Monthly Archives: July 2017

North Korea is making progress developing weapons. What can the US do about it? – PBS NewsHour

Posted: July 5, 2017 at 9:04 am

WILLIAM BRANGHAM: We return now to North Korea and its recent missile launch.

Today, the United States called for a closed-door United Nations Security Council meeting to address the threat.

So, what exactly are the Trump administrations options, and how might it respond?

For that, we turn to Ambassador Christopher Hill. He was the chief U.S. negotiator with North Korea from 2005 until 2009, and served as U.S. ambassador to South Korea. And by Mark Bowden. Hes a national correspondent for The Atlantic magazine, and he recently wrote a comprehensive cover story titled Can North Korea Be Stopped?

Gentlemen, welcome to you both.

Ambassador Hill, I would like to start with you first.

Can you just give me your initial reaction to this most recent launch?

CHRISTOPHER HILL, Former Chief U.S. Negotiator with North Korea: I think its a very serious matter. Its pretty clear they have made progress on intercontinental ballistic missiles.

From what I can understand, if you sent it at a different pitch, it could actually exceed the 5,000 miles that qualifies it as an intercontinental ballistic missile. So its a pretty serious matter.

And we also understand they made progress on miniaturization, so its not farfetched to assume that in the next two or three years, they will have a deliverable nuclear weapon aimed at the United States. And the real question is, how is the president going to explain that to the American people? And, perhaps more immediately, what is he going to do about it?

WILLIAM BRANGHAM: Mark Bowden, just as Ambassador Hill is saying, President Trump has said he will not allow a nuclear-armed missile to be able to be developed in North Korea. But this certainly seems like a very large step in that direction.

MARK BOWDEN, The Atlantic: It does.

And in addition to shrinking a nuclear weapon to go on top of a missile like that, they already have chemical and biological weapons that are capable of mass casualties. So, this is a really serious development. And its easy to say youre going to stop them from doing it, but its not a very easy thing to accomplish.

WILLIAM BRANGHAM: Ambassador, I wonder if you could give me a sense of, what is your understanding of what Kim Jong-un actually wants with this nuclear program?

CHRISTOPHER HILL: Well, you know, opinions differ on this. There are some who believe this is a poor, beleaguered country surrounded by larger hostile states who want to do it harm, and so why not allow the North Koreans to defend themselves?

But I think its actually a much more aggressive purpose they have in mind. I think what theyre hoping is that to hold American civilians at risk, that is, to have a deliverable nuclear weapon that is deliverable to the U.S. mainland, they can convince the United States not to exercise their responsibilities in the treaty with South Korea.

And I think being North Korean is to believe that, somehow, if they can get the U.S. out of the equation, they could reunite the peninsula on their own terms.

This is seems farfetched, but to be a North Korean is not necessarily to believe in the conventional wisdom. I think there are a lot of North Koreans who feel there is a lot of pro-North Korean sentiment in South Korea, and if only they could get the U.S. out of the equation, they could do it.

So I think its is a very serious moment and, frankly, a very dangerous moment.

WILLIAM BRANGHAM: Mark Bowden, what do you make of that? Is this really primarily a development of an offensive weapon for the potential keeping the U.S. and others at bay while it retakes South Korea?

MARK BOWDEN: I do think and I agree with Ambassador Hill that is the primary reason for having this weapon, but it also gives North Korea a lot more leverage in that region and certainly in dealing with South Korea.

Its conceivable, given the overtures that the new South Korean president has made to reopen negotiations with North Korea, that he could Kim Jong-un could use the possession of a weapon like this to pressure that those negotiations take place without the United States.

And I think his goal may well be to get the United States to withdraw from the Korean Peninsula.

WILLIAM BRANGHAM: Ambassador Hill, help me understand this a little bit more, though, because we are always told that, while this regime may be a despotic regime, that theyre not out of their minds, theyre not irrational actors. And the idea that somehow the U.S. would allow them to invade South Korea just seems unbelievably farfetched.

CHRISTOPHER HILL: Well, I mean, if you look at the kind of weaponry, which tends to be very offensive, tends to be right up there in the front, when you look at, as Mark pointed out, their capacities in chemical weapons and biological weapons, if you look at the fact that they have some 14,000 artillery tubes right up there in the front pointing right at the South Korean civilian populations, it looks to be a kind of offensively minded force.

