Daily Archives: August 8, 2017

There is one great truth that ties all revolutions in common and that is they never burst out in surprise. History, or at least when current events have been aged in the cask long enough to be classified as history, always has shown that there were warning signs, hints, foreshadowing adeptly revealed yet not immediately obvious. It is as though the story of humanity is being written by a truly cunning mystery novelist, thus casting God as the supreme meld of Charles Dickens and Agatha Christie. A failed assassination attempt here, a farmers protest there, like a red sky at morning we sailors should take warning. Except we usually dont. Wed rather ignore what in retrospect seems so obvious. If we notice the approaching thunderheads at all, we prefer to just wish them away, as though the winds respond to wishes. Good luck with that.

Donald J Trump and his ultra-nationalist, white supremacist, anti-democratic crew have been what Bob Dylan once called a slow, slow train comin up around the bend, but we didnt put our ears to the track in time. My personal regret is that I actually did quite literally read the signs but I couldnt figure out the final stage. A story:

As a writer, its been my recreation disguised as work to indulge my passions. Plays, poetry, Human Rights, sports, border collies, I cover the waterfront and those are the docked freighters I unload. My bread and butter has been book reviewing and for a significant (slightly shameful) portion of my career I took contracts writing Sponsored Reviews for various websites. A Sponsored Review is something an indie author buys, essentially an ad thinly disguised as an objective opinion. God knows I never let my name appear as a by-line as the content would have to be approved by the author or else I wouldnt get paid.

Most of those novels were excrementally awful; badly edited (if edited at all), with paper-thin characters that spoke not in dialogue but in slogans. There was some value in it reading a ton of crap improved my own skills as an Editor and later as a Literary Agent, but I digress. For you see, there was a certain overlay of a common element that I began to find disturbing. Most, and I mean an actual majority, had a dystopian setting. Usually centred on America, traditional government had crumbled, some form of neo-fascism had taken hold, small groups of resistors hid in the hills or woods, struggling for survival. There were variations on the theme, but you get my point.

Generally speaking, none of these lousy novels ever put together a plausible case for how A got to B why did democracy collapse? What was the method? It was all just a matter of, Well here we are and doesnt life suck?

Still, these dozens of books crawled inside my consciousness like a subcutaneous parasite. You see, years earlier when I was studying Film at university I learned about the Zeitgeist, the spirit of the age. Oh I know, properly one should learn about such things in a course on Philosophy, comparing and contrasting Hegel with Thomas Caryles opposing Great Man theories. Instead I watched His Girl Friday and saw the dawning of the womens movement. Cary Grant and Rosalind Russell were much more fun than droning German philosophers. Regardless of the origin point of this academic sidebar I did come to the conclusion that the Zeitgeist is a tremendous predictor of future events. We emotionally or instinctively feel, as a group, what is coming even if our conscious selves choose to think instead of birthday parties and picnics, hot sex and the Premier League. We know theres a slow, slow train coming, but we still dont move in time.

When Trump emerged, I realized that all those terrible dystopian writers had got it right. I still do not know what those writers didnt know either How did we get from A to B? Why did over 60 million American voters go off their nut simultaneously and vote for a bog ignorant, racist, misogynistic blowhard? It wasnt all Russia and stealing Hillary Clintons campaign emails, you know. That may have been the casus belli but there equally or more so an itch in the American mind-set that made it susceptible to that specific manipulation. In any event, Trump Watch is going to be here for awhile, so we can come back to that analysis another day.

On this day though, we have to be good generals and anticipate the enemys next move. There is a sense among those that resist Trump that once the Republicans in Congress get their collective shit together, likely after Special Counsel Robert Mueller delivers his final report with or even without criminal indictments, they will in turn begin Impeachment proceedings, remove Trump (and possibly Vice-President Pence, Speaker Paul Ryan and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell) from Office and then all shall be sweetness and light again.

Not so fast.

Trump throughout his career has been a Vampire, rising again and again, even after five bankruptcies. This is why I wonder what his long game is. The man may be an idiot, but he is not entirely stupid and certainly the moneyed powers that put him in office in the first place will not give up quite so easily.

