Monthly Archives: February 2020

Recently, the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh Yogi Adityanath said during a pro-CAA rally that anyone raising azaadi slogans will be booked for sedition. This stern warning by a chief minister whose administration has brutally cracked down on anti-CAA protesters is not a surprise. The important question is, who is afraid of the azaadi slogan?

In the last few months, this slogan has come under severe attack from the right-wing media ecosystem. Several fake videos have been broadcast on mainstream media platforms, aiming to delegitimise the detractors of the BJP government, who have raised slogans demanding azaadi.

The azaadi slogan went viral in 2016 in the aftermath of the infamous 9 February incident at JNU in Delhi. When then JNUSU president was released on bail, the university students had raised cries for freedom from poverty, from Brahmanism and from capitalism, feudalism, casteism, unemployment and hunger. Thereafter, the rhythmic chanting of azaadi slogans captured imaginations across the country.

The slogan was further popularised in 2019 when Zoya Akhtar featured it in her blockbuster movie, Gully Boy. Since then, several versions of the azaadi chant have been floating online. They have become so popular that a section of Pakistani students have also chanted it in their own country. In any case, in India the azaadi slogan has become a solid part of the protest repertoire.

For example: When women are not able to go out in the night without fearing molestation and harassment, what they are experiencing is a lack of azaadi.

The azaadi slogans began in Kashmir, but perhaps were first heard in mainland India in 2012-13, during the anti-rape movement after the Nirbhaya incident. Those protesters rejected the idea of protection as a deterrent for sexual crimes and advocated the opposite idea, that of freedom without fear. Several places in Delhi had then reverberated with azaadi slogans. Those protesters, who included men and women, demanded freedom from rape culture, freedom from patriarchy, freedom to move around at night, to love, and freedom to marry or not marry, and so on.

Curiously, even the right-wing groups such as the ABVP, which participated in the 2012-13 protests in Delhi, raised these slogans, probably because the anti-rape movement had also taken on a strong anti-Congress flavour. Azaadi slogans of that time were an attempt to break away from notions of victim-blaming, to which is related the idea of forcing on women the protection of patriarchy. They argued the converse; that the more women stepped outside the confines of their homes, the safer the streets would be for them. The movement therefore redefined the meaning of azaadi from political to social freedom.

One curious aspect of azaadi is that in order to have it you have to fight for it, reclaim it. During the colonial period, Indians fought for azaadi from the British. They wanted Indians to be the masters of their own fate. This is what azaadi actually meansthe capacity to decide your present and future. Naturally, when you try to break the shackles that are holding you back, you come up against them in all their power and fury: the British also unleashed brute force upon Indians countless times during colonial rule.

Freedom is never complete. Azaadi is an ongoing process that you have to assert and fight for at every turn. In India, where communities hold a large measure of control over individuals and their aspirations, where identities are controlled by caste or patriarchal structures and their moralistic orders, the fight for azaadi is even more important. The demand for freedom exists only in those conditions where an individual or group feels that their aspirations are being hindered by unfavourable political conditions or economic and social constraints. Thus the demand for azaadi is an expression of unequal power relations in the socio-economic and political spheres.

Naturally, those in the upper echelons of the power hierarchy, who believe they are the sole custodians of culture, will resist any movement that threatens to take away their power. That is why the chants of azaadi have been met with both outright physical violence and symbolic violence. Women demanding azaadi to take their own decisions are being vilified and slut-shamed. This conservative backlash is well-represented by Haryana Chief Minister Manohar Lal Khattars utterances. He once remarked that if youmeaning womenwant freedom, then why dont you just roam around naked.

Those who believe in azaadi are routinely branded as tukdey-tukdey gang members. We also encounter slogans such as Afzal wali azaadi, Burhan wali azaadi, bandook se denge azaadi, Gauri Lankesh wali azaadi; and so on from right-wing organisations. Their slogans are directed against voices that are critical of the present regime. Yet, for all the reactions it has invoked, azaadi has continued to reverberate across India as a powerful slogan of protest.

Logically, those who are afraid of azaadi slogans are those who fear a political and economic change that would topple them from their position of power. Their fear also emanates from a psychological condition whose origins lie in a crisis of legitimacy. Over the last five years, many celebrities, intellectuals and media personalities have advocated for the present regime. Their future and interests are linked with the present government and so they have thrown their weight behind it. Any political change will create a deep legitimacy crisis for them. The situation is a kind of downward spiral: they have to continuously create a fear psychosis and narrative that favours the regime while delegitimising the protesters and their repertoire.

For example: When you are strolling in the park with your sweetheart and suddenly a bunch of people come and start thrashing you, you are experiencing a lack of azaadi.

Though the azaadi slogans are political, as the saying goes, the personal is also the political. So you find the younger generation seeking azaadi against curfew hours in hostels and opposing the strong societal and familial resistance against own-choice marriages, against moral policing and so on. Each of these are instances of lack of freedom experienced by the youth in one way or another.