And I think, for a long time, they have been dedicated to the proposition that they have to kind of decouple the U.S. from the Korean Peninsula and then a lot of things will fall their way.

WILLIAM BRANGHAM: Mark Bowden, your piece in The Atlantic laid out what you describe as the four main options for the Trump administration to respond. And you imply obviously that these are largely bad options.

Can you sort of explain what suite of options that the administration has?

MARK BOWDEN: Well, the obvious one, people Always bring this up whenever Im interviewed on the subject, is that, well, why dont we just attack North Korea and take out their military and eliminate the threat?

And thats certainly doable, but the consequences of that would be horrific, as the ambassador just pointed out. Even the conventional weapons that North Korea has could level Seoul, a city of 26 million people. And when you add, you know, chemical weapons and biological weapons and potentially nuclear weapons, you have possibly one of the greatest catastrophes in human history.

The other possibility is to sort of turn up the screws, a series of small-scale military attacks that would kind of ramp up the pressure on North Korea, something that could rapidly descend into an all-out conflict.

Another possibility is to target Kim Jong-un himself and try and eliminate him and replace him. And then the last bad option is just to accept the fact that we cant stop North Korea from building these weapons. And, you know, deterrents are you know, in this case, it would just be assured destruction we can hope might prevent them from using them.

WILLIAM BRANGHAM: Ambassador, last question to you.

The president seemed to imply in his tweet that its really upon China to handle this situation. But we have had now three administrations that have tried to persuade China to act with regards to North Korea.

Why hasnt that happened yet?

CHRISTOPHER HILL: Well, I think the Chinese are split.

I think theres some Chinese who feel that the demise of North Korea would be perceived in their country that is, in China as a victory for America and a defeat for China. And they worry about the perception of that within China, that is, its a domestic issue within China.

So, there are a lot of people who want to go with reforms much faster than Xi Jinping does. And if North Korea were to go away, perhaps those people would be in the ascendancy. So, a lot of party types, security types in China dont like to see something that results in something that looks like a U.S. victory.

That said, I think those three administrations are absolutely correct. We need to work more with China. I think the problem is President Trump has more of an outsourcing notion, that, somehow, OK, over to you, China, you sort this out. We will support you, and, by the way, we will stop calling you a currency manipulator and all the other bad things that you dont like.

Well, China is not going to be able to do this alone. I would keep the door open for negotiation, not that the North Koreans have shown any interest in negotiation. But having done it for a number of years, I think it was the right way to keep our relations with Japan and South Korea together, and having taken a lot of criticism from people who thought, how can you think negotiation is the right answer?

It has to be a factor in it if youre going to keep others together with you on the issue.

WILLIAM BRANGHAM: All right, Former Ambassador Christopher Hill, Mark Bowden of The Atlantic magazine, thank you both very much.

MARK BOWDEN: Youre welcome.

CHRISTOPHER HILL: Thank you.

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Climate and the G20 summit: some progress in greening economies, but more needs to be done – HuffPost

Posted: at 9:04 am

On July 7, G20 leaders will gather in Hamburg for their annual meeting. One likely outcome: another clash over climate change between the host government, Germany, and United States president Donald Trump.

As the Chinese did last year, German Prime Minister Angela Merkel has prioritised climate on the G20 agenda, just when the US administration is rolling back many environmental policies.

President Trump has announced that he wants his country to leave the Paris agreement, saying that the international accord is unfair to the US.

The question of what is fair in climate politics is hugely important.

Trumps definition of fairness America First is probably not mutually acceptable to most other nations. But countries will hesitate to scale up their ambitions unless they are convinced that others are doing their fair share.

To address this question, we have put together our third annual stocktake on their progress in a report coordinated by the global consortium Climate Transparency that determines how far the G20 has come in shifting from fossil fuels to a low-carbon economy.

The report, compiled with 13 partners from 11 countries, draws on a wide spectrum of published information in four main areas (emissions, policy performance, finance and decarbonisation) and presents it concisely, enabling comparison between these 20 countries as they shift from dirty brown economies to clean green ones.

