his Maharashtra counterpart Uddhav Thackeray and leaders of some non-BJP parties across the country. He is known to support a federal front of state parties and governments, and has recently become more critical of the central government and its policies. The initiative being taken by these Chief Ministers has to be seen at two levels. One is as a pushback against the central government, which is increasingly domineering over the states, and the other is as an attempt to put together a plan to counter the BJP politically.

Centre-state relations have been deteriorating steadily and the pressure on state governments has increased recently. There are several issues that have caused these tensions and fissures. The differences over the GST have continued and widened. Non-BJP states have complained that they are discriminated against. The partisan conduct of central agencies and the interventionist actions of Governors are other issues. The move to make arbitrary changes in the cadre rules of central service officers is the latest issue of discord. There have been complaints about financial and developmental matters. The states have felt that the BJPs idea of the country as a unitary state rather than as a union of states has influenced its policies toward states. They do not want their rights and powers to be curtailed and taken away by the Centre. The states have to defend themselves against an overbearing Centre now. The Chief Ministers move to make common cause has to be seen from that perspective. It is a move for self-preservation and strengthening of the federal system, which is a basic feature of the Constitution.Such initiatives become necessary and arise whenever the Centre becomes overbearing towards the states.

The political dimension of the move needs more clarity and is yet to develop. It may be considered as a rudimentary form of a political alliance against the BJP with the 2024 Lok Sabha elections in the sights of its movers. But the results of the Assembly elections in five states will have an important bearing on the plans. The roles of the Congress and some other non-BJP parties like the Biju Janata Dal (BJD) are still not clear. There is also the issue of leadership. So, the federal front as an electoral plan is still a faraway idea.

We use cookies to understand how you use our site and to improve user experience. This includes personalising content and advertising. By continuing to use our site, you accept our use of cookies, revised Privacy Policy.

Read more here:

A federalism issue, a political necessity - Deccan Herald

Attempts by Mamata Banerjee and K Chandrashekar Rao to transform a proposal to forge a fight against ruling BJPs onslaught on federalism into a political alliance has attracted opposition from the CPI(M) even as it advocated the need for a joint struggle involving all non-BJP governments, including the Congress dispensations.

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata and her Telangana counterpart Rao have revived the talk about taking on the BJP on the federalism issue by ignoring the Congress and have reached out to non-Congress chief ministers, namely M K Stalin (Tamil Nadu) and Uddhav Thackeray (Maharashtra), for a meeting.

While welcoming the idea of a meeting of Opposition CMs, the CPI(M) has raised concerns over the platform taking a political colour, insisting that such a move would be counter-productive. The sole agenda of the meeting should be Centres onslaught on federalism, it said.

Also Read Twenty-four years since forming TMC, Mamata only grew stronger amid rebellions

One of the issues for the CPI(M) would be the presence of Mamata-led Trinamool Congress and it does not want to share space with its arch-rival on a political platform. It was also not comfortable with the position taken by Mamata, who had said, No regional parties share good terms with Congress. Congress will go its way, we will go our way.

Coming out in support of the Congress, the CPI(M) said in an editorial in its mouthpiece Peoples Democracy, said it was true that the Congress, while in power, had advanced centralisation drive. But at present, the Congress state governments in the opposition are also bearing the brunt of the centres onslaught on states rights. So, all non-BJP state governments must be mobilised for the joint platform.

It warned against Mamata seeking to conflate the proposed meeting of CMs with the forging of an alternative alliance of regional parties will only detract from the serious business of protecting the federal principle.

The editorial then went on to say that the talk of a Federal Front by Rao or Mamatas attempt to project herself as heading an alternative alliance are political matters, which should not be mixed up with the task of bringing all Opposition CMs together.

It said a conference of CMs should focus exclusively on federalism and states rights" and any attempt to utilise such a forum to cobble up political alliances will undermine the importance of the issue of federalism and states rights and end up being counter-productive.