The following slogan sums up this sentiment: When you want to pursue education, but are unable to or you are unable to avail quality medical services due to lack of money, you experience a lack of azaadi.

Arguably, the azaadi slogans also add a dimension to the fertile discourse over what constitutes development in India. The Nobel laureate economist Amartya Sen has been arguing that development should also be measured through the lens of freedom, which means that it should entitle people to basic services such as education, healthcare, and employment. Development, in this context, also means building capacity, especially among the marginalised. Therefore, when the youth, women and marginalised groups hit the streets with slogans demanding azaadi, they are not just protesting against a law but breaking their shackles to become more confident and empowered.

For instance: When Dalits are not able to enter temples or fetch water from public sources, they are experiencing a lack of azaadi.

Azaadi cannot be boxed in. Its meaning is redefined by every generation based on their context. The contemporary popularity of azaadi slogans reflects the ambitions of the youth. To criminalise their hopes and aspirations is just the old resisting the birth of the new.

The author is a PhD scholar at JNU in Delhi. The views are personal.

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Azaadiphobia: Who is Afraid of Freedom and Why - NewsClick

Ottawa sociology professor Hassan Diab says his long fight against accusations of terrorism wiped out his savings and caused chronic stress, depression and severe insomnia, prompting his lawsuit for financial compensation from the federal government.

Diab appealed to the government Friday to resolve the case in a humane and fair manner as he, his wife and two young children filed a statement of claim in Ontario Superior Court seeking tens of millions of dollars over his extradition to France.

Throughout this time, my family was an ocean away. I missed the birth of my son. I missed birthdays, first steps, first words and so many other irreplaceable moments, Diab, 66, told a news conference.

For nearly a decade, my freedom and my life were stolen from me.

Born in Lebanon, Diab became a Canadian citizen in 1993, working in Ottawa as a university teacher.

The RCMP arrested him in November 2008 in response to a request by France. French authorities suspected he was involved in the 1980 bombing of a Paris synagogue that killed four people and injured dozens of others, an accusation he has always denied.

Following drawn-out proceedings that went all the way to the Supreme Court of Canada, Diab was extradited to France where he spent three years behind bars, including time in solitary confinement.

In January 2018, French judges dismissed the allegations against him and ordered his immediate release.

Diab accuses the Canadian government of negligent investigation and malicious prosecution and says federal officials violated his constitutional guarantees of freedom of movement, liberty and security of the person.

The statement of claim contends the government withheld crucial fingerprint evidence prior to his extradition hearing.

Guy Pratte, Diabs lawyer, said Friday the evidence would have affected the outcome of the extradition proceedings.

The assertions, first outlined in an initial notice last month, have not been proven in court and the federal government has yet to file a defence.

Pratte said Diab and his family hope the government will want to right this terrible wrong without a prolonged court battle.

Upon his return to Canada, Diab said he did not want financial compensation from the Canadian government, just changes to the lousy extradition law.

An external review of Diabs extradition case for the Canadian government concluded that federal lawyers who worked on the file acted in a manner that was ethical and consistent with law and policy.

Diab has rejected the report as a whitewash exercise.

He lamented Friday the government had taken no meaningful action to reform the extradition law since his release.

The reality is that my ordeal could have been prevented, Diab said. And I am here today to ensure that no Canadian ever has to go through the same experience again.

Amnesty International Canada and the British Columbia Civil Liberties Association are among the many groups that have called for a public inquiry into the Diab case and a review of Canadas extradition system.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Feb. 7, 2020.

Follow @JimBronskill on Twitter

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'My freedom and my life were stolen from me,' says Diab, suing over extradition - National Post

Fiveyoung peoplewith theSunflower CountyFreedom Project put on a play Saturday afternoon at the Meridian Arts+Entertainment Experience to highlight theperspectives of black, female activists.

A Song for Coretta, by Pearl Cleave, takes the audience to the outside of Atlantas Ebenezer Baptist Church, where people of different generations are waiting in line to pay their respects to Coretta Scott King.

The conversations that ensue, make up the play, with moments of serious discussion about past experiences, historical moments and generational differences, mixed with moments of light-hearted fun.

Each character was played by a young member of the Sunflower County Freedom Project.

The cast was comprised of Kennedye Rash, 13; Amyah Nash, 13; Phillystity Gray, 16; Braelyn Ingram, 14; and Jamiyah McCloud, 14.

After the play, the cast answered questions from the audience.

One person asked, Why this play?

InBlack History Month, people dont always talk about what the females did, and thats why I liked this play, because its about what she (Coretta) did, not what her husband (Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.) did, McCloud said.

The rest of the cast echoed that sentiment, as they believe that sometimes the classroom lessons dont always give credit where its due.

They also said the play was an effort to educate people.

The play is to inform people about black history and how much it changed from then to today, Rash said.

The group was led by Kandace Stevenson, director of programming for the Sunflower County Freedom Project.