Issei Kato/Reuters

The G20 is crucial to international action on climate change. Together, member states account for 75% of global greenhouse gas emissions and, in 2014, accounted for about 82% of global energy-related carbon dioxide emissions.

All member countries signed on to the 2015 Paris agreement, with its long-term temperature goals of keeping global warming to below 2C, ideally limiting it 1.5C..

The G20 have also proven to be a nimble policy forum, where soft policy making can happen. And there is less concern than in the past that the group would seek to replace the multilateral process.

This means these governments must lead the way in decarbonising their economies and building a low-carbon future.

According to the Climate Transparency report, the G20 countries are using their energy more efficiently, and using cleaner energy sources. Their economies have also grown, proving that economic growth can be decoupled from greenhouse gas emissions.

So we are beginning to see a transition from brown to green. But the report also reveals that the transition is too slow; it does not go deep enough to meet the Paris Agreements goals.

In half of the G20 countries, greenhouse gas emissions per capita are no longer rising. A notable exception is Japan, where emissions per person are ticking upward.

Canada has the highest energy use per capita, followed by Saudi Arabia, Australia and the US.

India, Indonesia and South Africa all have low energy use per capita (Indias per capita rate is one-eighth that of Canada). Poverty in these countries can only be addressed if people have access to more energy.

Today, renewable energy is increasingly the cheapest option. Still, we found that many G20 countries are meeting their increasing energy needs with coal, the dirtiest of fossil fuels.

According to the Climate Action Tracker, which monitors progress toward the Paris agreements temperature goals, coal should be phased out globally by 2050 at the latest.

Between 2013 and 2014, the G20 countries public finance institutions - including national and international development banks, majority state-owned banks and export credit agencies - spent an average of almost US$88 billion a year on coal, oil and gas.

Yet many of the G20 countries are now looking at phasing out coal, including Canada, France and the UK, which have all established a plan to do so.

Author provided

Germany, Italy and Mexico, too, are considering reducing their use of coal or have taken significant action to do so. India and China continue to be highly dependent on coal but have recently closed and scaled back plans for a number of coal plants.

Countries at the bottom of the rankings are Japan, Indonesia and Turkey, all of which have substantial coal-plant construction plans, and Australia.

Despite their repeated commitment to phasing out fossil fuel subsidies, the G20 countries are still heavily subsidising fossil fuels. In 2014, together, the G20 provided a total of over US$230 billion in subsidies to coal, oil and gas.

Japan and China provided, respectively, about $US19 billion and $US17 billion a year in public finance for fossil fuels between 2013 and 2014.

There is good news, though: renewable energy is on the rise. The G20 countries are already home to 98% of all installed wind power capacity in the world, 97% of solar power and 93% of electric vehicles.

In most G20 countries, renewables are a growing segment of the electricity supply, except in Russia, where absolute renewable energy consumption has decreased by 20% since 2009. China, the Republic of Korea and the UK have all seen strong growth.

Generally, the G20 countries are attractive for renewable energy investment, especially China, France, Germany and the UK although the UK has now abandoned its policy support for renewables.

Solar

National experts asked by Germanwatch, a Climate Transparency partner, generally agree that their respective G20 country is doing quite well on the international stage (with the exception of the US) but lack progress in ambitious targets and policy implementation.

China, Brazil, France, Germany, India, Mexico and South Africa are ranked the highest for climate action. Countries with the lowest climate policy performance are the US, Australia, Japan, Saudi Arabia and Turkey.

Putting together this G20 stocktake has had its challenges. The choice of indicators involves value judgements, which often become only apparent once national experts begin discussing them.

Enabling the international comparisons necessary to measure progress on climate requires information that is accurate, verifiable and comparable. The underlying data comes from very diverse economies with different legal systems, different regulations and reporting methods.

International organisations, such as the International Energy Agency, have often done extensive and very careful work to develop comparable data sets but these may not always be consistent with data from in-country sources. Exploring these differences helps us to improve our understanding of the data and the underlying developments.

The existing reporting and review system of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) is the source of much of the data that makes these comparisons possible.