Thus, my nightmare scenario, one born of noticing how Trump has turned against his own Republican Party, mocking it as weak, indecisive, ignoring the yahoo base that elected him and them. You see, even if Trump is successfully impeached and ordered to pack his belongings including all those hideous gold curtains and get out of the White House immediately, there is nothing to stop him from running again in 2020. Nothing at all.

But wait! What if he is in prison for State crimes? Even a Presidential pardon, such as Gerald Ford granted Richard Nixon, has no effect on State sentences. Well thats true, but I invite you to look at Article Two, Section 1 of the US Constitution, which states the eligibility requirements for serving as President of the United States:

No person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of the United States, at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the Office of President; neither shall any person be eligible to that Office who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty five Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident within the United States.

Do you see anything in there about, Must not be a convicted criminal? No, neither do I. A Trump, seen by his followers as a victim, with all the squeezing of the electoral lists (over 500,00 have recently lost the right to vote just in the State of Georgia alone) and intimidation of mild-mannered others could win again. He could run the US from prison like a convicted Mafia don.

Is any of this likely? Perhaps not, but I remind you of something. When Prince Yusopov saw Rasputins body sink into the river he thought the danger to Imperial Russia had been destroyed once and forever. He failed to account for all those nasty peasants foaming at the mouth. History never ends, it just starts a new chapter following from its previous.

Be seeing you.

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Trump Watch: Vampires, Yusopov and The Zeitgeist - The London Economic

Every city has its moment a time when events and people converge in one place to define it for years to come. Drill down and those moments often decades long are generally associated with neighborhoods Montmartre in the first years of the 20th Century, Harlem in the 1920s, Soho in the late 1970s and early 1980s.

Cary Cordovas new book, The Heart of the Mission, Latino Art and Politics in San Francisco, offers the first history of the Mission Districts moment a confluence of art and culture that began in the late 1960s and lasted into the 1990s. The Beats, jazz, the 1968 student movement and the Central American wars all fueled a Mission Renaissance. The Heart of the Mission is a lively guide throughthis history, but its also an important book in documenting and contextualizing the work of Mission artists.

Cordova, a San Francisco native who teaches at UT Austin, traces the beginning of the Mission Renaissance back to the Latin Quarter in North Beach, and such early institutions as The Unin Espaola, also known as the Spanish Cultural center, a block away from Our Lady of Guadalupe Church. Latin music seeded San Franciscos bohemian culture through some of the centers tenants including the 1941 Marimba Club and the 1967 Tropicana Club. By the 1970s, Cordova writes, music of the North Beach Latin music scene had relocated to the Mission District. Muralist Patricia Rodriguez describes to Cordova what that sounded like: In every corner in the Mission in the seventies Santana was playing, Malo was playing, whoever was playing in the street. Drumming sessions became part of Dolores Park culture, precipitating a debate over the right to occupy public space in the city.

While a pan-Latino arts community would follow, initially Latino artists and musicians played in the citys avant-garde milieu and the evolving bohemian counterculture, perhaps most notably embodied in Beat and jazz cultures, Cordova writes. The San Francisco Art Institute then the California School of Fine Arts and its training in abstract art and Bay Area figurative abstraction influenced artists such as Luis Cervantes, Jos Ramn Lerma and Ernie Palomino. Later, when the Mission District and its artists became identified with political and mural art, these and other artists continued to produce first-rate abstract, pop and assemblage art.

Gallery artists had a difficult time getting recognition, but the media discovered the muralists early on. The artists working in 1974 on Homage to Siqueiros inside the Bank of America building at Mission created a media spectacle designed to undermine their corporate sponsor, while the artists of Latino America caught attention as one of the first all-female community mural groups in the nation. From the outset, politics local and pan-Latino were embedded in the mural tradition.

Cordova provides an excellent narrative and analysis of both murals. She also documents the shift provoked by the Central American civil wars, most visibly on Balmy Alley where in 1984, 27 artists contributed 27 murals attacking U.S. intervention in Central America. The concentration of murals in a single block proved an astonishing display of diverse aesthetics and shared politics, Cordova writes.

If you thought you knew Balmy Alley, think again. Cordova recounts its history but also gives a close contextual look at the iconography, often supplemented by interviews with the artists. And she goes deep: Balmy Alley, we learn, was a needle strewn alley in 1972 when artist Emilia Mia Galaviz de Gonzalez envisioned it as a Mexican garden with murals of flowers, birds and fish.