According to the editorial, the need for a united stand of state governments in defence of states rights cannot be overstated and the Modi government has, in its second term, stepped up the drive to centralise and concentrate all powers in its hands; no sphere of centre-state relations has been spared from the depredations of the Centre. It cited the bifurcation of Jammu and Kashmir into two Union Territories as the most extreme step during this period.

Also Read Day after reaching out to KCR, Stalin, Mamata Banerjee says Congress can go its own way

The CPI(M) also claimed that there were also the "targeted attacks on specific states which represent a different political complexion, or, those that do not follow the writ of the Centre".

"When the centre amended the National Capital Territory of Delhi Act in April 2021 to declare that the Lieutenant Governor is the Government of Delhi and nullified the powers of the elected government and legislature, this was not just an attack on the AAP government but it was striking at the roots of the role of an elected state government under the constitution. It is imperative that all the democratic and secular forces take a joint stand in defence of federalism and states rights, it said.

It also referred to the now-repealed three farm laws, which encroached on the states rights, while the New Education Policy (NEP) reflects the centralising drive at various levels of education. Governors in non-BJP ruled states are increasingly becoming partisan and are acting as agents of the centre.The latest proposal of the Centre to amend the All India Service rules of IAS and IPS officers would lead to the centre having arbitrary powers to recall officers from the states to the centre bypassing the state government. The list goes on endlessly, it said.

Watch the latest DH Videos here:

See the original post here:

CPI(M) against TMC's plan to forge alliance in fight against BJP's 'onslaught' on federalism - Deccan Herald

Schoolchildren smile for the camera at a school in Panghsang, the capital of the ethnic Wa region in northern Shan State in 2015. / The Irrawaddy

By Ashley South 11 February 2022

In federal systems, education is usually a state-level responsibility. The development of locally owned and delivered education can therefore be a model for federalism in Myanmar. Many impressive initiatives are already underway, including half a dozen Mother Tongue Based Multilingual Education school systems administered by Ethnic Armed Organizations and their education wings, known as Ethnic Basic Education Providers.

We are at an extraordinary period in Myanmars history, with key stakeholders working in real-time against a backdrop of an appalling crisis to re-imagine the union and its institutions. For the National Unity Government (NUG), ethnic armed organizations (EAO), Peoples Defense Forces and Peoples Administrative Bodies, civil society organizations (CSO) and others, there is an urgent need to re-negotiate state-society relations, the role and nature of the state and its institutions.

One of the opportunities of the crisis in Myanmar is to address issues which were or should have been on the previous political reform agenda and/or in the peace process, but were ignored or handled in ways which excluded key stakeholders and positions. With the Myanmar military now removed from consideration as a legitimate stakeholder in such discussions, now is the time to look at the issues without interference from these spoilers although spoilers hardly does justice to the inhumanity and idiocy of the junta goons.

One issue of concern to a wide range of stakeholders is education, and how this relates to federalism and the self-determination of ethnic nationality communities. A good place to start is examining EAO education provision, at a time when the state system of education is barely functioning and widely regarded as illegitimate.

EAO Education Departments (EBEPs)

Although terminology varies, EAO education systems are often referred to as Ethnic Basic Education Providers (EBEP). They serve about 300,000 children, in schools either directly administered by EAO education departments or [at least before the coup] in community-run and mixed schools, jointly administered by the governments Ministry of Education (MOE) and EBEPs. Since last years coup, the Civil Disobedience Movement has been very effective and many schools under junta control are not effectively functioning. Therefore, since 2021 there are far fewer mixed schools.

There are EAO-administered or affiliated schools in the conflict-affected areas of Karen, Mon, Kachin and Shan States and Bago and Tanintharyi Regions. Curricula range from those which largely mirror the MOE syllabus at middle and high school level, but are taught in the ethnic mother tongue [e.g. the Mon model], to those which have many separate elements to the governments curricula [e.g. the Karen school system]. In several ethnic education systems, curricula and other elements are under review and reform.