I first wanted to find a play to reflect our history, and I noticed this was a group of young ladies auditioning, Stevenson said. This is my second year with this drama troupe. I noticed the growth and maturity, the raw emotion, dedication and trying to do better than last year.

Im super excited, I think it was fantastic. These five young ladies came to Meridian, out of their shell, totally unaware of what they would run into and they showed out, said Adrian Cross, executive director of the Meridian Freedom Project.

They were very open, especially during the question and answer segment, I think that was one of my favorite parts because they got a lot of feedback and they took their constructive criticism, but they were also able to express themselves even more.

The play was received with a standing ovation at its close.

Audience members took some thoughts back with them after viewing the performance.

I feel that we dont get the chance to hear from the female perspective on the civil rights movement, and I liked how they talked about the trauma during the Katrina hurricane, the young lady in the military, and it was all done from womens perspectives, Deborah Todd, of Meridian, said.

More information on the group can be foundwww.sunflowerfreedom.org. More information about The Meridian Freedom Project can be foundat TheMeridianFreedomProject.org.

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Freedom Project: Play highlights civil rights perspective of black women - Meridian Star

As I headed to LAX after a recent trip to Los Angeles, my Lyft driver insisted that we stop at In-N-Out Burger so that I could enjoy one last California experience. We ate the burgers outside, as planes flew above us. My driver, a professional photographer, works for Lyft to supplement his irregular income. His story is common. Most drivers that Ive encountered in California and elsewhere drive as a side job, while also, say, working in restaurants or selling real estate.

But if Californias state government has its way, driving for Lyft or Uber wont be easy in the future. The passage of Assembly Bill 5 (AB5) aims to make contract workers, like my Lyft driver, regular employees.AB5 is well-intentioned but doesnt account for how the labor market has changed. This will bring higher pay and benefits to retained workers, but it will also increase costs, which means higher prices for customers. And if employers ultimately incur the costs of adding more regular staff, odds are that they will start to mandate when and where employees work, reducing gig-work opportunities.

Under the new law, to be permitted to hire someone as a contractorand not as an employeebusinesses must pass whats known as the ABC test, which involves proving, in court, that the contractor is free from control and direction of the hiring entity, that the contractor supplies similar services to other vendors, and that the work performed falls outside the usual course of the hiring entitys business. My Lyft driver, and many others, would be unable to satisfy those conditions.

AB5 is well-intentioned. Contract work, with its unconventional hours and pay, is risky and unpredictable, with no benefits, and the prospect of instant termination. The law originated in a 2018 lawsuit, Dynamex Superior West v. Superior Court, involving delivery employees at Dynamex. Though the company considered them contractors, they were expected to wear uniforms and supply their own cars. They sued to be recognized as employees and won, and the suit created the ABC test. Within a year, AB5 became law.

But AB5 doesnt account for how the labor market has changed. In an industrial economy, dependence on a single employer made sense, and attaining skills relevant to a single firm proved valuable. Finding other work, after all, could be difficult. But in a knowledge-oriented economy, where technology makes work easier to find and on-the-job skills are more commonly transferable across companies than in the past, independence can suit both employers and employees. Gig works flexibility also makes it valuable as a fallback, offering extra money when people might need it most.Nontraditional work relationships include a host of different arrangements.

In fact, most gig workers in the U.S. dont work full-time in this capacity. Over the past 15 years, the number of full-time contractors has been stable. According to a Federal Reserve Board survey, only 18 percent of Americans perform gig work as their primary source of income. The plurality, or 38 percent, use it to supplement income from their primary job.

Overall, 30 percent of Americans do some form of gig work, and its common across education levels. Though contract work makes up less than ten percent of household income for three-quarters of survey respondents, 45 percent consider it an important part of their income.

The Fed concludes:

The greater subjective value placed on this income may be related to its ability to smooth out unexpected changes in earnings from main jobs even if the actual amount of money earned is relatively small.

Gig works flexibility also makes it valuable as a fallback, offering extra money when people might need it most. Workers of all income levels find it valuable. Its also a helpful option for stay-at-home parents who want to keep a toe in the labor market. Turning gig work into a regular job undermines this value because it removes its most important characteristic: flexibility.

No wonder, then, that workers and employers are pushing back. Freelance journalists are mounting a challenge to AB5 after many lost jobs. Developing technology calls for better regulation of gig work, not effectively eliminating it.Uber and Lyft say that theyll continue to hire drivers as contractors, but they could face legal challenges, as some trucking companies did. The truckers prevailed in court because their business takes them across state lines.

Its true that technology is transforming the labor market, and employee protections have been reduced. But this development calls for better regulation of gig work, not effectively eliminating it. The leading Democratic presidential candidatesJoe Biden, Elizabeth Warren, Pete Buttigieg, and Bernie Sandershave all endorsed a national version of AB5. They should remember that most workers use gig work as a form of insurance. By eliminating contractors, laws like AB5 will increase risk rather than reduce it.

This article is republished from City Journal.

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Taking the Freedom Out of Freelancing - Foundation for Economic Education - Foundation for Economic Education