Poets, artists, activists and musicians riff off one another throughout the Mission Renaissance. Cordova sets the scene as poet Nina Serranos re-christens the 24th Street BART plaza as Plaza Sandino, then documents the ways all of the Mission players connected with the zeitgeist of a global third world movement. Poet Roberto Vargas, Cordova writes, brought together the war to overthrow the Somoza dictatorship in Nicaragua with the battles at Wounded Knee and the fight to free U.S. activist Angela Davis.

To demonstrate the threads of these relationships, Cordova follows the November 1968 Third World Strike at San Francisco State and its impact on Juan Fuentes, Rupert Garca and Yolanda Lpez. Lpez and others also embraced an alliance with the Black Panthers. From the politics we better understand Lpezs complex and stark posters. Another section follows the trajectory of three Salvadoran artists, Romero G. Osorio, Martivn Galindo and Victor Cartagena, and shows how closely their Salvadoran roots affected their journeys and those of fellow Salvadoran activists, some of whom joined the Salvadoran guerrillas and Nicaraguan Sandinistas on the front lines.

There is a rich history of how Da de los Muertos or Day of the Dead, provided a cultural nexus for mourning in the 1980s in San Francisco. Grief consumed a city in the midst of the AIDS crisis, but also families losing loved ones in Central America as well as on the streets of San Francisco. The Mexican tradition, which Ren Yaez and Ralph Maradiaga at Galera de la Raza, took into the public sphere in 1972, provided a collective release and remembering.

Although Da de los Muertos is now mainstream San Francisco, it was suspect at first. When Yolanda Garfias Woo lectured about it to her students at John McLaren School, one teacher accused her of teaching witchcraft. And when Yaez tried to get a permit from the police for the candlelight procession, he tells Cordova, This captain thought I was part of a Charles Manson cult or something.

This summer has produced a number of retrospectives of artists left out of museums during the periods when they created art. These include the Brooklyn Museums We wanted a Revolution Black Radical Women, 1965-85, New York MOMAs Making Space: Women Artists and Postwar Abstraction, and finally, in SF, the deYoungs Revelations: Art from the African American South. Perhaps it is time for a retrospective of the Mission Renaissanceone that attempts, as Cordova succeeds in doing, to more than scratch the surface. A retrospective would showcase some of the artists featured in the bookGraciela Carrillo, Ren Yaez, Romeo G. Osorioas well as the exquisite work by such artists as Lpez, Garcia, Fuentes, Enrique Chagoya, Juan Pablo Gutirrez and many more. In the meantime, you can start by paying closer attention to the historic murals on Balmy Alley and elsewhere in the Mission as well as the art from newcomers and old timers showing up at the Galera de la Raza and other neighborhood galleries.

I will be interviewing Cary Cordova at a book event on August 17th at the Mission Cultural Center for Latino Arts, 2868 Mission St. The event will include music, free tapas and it will run from 6:30 to 9:30 p.m. You can get free tickets here.

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Review: Cary Cordova's romp through the Mission Renaissance ... - Mission Local

On Tuesday, August 8th, the Bourbon Theatre hosts the first Nebraska appearance by Kabaka Pyramid, one of the new generation of Jamaican performers from the Reggae Revival movement. While Bob Marleys contemporaries such as Burning Spear, the Wailing Souls, and Black Uhuru have made Nebraska tour stops for years, the inheritors of the roots reggae legacy havent found their way to this part of the prairie until now.

Assuming youre curious, the word Kabaka comes from the head of the Ugandan kingdom Buganda, and presumably you know about pyramids. Born Keron Salmon, the singer-songwriter and lyricist has a career dating back over 10 years and has been scoring popular reggae and dancehall tracks along the way.

Roughly five years ago, Kabaka Pyramid was among a group of younger Jamaican artists to gather regularly near a beach East of Kingston where singer and actor Billy Wilmot had founded a surfing camp called Jamnesia. This like-minded group of artists, also including Protoje, Chronixx, and Jah9, found common ground in the mission of advancing Afrocentrism through music and the arts, something fewer and fewer Jamaican performers have explicitly embraced in the last three decades. As recording artists, they soon would make guest appearances on each others projects, name-check each other in concert, and generally provide each other the moral support not often found in an otherwise hyper-competitive music culture.