Key EBEPs include the Karen National Unions Karen Education and Culture Department, with 1093 schools and 90,000-plus students; the New Mon State Partys Mon National Education Committee, with 134 Mon National Schools and 10,324 students; the Restoration Council of Shan State Education Commission, with some 350 schools in southern Shan state and 11,000 students [and additional Shan schools administered by CSOs], the Kachin Independence Organisation Education Department, with 250-plus schools [and additional schools in government-controlled areas under the administration of Kachin education CSOs]; and the Karenni National Progressive Partys Karenni Education Department, with 60-plus schools [many administered in partnership with CSOs]. In addition, several of these groups often provide education services to children in refugee camps along the Thailand-Myanmar border.

These EBEPs variously use Mother Tongue Based and/or Multilingual Education (MTB-MLE) teaching methods, with child-centered methodologies. Significant funding and technical assistance is provided by international donors, but much is supported by communities. Teachers often receive stipends, but are essentially volunteers. At present, EBEP schools are the only functioning basic education providers in the country.

Benefits of Mother Tongue-Based Education

There are two main reasons for promoting and supporting MTB-MLE in Myanmar: pedagogic and political. Regardless of the politics, children from minority communities achieve better learning outcomes if they can begin their schooling in their mother tongue. Children who are forced to learn in a language they do not speak at home are educationally disadvantaged and often never catch up with peers from the majority community, who find it much easier to understand whats going on in the classroom. MTB-MLE is acknowledged internationally as the most effective way for children who do not speak the national language to have a fair chance at achieving good learning outcomes. Evidence globally shows this to be the best way of teaching children from minority language communities. Transition to using the national language can occur in primary or middle school, depending on the specific model adopted.

Supporting ethnic education is also important for peace-building. One of the main grievances fueling ethnic conflicts in Myanmar is disregard for the identity and languages of ethnic minority/nationality communities in the state education and administrative systems, and ethnic peoples experiences of marginalization in the context of a dominant Bamar culture and language [Burmanization]. For these reasons, many ethnic nationality communities regard the national education system as a tool of assimilation, and state education has been seen as a driver of conflict. Therefore, EAOs and CSOs have set up their own MTB-MLE systems. These education initiatives owned and delivered by local actors are key elements in self-determination, and building a just and inclusive federal union.

Civil Society Education Actors

In addition to formal EBEP education systems, a number of CSOs provide informal, including after-school, and/or part-time education in local languages. Some of these work independently, while others work alongside either EAOs/EBEPs and/or with the MOE. Many are faith-based organizations.

Key Myanmar Education CSOs include Literature and Culture Committees, mostly working in government-controlled areas. In addition, several CSOs work in conflict-affected areas [often in partnership with EBEPs], as well as in areas of mixed administration and in fully government-controlled areas. Many private, often faith-based schools, follow the MOE curriculum [for example monastic schools]. Most of these activities have been unable to continue since the coup, for now at least.

Some Questions and Issues

In federal political/constitutional systems, education [especially basic education] is usually a state-level responsibility. Education provision can therefore be a model for federalism in Myanmar.

A fundamental issue to resolve is the relationship between the sub-national [ethnic state or EBEP/EAO] level, and the union level. Union-level roles for a federal government MOE can include: coordination; training and teaching resources development; finance (fundraising and distribution), and possibly also dispute arbitration, and some aspects of quality control. These issues need to be discussed, ideally through a structured process of dialogue and negotiation.

Most fundamentally, there is an urgent need for union-level recognition and accreditation of EBEP teachers and student qualifications. At present, EBEP systems are largely unrecognized by the state of Myanmar, meaning that many children find their educational achievements go unrecognized, greatly reducing their options after matriculation [and also limiting opportunities for students to move between EBEP and MOE systems].