The real challenge the UNFCCC process faces in the next few years as it finalises the rule book for the Paris agreement is how to develop an enhanced transparency system that will be robust and detailed enough to provide the relevant information for its five-yearly assessment of global progress on addressing climate.

Even so, the UNFCCC is constrained by the extent to which countries are able to see beyond their narrow interests.

Independent assessments such as Climate Transparencys, which remains mindful of different perspectives but is not limited by national interests, can play a vital role in helping to increase the political pressure for effective climate action.

Niklas Hhne, Professor of Mitigation of Greenhouse Gases, Wageningen University; Andrew Marquard, Senior Researcher on energy and climate change, University of Cape Town, and William Wills, Research Coordinator, Federal University of Rio de Janeiro

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

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Astros’ Dallas Keuchel could progress to mound work this week … – Chron.com

Posted: at 9:04 am

Photo: Bob Levey/Getty Images

HOUSTON, TX - APRIL 03: Dallas Keuchel #60 of the Houston Astros pitches in the first inning against the Seattle Mariners on Opening Day at Minute Maid Park on April 3, 2017 in Houston, Texas. (Photo by Bob Levey/Getty Images)

HOUSTON, TX - APRIL 03: Dallas Keuchel #60 of the Houston Astros pitches in the first inning against the Seattle Mariners on Opening Day at Minute Maid Park on April 3, 2017 in Houston, Texas. (Photo by Bob

Astros' Dallas Keuchel could progress to mound work this week

ATLANTA --- Astros ace Dallas Keuchel could progress beyond playing catch by week's end.

Manager A.J. Hinch said Tuesday the Astros are hopeful Keuchel can test himself off a mound while the team's in Toronto on Thursday through Sunday. Keuchel's clearing of that hurdle would provide more clarity on a timetable for a minor league rehab outing and then his return to the Astros' rotation.

"We want to start to push him forward and test him," Hinch said.

Keuchel, selected Sunday for his second All-Star team, hasn't pitched since June 2 because of a recurrence of a pinched nerve in his neck. The Astros have been extra conservative in his rehab given it's his second DL stint for this issue.

(Story continues below ... )

"He still feels strong. His arm feels good. His legs are strong," Hinch said. "But a month is too long to go in between major league outings (without a rehab outing)."

A return during the Astros' first series of the second half against the Twins appears out of the question at this point. But if Keuchel makes a rehab start that first weekend of the second half, it could potentially set him up to come off the disabled list during the Astros' road series in Baltimore from July 21-23.

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Wednesday’s Editorial: Good progress for Duval schools – Florida Times-Union

Posted: at 9:04 am

Leave a place better than you found it. This classic value that is part of the American psyche.

The adage comes to mind in light of the outstanding performance of the Duval County Public Schools.

The district maintained its overall B grade. So will those naysayers remember this fact?

In addition, A-rated schools surged from 31 last year to 46 this year.

And the proportion of schools that received an A, B or C grade increased from 75 percent last year to 89 percent.

Interim Superintendent Pat Willis credited hard work. Of course. Thats a requirement.

It also starts with great leadership, especially at the principal level.

Departed Superintendent Nikolai Vitti has to be credited with much of this. He replaced a large number of principals, which caused some angst, but it was based on a sense of urgency.

A school cant afford a down year, especially one with a large number of struggling students.

Vitti, now the superintendent in Detroit, took a school system that was already on the rise and led it to new heights.

Most of the districts 36 struggling schools improved to at least C grades.

Turnarounds dont happen overnight. A schools culture can change quickly with a dynamic new principal but when students are several years behind, the catch-up process is difficult.

Bringing up students in reading is especially difficult when there is little reading material at home.

The difficulty is illustrated by the Wayman Academy charter school. After 17 years, it earned its first A. You can visit schools like this and see the dedicated teachers, the hardworking students and yet the school grades sometimes take years to reflect the hard work.

Research from the University of Chicago has shown that for schools to succeed it takes five elements: school leadership first, then parent-community ties, professional faculty and staff, a student-centered learning climate and an instructional guidance system.

Each of these elements must be working in sync with the others.