Kabakas take on the whole thing is encapsulated in the lyrics to The Revival from 2013:

This movement, they call it a revival, we all got a part to playIn this movement, none a we nuh rival, the mission is all the sameIn this movement, is more than music, much more than tours and jewelry.

While advancing Afrocentrism through music may sound like nothing new, for at least 30 years, the most popular continuum of artists out of Jamaica have come out of its dancehalls exemplified most recently in the unparalleled success and influence of the genius emcee and criminal mastermind Vybz Kartel. Kartels aesthetic was the perfect reflection of the Jamaican youth zeitgeist of the mid-2000s, which often manifested in wanton materialism. Kartel is currently a few years into a life sentence for murder and will likely remain a folk-hero for generations to come.

The artists of the reggae revival, in contrast, saw a strong position to uphold in a celebration of an Afro-Jamaican identity, Rastafari, and an embrace of reggae and its original one drop rhythms as the music vehicle of choice. At the same time, each of the Reggae Revival artists shows to varying degrees a millennial affection for American hip-hop Kabaka Pyramid and Protoje chief among them. Jamaicas identity as an Afro-Caribbean society has long been informed by its proximity to the United States. While American music has influenced the development of Jamaican music since the days of Louis Jordan and Bill Doggett, one of Jamaicas well documented roles was in providing the seminal ingredients for African-American sound-system music, aka hip-hop. (See the story of Kool Herc if you doubt this for a second, or check the video from Jay-Zs recent trip to Jamaica to collab with Damian Marley on Bam, in which Kabaka Pyramid makes a minor cameo.)

If there is one thing to understand about Kabaka Pyramid, he is not a pure reggae artist in the tradition of Bob Marley or Burning Spear. If thats your flavor, an artist like Samory I will hit closer to the mark. Kabaka Pyramid is more in the line of artists like Sizzla, Capleton, or Damian Marley, Rasta dancehall performers who have a strong interest in hip-hop and whose emphasis on lyrical fusillades outshines instrumental virtuosity.

Kabaka seems to love rapping almost as much as being a dancehall emcee, and its hard to tell which he does with more authority. He embraces this duality most clearly on Kabaka vs. Pyramid, from the 2016 Major Laser/Walshy Fire mixtape.

For more examples of Kabaka Pyramid in action, I recommend the early Reggae Revival combination, Selassie Souljahz, where Kabaka trades verses with Chronixx, Protoje, and Sizzla. Also, give a listen to the lyrical climax on Protojes The Flame from Protojes outstanding Ancient Future LP; or Well Done, a harder reggae dancehall outing, based on R.E.M.s Losing My Religion and first adapted by Wayne Marshall as On The Corner.

Kabaka Pyramid tours with his own band, the Bebble Rockers, seen here at their recent performance at the Summerjam festival. His most recent single is Cant Breathe.

Carter Van Pelt hosts Eastern Standard Time, Fridays from 10 to midnight on KZUM-FM and is the founder and host of Coney Island Reggae On The Boardwalk. Check out his writing on Protoje and Chronixx.

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Kabaka Pyramid comes to Nebraska and surveying Reggae Revival | Concert Preview - Hear Nebraska (registration) (blog)

Travis Kalanick, CEO of Uber, has vowed he plans do a Steve Jobs and stage a comeback as Ubers CEO.

Whether or not he can improve the treatment of women in Uber and restore its dominance in the ride sharing market are not two independent goals.

The inability of its investors and board to enforce ethical conduct shows its level of disarray even as they have been seeking a new CEO. The Washington Post reported last week the short list has been narrowed down, to three men.

Discrimination against women is alive and well in Silicon Valley and technology. I know successful female engineers who were told in high school by teachers even female teachers they should plan for a career as a secretary.

How Hong Kong women are levelling the pitch in the male-heavy tech industry

From an early age, to start-ups and right up to board level, women are treated poorly in the male dominated, fraternity house atmosphere.

Sexism, ageism and other afflictions of stereotyping are rising to the surface in Silicon Valley and technology like no other time.

One of the reasons is that women are more willing to speak out and militate against sexual harassment and campaign for equal pay. Feminism may be dead as a social movement, but it has evolved into issue-driven battles.