This raises the deeper question of what is the most appropriate relationship between EBEPs and the MOE [meaning the NUGs Democratic MOE, any engagement with the juntas ministry being inappropriate]. The most useful approach might be to support parallel EBEP and MOE systems, with mutual recognition based on the elaboration of common standards, and shared learning outcomes [which can be delivered through diverse curricula and education administrations]. Another important set of questions include how to conceive of and support constructive relationships between EBEPs and state-level coordination bodies, which have emerged in a number of areas since the coup.

Focusing on the MOE [meaning the NUGs Democratic MOE], there is a need to Improve and extend MTB-MLE teaching in schools. Much-needed reforms can be based on those initiated by the ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) government through the Local Curriculum Content initiative. Under the NLD-led government, the MOE introduced ethnic language teaching up to Grade 3 in five ethnic states. Building on and learning from this experience, MTB-MLE approaches should be mainstream throughout the state system.

These issues need to be decided by Myanmar stakeholders. However, international supporters have a role to play. In general, and particularly during the last decade of reform in Myanmar, education and other initiatives were too often driven by external donor agendas. Its time to refocus this supply-driven approach, and shift towards a demand-driven agenda. Can donors get the balance right, between supporting EBEPs rather than imposing donor priorities while offering necessary advice and help to EBEP systems strengthening?

Finally, there are needs for more research and development including language-use mapping and devising teaching materials and supporting training for smaller ethno-linguistic groups, including minorities within minorities. How best to support the educational and socio-political rights of children from communities in areas where the local majority group constitute a minority across the union? These considerations may point towards a rights-based, rather than strictly ethnic-territorial, conception of federalism and self-determination.

There are many dimensions to federalism, especially in a complex and conflict-affected country like Myanmar. Although it wont be easy, exploring and supporting local ownership and delivery of education can be an important contribution to and help to learn lessons for the development of democratic federalism in the country.

Ashley South is an independent analyst, and a Research Fellow at Chiang Mai University, specializing in politics and humanitarian issues in Burma and Southeast Asia. His views are his own.

You may also like these stories:

Responsibilities and Opportunities to Save Myanmar

Myanmars Anti-Regime Protests Go On Despite Crackdowns and Detentions

Another NLD Member Dies While Detained by Myanmar Junta Forces

Here is the original post:

Education and Federalism in Myanmar - The Irrawaddy News Magazine

Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M K Stalin on Saturday accused the BJP-led government at the Centre of posing a threat to federalism by thrusting its agenda upon the nation and the latest being the one-nation-one-registration initiative.

Opposing the Centres One-nation-one-registration initiative announced by Union Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, recently, the CM said this latest move, like the new education policy and slogans like one-nation-one-country is nothing but an attempt to turn the country into a unitary state.

This will not benefit the people. That is why we are advocating state autonomy for India to flourish, he said and reiterated the DMKs catchphrase autonomy for the state and federalism at the Centre (maanila suyatchi, mathiyil koottatchi).

Addressing a virtual election rally at Tiruppur from here, Stalin said he would make this slogan on state autonomy and federalism at the Centre heard all over India.

Social justice and state autonomy are the great ideologies that the Dravidian movement gave to this country. I have committed myself to the task of ensuring social justice bloom throughout the country (through the All India Social Justice Federation, which he proposed to launch soon), he said.

He had already written to over 50 leaders to be part of the federation and several political parties including the Congress and many state organisations have expressed willingness to participate in the initiative, he said.

The next phase of action would begin once the election in the five states get over, Stalin said.

He said the Union Government must act in accordance with the federal spirit of the nation and empower states. But federalism is under threat today as the BJP-led government is creating an environment divesting all powers of the states, he alleged.

This, he claimed, is evident by the enactment of Citizenship Amendment Act and several anti-people policies.