One of Vittis legacies is to compare Duval with the other large metro school districts in the state, not with smaller, more fortunate suburban districts like St. Johns. Now Duval trails only Palm Beach among the seven urban school districts on school grades.

Lets thank all of the community partners of the school system, too.

INFLUENCE IN TALLAHASSEE

Duval Countys consolidated government has given it a great advantage statewide in being able to rally the community in mutual goals.

But in the Legislature, Duval has been overshadowed by South Florida legislators. Since John Thrasher left the Senate for the presidency of Florida State, the local delegation has been in a power vacuum.

With that in mind, Rep. Paul Renner is in line to become speaker of the Florida House in 2022. Thats a few years away, to be sure, but his influence certainly will be felt before he officially takes over.

Times-Union reporter Tia Mitchell, noted Renner would be the first speaker from Northeast Florida in about 20 years.

Renner, who represents the Palm Coast area, works in Jacksonville as an attorney.

The area Renner represents includes the St. Johns River, which has not received the same level of support as the Everglades in South Florida.

Its about time that this areas needs were more equitably represented in Tallahassee.

NO SEISMIC TESTING

Floridians are clear. We wont want oil and gas exploration anywhere near our precious beaches.

And so it makes no sense to allow seismic airgun surveys to be conducted off the coast.

U.S. Rep. John Rutherford pulled together an impressive roster of fellow House members to send a letter of protest regarding offshore oil and gas exploration.

The letter, also signed by Rep. Al Lawson, went to the Interior Department, which recently decided to move forward with offshore exploration.

Atlantic Coast economies dependent on a healthy ocean generate $95 billion gross domestic product and nearly 1.4 million jobs annually.

Fishing, tourism and recreation are huge businesses in Florida.

More than 120 local governments have passed formal resolutions opposing oil and gas exploration or drilling in the Atlantic or eastern Gulf.

So why would the federal government ignore the clear will of the people?

Is there some sort of national emergency? Far from it.

America hasnt been in a better position on energy in generations.

Thanks to the natural gas boom and fracking for oil, there is plenty of petroleum available. At the same time, renewable energy continues to grow quickly.

The other outrage is that any information gained from the seismic surveys would not be available to the public, only the oil and gas industry.

All in all, a terrible decision by the Trump administration. But it could be reversed in the time it takes to send a Tweet.

CONGRATS TO GIRARDEAU

Former State Sen. Arnett Girardeau just received a major award. He was enshrined in the Florida Civil Rights Hall of Fame.

Girardeau was the first African-American in modern times to be elected to the Florida Senate.

A graduate of Stanton and Howard University, he served in the Army during the Korean War.

He was awarded the American Spirit Honor Medal for his work with the armed forces and civil communities.

He was active with the local NAACP during the tumultuous 1960s when barriers of segregation were being broken.

Jacksonville is a better city because of the hard work of Girardeau during dangerous times.

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Gabriel S De Anda | Writer

Posted: at 9:03 am

Everything has been said, but not everything has been said superbly, and even if it had been, everything must be said freshly over and over again. Paul Horgan

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The times they are a-changing, especially in the realm of self-publishing.Acres of verbiage have been expended on the pros and cons of authors doing it for themselves.We will have to content ourselves here with saying, Not all tomes produced in this fashion are valueless. Heres one worthy candidate: Cherubimbo (Xlibris, trade paper, $19.99, 190 pages, ISBN 978-1-4628-4731-0) by Gabriel S. de Anda. With prior publication credits in several respectable zines, these stories come pre-vetted by an editorial acumen that is so often absent in other DIY productions. A practicing lawyer, de Anda infuses a couple of pieces with stefnal legal expertise, in the vein of Charles Harness. Time travel offers him lots of room for playful speculation, particularly in the emotionally resonant 1969. And some colorful posthumanism informs My Year To Be A Horse. De Andas touch is solid yet light-hearted, a winning one-two punch.

Paul Di Filippo 2013

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Here are a two more books by Gabriel S. de Anda.