Sexism, ageism and other afflictions of stereotyping are rising to the surface in Silicon Valley and technology like no other time

As more brave women have come forward to share their own tales and experiences from the belligerent environment of the tech world, it is becoming more evident the industry has long-standing, pernicious problems. And everyone in the industry is complicit.

But, today the financial and technological stakes in Silicon Valley are higher than ever. And tech, venture capital and the power and glory of successful start-ups have become mainstream culture.

The Silicon Valley zeitgeist is accurately skewered in the HBO series Silicon Valley. At a valuation of $60 billion, sovereign funds and leading private equity investors have piled into Uber. Yet, they cannot seem to extricate themselves from this embarrassing corporate governance dilemma.

Unlike established corporates with longer histories, start-ups are usually formed with little regard for issues such as political correctness and gender balance. The founders are usually friends or colleagues or classmates people close and relevant and necessary for starting the business and developing the technology.

There is scant thought for any political sensitivities. Meeting gender quotas in management or at board level is a low consideration.

Start-ups are a high risk for founders, surviving milestone to milestone, month to month.

Today, a new breed of start-up like Uber presents conflicting corporate governance issues. Its not really a new company since it has been around since 2009. With $6.5 billion in 2016 sales and a $60 billion valuation, its certainly not a small operation.

Ellen Pao drops high-profile Silicon Valley gender bias case, citing personal resources

But, because it is not publicly listed, Ubers investors treat it like a start-up have indulged a dominant founders excesses. They fear that if they lose him that the enterprise will collapse. And with billions of capital tied up, it could one of the biggest failures in VC history.

Meaningful change can only begin at board or investor level. The overarching issue for investors is how tech companies even as big as Uber can cross the chasm into becoming sustainable and successful high growth corporations.

There is scant thought for any political sensitivities. Meeting gender quotas in management or at board level is a low consideration

It used to be that hiring adults older and more experienced senior managers from IBM or Hewlett-Packard was enough to convert a start-up with a successful product with structured sales and marketing and product support teams.

It is no excuse that ethics and corporate sustainability have a hard time keeping up with sprawling growth. All of Ubers institutional investors state they adhere to ethical codes, yet few of them acted to rectify serial sexual harassment and bad boy CEO conduct.

The ability for a young company to cross the chasm from being a small enterprise into a large one remains a constant challenge facing tech start-ups. The initial promise of monopolies like Uber can encourage an investment frenzy. The lure of temporary exclusivity makes it almost worthwhile to ignore or suspend unethical behaviour because the rewards are astronomical.

How Ubers board works together to resolve its current dilemma will serve as an important example for years to come.

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Many start-ups, bulging with endless capital, still lack the nous on how to enforce the ethical values needed to mature - South China Morning Post

The running mate configuration has not changed either, with both retaining their previous partners. William Ruto for Kenyatta and Kalonzo Musyoka for Odinga. The only thing that has changed is their party identities.

Kenyattas 2013 Jubilee coalition is now the Jubilee Party, comprising most of the constituent parties that had been part of the coalition. The 2013 Jubilee formation was an alliance between parties loyal to the president, and his deputy William Ruto.

For its part Odingas camp underwent a coalition overhaul, morphing from the Coalition for Reforms and Democracy to the National Super Alliance. The coalition brings together several parties, both old and new, led by the Orange Democratic Movement, Odingas longtime party.

Latest polls have indicated that the two candidates are neck-and-neck. Both have factors working for and against them.

Uhuru Kenyatta A few things are in Kenyattas favour. At 55 years of age, he is a young president who represents generational change. Kenyatta also comes from one of the wealthiest families in Kenya. Forbes Magazine ranks him as the 26th richest person in Africa, with an estimated fortune of $500m. This means that hes been able to contribute financially to a vibrant campaign.

As the incumbent some would also argue that he has had access to state resources and agencies to facilitate his re-election. Incumbency has also allowed him to drive his campaign on the steam of his development record and flagship projects in infrastructure, the energy sector and public service delivery.

In terms of voting blocs, Kenyatta has the support of Kenyas two most populous ethnic groupings: the Gikuyu, Embu and Meru (Gema) and the Kalenjin. The registered voters in the Gema grouping are approximately 5588nbsp;389, in the Kalenjin are 2nbsp;324nbsp;559.

