Daily Archives: February 6, 2021

As we approach the Senate trial on the impeachment of former President Donald Trump for incitement of insurrection against the Republic he swore to protect on Feb. 9, his lawyers and other defenders have made the astonishing claim that convicting him would somehow violate freedom of speech. Judicial Watchs Tom Fitton even asserted that convicting Trump would be devastating to the First Amendment because it would be a green light to remove others that engage in core political speech that would be criminalized if the Left doesnt like it.

As a constitutional lawyer who has defended the First Amendment for almost forty years, I agree with lawyer Chris Truax that these free speech claims are absurd. First, the First Amendment protects members of the public from having their speech suppressed or punished by the government, and does not shield government officials for accountability for their actions, even if they involve speech. A private citizen would have the First Amendment right to proclaim loyalty to Russia or China or to advocate the secession of Texas from the union. Does anyone seriously contend that free speech allows a U.S. president to violate his oath of office and do the same, and also escape accountability through impeachment for such treasonous acts? Apparently, Trump and his supporters do.

As the House impeachment managers have pointed out, moreover, even if Trumps actions were treated like those of a private citizen, and even if the First Amendment applied to Congressional efforts to hold a president accountable as it does to a criminal prosecution, the free speech defense would still fail. The Supreme Court ruled more than 50 years ago that the First Amendment does not protect speech when it is directed to inciting or producing imminent lawless action and is likely to do so. Trumps incendiary remarks just before the Jan. 6 violent insurrection at the Capitol, when he exhorted his followers to go to the Capitol and fight like hell, particularly when combined with evidence of his intent like reports that he was delighted as the riots were happening, could well be enough to warrant even a criminal conviction of Trump by a court. They are clearly enough to justify a conviction on impeachment in the Senate.

I have always believed that the First Amendment is first in our Constitution because, in important ways, free speech and the other rights it safeguards are crucial to protect our democracy. The attempt of a disgraced ex-president and his seditionist collaborators to try to hide behind free speech, as well as similar recent far right efforts to use freedom of speech to justify the violent actions at the Capitol on Jan. 6, truly dishonors our First Amendment.

Link:
Free Speech Arguments Against Trump's Impeachment Dishonor The First Amendment - People For the American Way

When private tech companies moderate speech online, is the government ultimately responsible for their choices? This appears to be the latest argument advanced by those criticizing Section 230 of the Telecommunications Act of 1996sometimes known as Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act. But upon closer scrutiny, this argument breaks down completely.

In a new Wall Street Journal op-ed, Philip Hamburger argues that the government, in working through private companies, is abridging the freedom of speech. Weve long respected Hamburger, a professor at Columbia Law School, as the staunchest critic of overreach by administrative agencies. Just last year, his organization (the New Civil Liberties Alliance) and ours (TechFreedom) filed a joint amicus brief to challenge such abuse. But the path proposed in Hamburgers op-ed would lead to a regime for coercing private companies to carry speech that is hateful or even downright dangerous. The storming of the U.S. Capitol should make clear once and for all why all major tech services ban hate speech, misinformation and talk of violence: Words can have serious consequencesin this case, five deaths, in addition to two subsequent suicides by Capitol police officers.

Hamburger claims that there is little if any federal appellate precedent upholding censorship by the big tech companies. But multiple courts have applied the First Amendment and Section 230 to protect content moderation, including against claims of unfairness or political bias. Hamburgers fundamental error is claiming that Section 230 gives websites a license to censor with impunity. Contrary to this popular misunderstanding, it is the First Amendmentnot Section 230which enables content moderation. Since 1998, the Supreme Court has repeatedly held that digital media enjoy the First Amendment rights as newspapers. When a state tried to impose fairness mandates on newspapers in 1974, forcing them to carry third-party speech, no degree of alleged consolidation of the power to inform the American people and shape public opinion in the newspaper business could persuade the Supreme Court to uphold such mandates. The court has upheld fairness mandates only for one mediumbroadcasting, in 1969and only because the government licenses use of publicly owned airwaves, a form of state action.

Websites have the same constitutional right as newspapers to choose whether or not to carry, publish or withdraw the expression of others. Section 230 did not create or modify that right. The law merely ensures that courts will quickly dismiss lawsuits that would have been dismissed anyway on First Amendment groundsbut with far less hassle, stress and expense. At the scale of the billions of pieces of content posted by users every day, that liability shield is essential to ensure that website owners arent forced to abandon their right to moderate content by a tsunami of meritless but costly litigation.