Go here to read the rest:

Tamil Nadu CM MK Stalin opposes one nation one registration, says BJP posing threat to federalism - The Indian Express

(17) The greatest disservice of military regimes in Nigeria was the mindless and criminal centralization of government by the government led by General Aguiyi Ironsi. On assumption of power in January 1966, the military junta killed the soul of a virile, stable and progressive Nigerian nation by abolishing federalism and instituting a system of government that was meant to promote sectional interest. The promulgation of Decree No. 34 of 1966, the military arrested the countrys progress towards unity in diversity. It has been said that General Ironsi was pursuing an Igbo agenda when he failed to respond appropriately to the putsch that disproportionally massacred top politicians from the Northern and Western regions, when he proscribed all ethnic and cultural associations, dissolved representative assemblies, ignored the moratorium on promotion in the military and surrounded himself, exclusively, with advisers from his own Igbo ethnic group. The coup detat that ousted him was justified as a revenge strike to compensate for the human tragedies of the January coup.

(18) Despite the attempts to restore federalism in Nigeria by the succeeding regime led by General Yakubu Gowon, the deadly blows left on Nigerias national consciousness and identity by the coups, the pogrom against the Igbo in the Northern region and the needless civil war which lasted about 30 months were difficult to heal or remove. The introduction of constitutional and institutional modalities to heal the would were grossly inadequate and often times misapplied. The return to federalism and subsequent creation of states from twelve to thirty-six, introduction of military inspired constitutions and conduct of popular general elections created their own contradictions and challenges which were decisive enough to frustrate every effort to develop Nigeria into a flourishing nation state.

(19) Some policies that were put in place to address the problem of alienation of sections of the country and inequitable distribution of national resources miscarried and became counterproductive. For instance, the pursuit of federalism through atomization of constituent parts has produced insatiable demand for state creation even when they were frivolous and non-sustainable. The systems of federal character and quota system when they were introduced were meant to ensure national spread in the distribution of national resources. Unfortunately, these affirmative attentions were poorly conceived and they have turned out to be major sources of injustice in the allocation of resources. They have been interpreted as attempts to hold a section of the country down for the other to catch up and even surpass them. This allegation is most evident in admission policies into federal government institutions which have sacrificed merit and fairness on the platter of sectional consideration. The system of revenue allocation is equally a major source of friction among the constituent units of the Nigerian Federation. The principle of derivation which was adopted during the first republic federal system has since been abandoned as the present system is fraught with lapsed and slippages that question the good intention of government.

(20) In all progressive federal systems, equity, fairness and justice form the bedrock of relations among the constituent units. The electoral system in Nigeria is already compromised as the political class is more involved in the manipulation of the selection process and the prevention of the emergence of credible candidates. On 28th August, 2007, the President set-up a 22-member Electoral Reform Committee to examine the entire electoral process with a view to ensuring that we raise the quality and standard of our general elections and thereby deepen our democracy. After an exhaustive and comprehensive review of the electoral history of Nigeria spanning about 85 years, the panel observed a progressive degeneration of outcomes of sections conducted in the country, with the 2007 elections coming up at the worst since the first elections held in 1922. It further observed that elections conducted by the military tended to be more credible than those conducted by civilian authorities because of the political practice of winner takes all and therefore the need by politicians to perpetuate their hold on power at all cost. Over the years, the politicians have become more desperate and daring in taking and retaining political power; more reckless and greedy in their use and abuse of power; and more intolerant of opposition, criticism and efforts at replacing them. The electorate, seeing their hopes dashes with each set of elections, have come to believe that politicians lack the will to use state power to transform the lives of ordinary citizens. This loss of confidence in governments by the electorate constitutes a major threat to the democratic project in Nigeria.