Combined, thats 7nbsp;912nbsp;948 votes, which is equivalent to 40% of the electorate. Thats a formidable start when you consider that presidential strongholds have historically recorded a higher voter turnout during elections.

On the other hand, Kenyattas four-year tenure has been riddled with corruption allegations, including the Eurobond and National Youth Service scandals.

His admitted inability to rein in corruption in his government has worked against him. Additionally, his government is also accused of ethnic exclusion.

The Jubilee presidency is seen as a two-man show. This has contributed to the perception that Jubilee is not ethnically representative.

Raila Odinga Odinga has many things going for him. High up on the list are his charisma and strong political mobilisation skills. Historically, Odinga has always been a formidable opposition politician; not being an incumbent has enabled him to galvanise effectively.

Odinga enjoys wider ethnic support compared to President Kenyatta, comprising among others the Kamba, Luhya, Luo and Maasai tribes. These communities comprise over a third of the voting population. But the disadvantage is their historically lower record of voter turnout.

At 72 years of age, Odinga represents the older generation of Kenyan leaders who joined politics in the 1970s and 80s. And this being his fourth attempt at the presidency, theres lethargy among some of his supporters.

Hes viewed by some as power hungry and untrustworthy, especially because of his alleged association with Kenyas 1982 coup. His calls for mass action after the contentious 2007 election, during a period that saw the displacement and death of thousands of Kenyans, also contributed to this perception.

Also to his disadvantage is an association with past corruption scandals during his term as prime minister, including the maize and Kazi Kwa Vijana youth programme scandals.

The main political formations There are two main formations in the 2017 election the Jubilee Party and the National Super Alliance.

The Jubilee Party, formed in September 2016, followed a merger between The National Alliance and the United Republican Party representing two ethnic communities the Kikuyu and the Kalenjin. The Jubilee Party also has the support of other political parties including the Kenya African National Union, NARC Kenya, the Labour Party and the Democratic Party amongst others.

The National Super Alliance is a coalition of political parties formed in April 2017. Its leading lights are Odingas Orange Democratic Movement, the Wiper Democratic Movement led by Kalonzo Musyoka, the Amani National Congress led by Musalia Mudavadi, Ford Kenya led by Moses Wetangula and Isaac Rutos Chama Cha Mashinani. The coalition brings together the Luo, Kamba and Luhya ethnic groups, and a section of the Kalenjin community.

In this election cycle party manifestos have become increasingly important. This explains the Jubilee administrations scramble to complete promises outlined in its 2013 document.

The Jubilee Party has made even more promises in its recently launched manifesto. Three that have caught the public attention include the creation of 1.3 million jobs a year, free public secondary education and the expansion of Kenyas food production capacity.

The National Super Alliances promises are more political. They include a constitutional amendment to provide for a hybrid executive system to foster national cohesion. Two other notable promises are to lower the cost of rent by enforcing the Rent Restriction Act and to implement free secondary education.

Strengths and weaknesses The strengths of the Jubilee Party lie mainly in its incumbency and its development track record over the last four-and-a-half years. But the party has been weakened by divisions within its ranks. These were amplified during the campaign as disagreements broke out over the leadership of campaign teams. The ruling party is also handicapped to the extent that its not as ethnically diverse as its competitor.

The National Super Alliances main strength lies in its ethnic diversity. Its five principals represent different ethnic communities.

The super alliance also creatively captures the zeitgeist of a section of the electorate, with some of its campaign slogans such as vindu vichenjanga (things are a-changing in the Luhya dialect) making their way into popular use. It is riding on the euphoric wave that usually accompanies the hope of regime change.

One of its weaknesses, however, includes a perceived predilection to violence because the opposition has previously resorted to mass action. In 2016 for example, it organised a series of protests to mobilise for the removal of key members of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries commission, the body responsible for organising the general election.

Another weakness is its close association with allegedly corrupt financiers.

Key concerns There is a perception that historically, the presidency has been the preserve of two ethnic groups the Kikuyu and the Kalenjin. This feeling of disenfranchisement has become a key campaign issue.

There are however, some non-tribal issues that have taken the foreground. These include corruption, economic and social stability, lower cost of living and improved security.

Daisy Maritim Maina is a PhD candidate in Political Economy at SMC University

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What you need to know about the Kenyan elections - African Independent