Hamburger focuses on Section 230(c)(2)(A), which states: No provider or user of an interactive computer service shall be held liable on account of ... any action voluntarily taken in good faith to restrict access to or availability of material that the provider or user considers to be obscene, lewd, lascivious, filthy, excessively violent, harassing, or otherwise objectionable, whether or not such material is constitutionally protected. But nearly all lawsuits based on content moderation are resolved under Section 230(c)(1), which protects websites and users from being held liable as the publisher of information provided by others. In the 1997 Zeran decision, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit concluded that this provision barred lawsuits seeking to hold a service provider liable for its exercise of a publishers traditional editorial functionssuch as deciding whether to publish, withdraw, postpone or alter content (emphasis added).

The Trump administration argued that these courts all misread the statute because their interpretation of 230(c)(1) has rendered 230(c)(2)(A) superfluous. But the courts have explained exactly how these two provisions operate differently and complement each other: 230(c)(1) protects websites only if they are not responsible, even in part, for the development of the content at issue. If, for example, they edit that content in ways that contribute to its illegality (say, deleting not in John is not a murderer), they lose their 230(c)(1) protection from suit. Because Congress aimed to remove all potential disincentives to moderate content, it included 230(c)(2)(A) as a belt-and-suspenders protection that would apply even in this situation. Hamburger neglects all of this and never grapples with what it means for 230(c)(1) to protect websites from being treated as the publisher of information created by others.

Hamburger makes another crucial error: He claims Section 230 has privatized censorship because 230(c)(2)(A) makes explicit that it is immunizing companies from liability for speech restrictions that would be unconstitutional if lawmakers themselves imposed them. But in February 2020, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit ruled that YouTube was not a state actor and therefore could not possibly have violated the First Amendment rights of the conservative YouTube channel Prager University by flagging some of its videos for restricted mode, which parents, schools and libraries can turn on to limit childrens access to sensitive topics.

Hamburger insists otherwise, alluding to the Supreme Courts 1946 decision in Marsh v. Alabama: The First Amendment protects Americans even in privately owned public forums, such as company towns. But in 2019, Justice Brett Kavanaugh, writing for all five conservative justices, noted that in order to be transformed into a state actor, a private entity must be performing a function that is traditionally and exclusively performed by the government: [M]erely hosting speech by others is not a traditional, exclusive public function and does not alone transform private entities into state actors subject to First Amendment constraints. In fact, Marsh has been read very narrowly by the Supreme Court, which has declined to extend its holding on multiple occasions and certainly has never applied it to any media company.

Hamburger also claims that Big Tech companies are akin to common carriers. Hes right that the law ordinarily obliges common carriers to serve all customers on terms that are fair, reasonable and nondiscriminatory. But simply being wildly popular does not transform something into a common carrier service. Common carriage regulation protects consumers by ensuring that services that hold themselves out as serving all comers equally dont turn around and charge higher prices to certain users. Conservatives may claim thats akin to social media services saying theyre politically neutral when pressed by lawmakers at hearings, but the analogy doesnt work. Every social media service makes clear up front that access to the service is contingent on complying with community standards, and the website reserves the discretion to decide how to enforce those standardsas the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit noted recently in upholding the dismissal of a lawsuit by far-right personality Laura Loomer over her Twitter ban. In other words, social media are inherently edited services.

Consider the Federal Communications Commissions 2015 Open Internet Order, which classified broadband service as a common carrier service insofar as an internet service provider (ISP) promised connectivity to substantially all Internet endpoints. Kavanaugh, then an appellate judge, objected that this infringed the First Amendment rights of ISPs. Upholding the FCCs net neutrality rules, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit explained that the FCCs rules would not apply to an ISP holding itself out as providing something other than a neutral, indiscriminate pathwayi.e., an ISP making sufficiently clear to potential customers that it provides a filtered service involving the ISPs exercise of editorial intervention. Social media services make that abundantly clear. And while consumers reasonably expect that their broadband service will connect them to all lawful content, they also know that social media sites wont let you post everything you want.

Hamburger is on surer footing when commenting on federalism and constitutional originalism: [W]hen a statute regulating speech rests on the power to regulate commerce, there are constitutional dangers, and ambiguities in the statute should be read narrowly. But by now, his mistake should be obvious: Section 230 doesnt regulat[e] speech. In fact, it does the opposite: It says the government wont get involved in online speech and wont provide a means to sue websites for their refusal to host content.

Hamburger doubles down by claiming that Section 230 allows the government to set the censorship agenda. But neither immunity provision imposes any agenda at all; both leave it entirely to websites to decide what content to remove. Section 230(c)(1) does this by protecting all decisions made in the capacity of a publisher. Section 230(c)(2)(A) does this by providing an illustrative list of categories (obscene, lewd, lascivious, filthy, excessively violent, harassing) and then adding the intentionally broad catchall: or otherwise objectionable. Both are coextensive with the First Amendments protection of editorial discretion.