(21) Another study on the electoral process and democratic consolidation in Nigeria found that defective electoral processes have resulted in the impositions of corrupt and illegitimate leaders who have no regard for the principles of democracy, good governance, rule of law, constitutionalism and fundamental human rights. It is however painful that in spite of the promise contained in the recommendations of the Uwais Panel on Electoral Reform, the 2010 Electoral Act with its amendments fell short of reasonable expectations. The gross inability of the Act to redress the imperfections and inadequacies of earlier electoral laws would confirm its uselessness as a tool for the transformation of Nigeria. Arguably, the average Nigeria is not only smart, but enterprising, making it possible for him to justify self-help and impunity. The electoral process must therefore be designed to produce readers who will be a couple of times smarter than the average Nigerian. A more secure future lies in an electoral system that could ensure the emergence of leaders who possess requisite intellectual and democratic credentials to rule. Products of this process must be allowed to accede to power irrespective of social, religious, ethnic or gender background.

(22) Leadership should not be determined on the basis of zoning, quota system or federal character, formulae that have all outlived their usefulness as power sharing paradigms. Such dubious affirmative actions have had the undeserved consequences of frustrating prospective and potential state and nation builders; making it totally impossible for persons of character and virtue to aspire to political offices. The obnoxious zoning formula smacks of unfairness in its application and would forever perpetuate unequal of differing access-to power within the context of politics in Nigeria.

(23) What is obvious and cannot be denied is the fact of mass frustration, if not despondency, at the nature, character and direction of the Nigerian Sate. The strident call for a discussion of the terms and conditions of Nigerias federalism can no longer be ignored or swept under the carpet as there are strong indications of general restiveness of the constituent units of the federal system. It is equally true that given the state of leadership and lts helplessness in the face of threats to the corporate existence of the country, the times are not auspicious for the convocation of a sovereign national conference with wide powers to re-position the country for development and progress.

(24) It would however seem that the proponents of a sovereign national conference might have lost sight of the calculations and interests of international capitalism. With a history of one whole century of being together as a country, the average Nigerians have established inter penetrating social, cultural religious and economic relations that the balkanization of the country would be as unprogressive as unrealistic. Nigerias high selling point or bargaining strength at the international level is its enormous human and material resources which are globally recognized.

(25) What is needed is a leadership that will maximize these potentials and add value for the transformation of the country. It may not be too farfetched to suggest an international gang up against Nigeria in all previous efforts at producing a leader with national-clout and impeccable credentials for leadership. We have alluded to one such instance above on the authority of Harold Smith who was a key actor in the unfortunate scheme. In 1975, International capitalism conspired to rob Nigeria of pragmatic leadership of General Muritala Mohammed and in 1998 Chief MKO Abiola the winner of the freest election in Nigeria was served tea and died at the hour of victory in the cold hands of agents of international conspiracy against the unity and progress of Nigeria.

(26) The Nigerian emancipation project that will deliver a more secure future should be anchored on a sovereign national conference that will have just one agenda; the formulation of a transformative electoral process. If elected or nominated representatives of all the ethnic nations in Nigeria will converge at a conference at which a new electoral process will be developed and a referendum in carried out for its adoption as the basis for all elections, the contentious issue of how leaders emerge would have been addressed. In recapturing Archimedes give me a place to stand and I will move the whole earth, Robert F. Kennedy said.

A young monk began the Protestant Reformation; a young general extended an empire from Macedonia to the borders of the earth, and a young woman reclaimed the territory of France. It was a young Italian explorer who discovered the new World, and the thirty-two-year-old

Thomas Jefferson who proclaimed that all men are created equal.

Kennedy then stated: These (persons) moved the world, and so can we all.

Today and louder than Endsars, young Nigerians should cry out; give us a credible and transparent electoral reform produced by a sovereign national conference and we will have the Nigeria of our dreams. Herein is our collective destiny, where our collective aspirations could be safely delivered and when we can begin to aspire to global reckoning.

Considering the nature, character and historical trajectory of the Nigerian state and inter-ethnic relationships, federalism remains the most viable model for the emancipation and rapid transformation of Nigeria from a mere agglomeration of states to a prosperous peaceful; and united nation state.

CONCLUDED

Originally posted here:

Federalism and the Nigeria of our dreams (III) - NIGERIAN TRIBUNE

Tribune News Service

Aparna BanerjiJalandhar, February 14

Prime Minister Narendra Modi pitched the National Democratic Alliance on Monday as the only option that could help shut down mafias and resolve the states drug crisis.

Modi, who was addressing his first rally in Punjab this election season at Jalandhars PAP grounds, spoke fondly of his long association with Captain Amarinder Singh.

This is the first time in 25 years that Modis Bharatiya Janata Party will contest the election without their old ally, the Shiromani Akali Dal. This is also the first time in 24 years that Captain Amarinder Singh will fight an election without his former party, the Congress.

On Monday, Modis particularly acerbic swipes were reserved for rival Congress, in particular, for the Gandhi family. He accused the Congress of kicking out Captain Amarinder Singh because he upheld federalism and claimed the Gandhis ran the state government through remote control and as long as the family was in control, the party wont work for the states betterment.

Why did they remove Capt Sahib? Theyve themselves said at that time they didnt run the Punjab governmentthe central government was running it, he said.

That means all Congress governments are run by remote control. A family from Delhi runs them. The state governments dont work as per the constitution. If Capt Sahib worked on the principle of federalism with the state government and if the central government worked with the state government, wasnt it according to the constitution?

Congress leaders say Capt Sahib didnt listen to us. He put obstructions. And in the end, it rose so much that they ousted him. If a family runs the government by remote control and doesnt bother about the constitution then it will cause tensions in the country. Thats what this family is doing.

The Congress, he said, was carrying out an old vendetta against Punjab, Modi said invoking the anti-Sikh riots of 1984.

The family controls Punjab and has old enmities with the state. Its settling an old score.

The NDA, he said, was the correct choice.

The BJP wont allow the control of mafia on trade and business. Under the BJP government traders and residents will operate without any fear, he said.

He also took a jibe at rivals AAP, although he did it without directly mentioning them, in addition to the Congress.

Those without work talk about rooting out Punjabs drug problem. These people are experts at opening up alcohol shops on the streets and Mohallas. Punjab should be wary of such people. They want to hand over the state to drug mafias, he said. These are the same people who demanded proof that our military had conducted surgical strikes. And singing dancing to Pakistans tunes.

His appeal then went to women: Of what use is your gaadi and bungalow if your sons fall prey to the scourge of drugs?

His next jibe was for Congress leader Rahul Gandhi, whom he referred to as yuvraaj (crowned prince). He accused Gandhi of misusing the state machinery in 2014 while he was still a Member of Parliament.

During the 2014 elections, I had to come to Pathankot and had to go to Himachal Pradesh via helicopter. You will be surprised, Congress ke namdaar, unke yuvraaj vo simply ek party ke MP the. (Congresss Prince was simply a party MP then), he said.

He also had an event near Amritsar. My helicopter wasnt allowed to fly. I reached Pathankot late. My helicopter wasnt allowed to fly. Why? Because their yuvraaj was supposed to come to another part of the state. I was stopped. Thats how they misused power. I had to cancel two Himachal programmes.

The Congress, he said, was a party riven with infighting.

Today Congress own party is splitting. Congress leaders are opening up secrets of the party. I ask you, can those fighting amongst themselves can they give a stable government? Can they develop Punjab?

'Denied temple visit'

He accused the local administration of not clearing his visit to the Shakti Peeth of Devi Talab on Monday.

He said: I wanted to visit the Shakti Peeth of Devi Talab after this event but the police and administration said they were helpless. They asked to stick to a helicopter visit. This is the state of the government, he said. But I will return to 'Maa'. I will bow my head to her.

Punjab will vote for the 117-member assembly on February 20. Votes will be counted on March 10.

#capt amarinder singh #narendra modi

Read the original here:

Only BJP can save Punjab from the scourge of drugs, says Prime Minister Narendra Modi - The Tribune India