Hamburger argues for a narrow reading of 230(c)(2)(A), which would exclude moderating content for any reason that does not fall into one of those categories or because of its viewpoint. He claims that this will allow state legislatures to adopt civil-rights statutes protecting freedom of speech from the tech companies. And he reminds readers about the dangers of the government co-opting private actors to suppress free speech: Some Southern sheriffs, long ago, used to assure Klansmen that they would face no repercussions for suppressing the speech of civil-rights marchers. This analogy fails for many reasons, especially that those sheriffs flouted laws requiring them to prosecute those Klansmen. That is markedly and obviously different from content moderation, which is protected by the First Amendment.

Ironically, Hamburgers proposal would require the government take the side of those spreading hate and falsehoods online. Under his narrow interpretation of Section 230, the law would not protect the removal of Holocaust denial, use of racial epithets or the vast expanse of speech thatwhile constitutionally protectedisnt anything Hamburger, or any decent person, would allow in his own living room. Nor, for example, would it protect removal of hate speech about Christians or any other religious group. Websites would bear the expense and hassle of fighting lawsuits over moderating content that did not fit squarely into the categories mentioned in 230(c)(2)(A).

Perversely, the law would favor certain kinds of content moderation decisions over others, protecting websites from lawsuits over removing pornography or profanity, but not from litigation over moderating false claims about election results or vaccines or conspiracy theories about, say, Jewish space lasers or Satanist pedophile cannibal cults. But if Hamburgers argument is that Section 230 unconstitutionally encourages private actors to do what the government could not, how does favoring moderation of some types of constitutionally protected speech over others address this complaint? This solution makes sense only if the real criticism isnt of the idea of content moderation, or its constitutionality, but rather that social media platforms arent moderating content according to the critics preferences.

Hamburger is a constitutional originalist, and he invokes the Framers understandings of the First Amendment: Originally, the Constitutions broadest protection for free expression lay in Congresss limited power. But theres nothing remotely originalist about his conclusion. His reading of Section 230 would turn Congress shall make no law... into a way for the government to pressure private media to carry the most odious speech imaginable.

Read more here:
The Wall Street Journal Misreads Section 230 and the First Amendment - Lawfare

Bar president Salim Bashir says the Tommy Thomas memoirs call for a law on sub judice to be codified.

PETALING JAYA: The Malaysian Bar has called for a law on sub judice and contempt of court to be codified in light of the controversy surrounding the memoirs of former attorney-general Tommy Thomas.

Bar president Salim Bashir said several people had made accusations that the book contained statements that were sub judice or in contempt of court regarding ongoing trials.

Among the cases mentioned were the Cradle Fund murder case in which a former CEOs wife is accused of killing him; the Altantuya Shaariibuu murder case over which former prime minister Najib Razak has filed a defamation suit; and a case involving an arbitration centre chairman.

Several police reports have also been filed against Thomas and the publisher.

Salim said the Bar supports the right to freedom of speech but such freedoms should not prejudice the integrity of court cases or the administration of justice.

With the flurry of spontaneous comments and opinions that are filling social media platforms with regard to ongoing trials and appeals, the public may not fully comprehend where such a line is drawn, said Salim.

Such public comments would be likely to interfere with the fair and impartial disposal of a case in a court of law.

The Malaysian Bar therefore reiterates its calls on the government to codify the law on sub judice comments and contempt of court, and to provide a clear and unequivocal definition of these legal concepts.

Thomas, while still attorney-general, had said in a speech in 2018 that he did not subscribe to the notion of sub judice (the principle which forbids public comments about trials in progress) because Malaysia lacked a jury system.

Salim said that there is a fine but important line between commenting on cases and improperly influencing them, and noted that the rule of law demands that everyone be entitled to a fair trial.

Yesterday, a High Court judge was told that contempt proceedings might be taken against Thomas for comments he made about the Cradle Fund murder case, in which Samirah Muzaffar is accused of killing her husband Nazrin Hassan, the funds chief executive.

Samirahs lawyer, Muhammad Shafee Abdullah, said Thomas had made comments that were sub judice regarding her explanations of the events on the day, and he sought to cite Thomas for contempt of court.

On Tuesday, lawyer Baljit Singh Sidhu said Thomas should not have revealed facts about a case involving his client, former Asian International Arbitration Centre director Sundra Rajoo, as an application for a judicial review was still pending in the Federal Court.

Sundra also said the allegations made against him in the book were untrue and defamatory and were in contempt of legal proceedings.

In his memoirs, entitled My Story: Justice in the Wilderness, Thomas recounts events that took place during his time as attorney-general from June 2018 to February 2020. The book, published on Jan 30, is the subject of an investigation by the home ministry.

Excerpt from:
After Thomas furore, Bar says to balance free speech and fair trial - Free Malaysia Today