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Gabriel S De Anda | Writer

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Staring at the Sondheim – Baltimore City Paper

Posted: at 9:01 am

The Sondheim finalists, reviewedand inching toward an art practice based in resistance by Rebekah Kirkman

In a drawing from his "Trump Regime Studies," artist William Powhida depicts a caricature-ish Steve Bannon (labeled as a "minister of nihilism" and also a "fucking sot"), Kellyanne Conway (the "minister of lies" and "Skelator"), Mike Pence (the "vice-chancellor" and "Walter White," a comparison that's far too benevolent in my opinion), and others including of course "the Chancellor," the Donald himself ("He IS capitalism"). The piece accompanies a short essay written by the artist for Hyperallergic, in which he notes that this drawing was sold for a couple thousand dollars to benefit a Brooklyn-based nonprofit that helps "emerging, under-recognized mid-career and women artists" in various ways, which Powhida says "feels like a small gesture."

Elsewhere in the essay, Powhida admits, "...I keep coming back to the contradictions inherent in art, such as its status as private property bought and sold in marketsincluding benefit auctions. The problems of ownership and the extreme disparity between profits from labor and returns on capital have contributed to the social conditions leading to Trump's election." Powhida's writing here focuses on artists in general, most of whom grow to accept that they are beholden to this hustle if they want to put their work into the world.

I keep coming back to those contradictions tooboth as a person who makes art and as one who writes about it. There is a Trump-shaped penumbra shrouding my critical writing abilities that sees the whole entire "art world" as something exploitative and unequal in which I sometimes don't want to participate by even writing about it, or at least not in a bland and uncritical and altogether cheerleader-y "review." There is a Trump-shaped ennui that (along with other factors, such as time) winds up halting me from making art at worst or lulls me into a complacency that keeps me from changing course with my own work.

I know I am not alone in this.

I have already intimated elsewhere in City Paper that it's a bit reckless to blame this all, this pervasive grief that I am trusting y'all readers are feeling with us collectively, on Trump, but it's even more foolish to pretend as if things haven't gotten markedly worse and scarier.

OK, got it, but how do we deal with it?

The complexities of the art market are not so prevalent in Baltimore as they are in New York and other cities that have been marketed as destinations or centers for art. But maybe we're getting there: In Baltimore, while there is much support for art and artists, organizations also use art as a tool for real estate speculation and development. We don't have a huge collector base here, though we do have a few commercial galleries with some big holdings that sell and travel to some of the major art fairs. Most visual artists in Baltimore can make their work in studio spaces that are relatively cheap. And some show their work in artist-run galleries and occasional college/university gallery shows and, even more rarely, in those aforementioned commercial galleries. Some travel elsewhere to show and sell their work, or eventually move away entirely. And we do have a lot of funding for the arts, with the Janet & Walter Sondheim Artscape Prize (put on by the Baltimore Office of Promotion & the Arts, which I'll get to soon, stay with me, please), the Baker Artist Awards, the Greater Baltimore Cultural Alliance's Rubys Artist Projects Grants, The Contemporary's Grit Fund, and more, plus awards from the state, like the Maryland State Arts Council awards. These awards typically go to emerging or somewhat established adult individuals (and sometimes collectives), and are funded year after year by various local and national foundations, benefactors, and supporters of the arts.

Three of this year's seven Sondheim finalists have been finalists in previous years, too: two in 2015, and one in 2014which was also the year I started contributing to City Paper's annual coverage of the finalist exhibition. It's an odd feeling of dj vu, but it's not terribly surprising that the tastes and interests of out-of-town jurorsparticularly if they are more often than not based in New York, themselves working within a highly competitive environmentmight overlap. Usually established artists, critics, and curators, the jurors are different each year, and they do often hail from New York (some occasionally have a Baltimore/Maryland connection); this year all three are based in New York. The Sondheim prize is only open to applicants in Maryland, Washington D.C., and certain counties and cities of Virginia and Pennsylvania. BOPA estimates that since around the award's second year, no fewer than 300, and sometimes more than 400 artists have applied. So far, eight of 11 winners since the prize's inaugural year have been based in Baltimore City. Most of the winners have been white artists. A host of societal issues and factors keep the art world overwhelmingly white.

I'm sure it feels great to be chosen as a Sondheim finalist. I'm sure being a semifinalist feels pretty good toosomething for the resume and a chance to show your work in public. (The semifinalists exhibition, by the way, is up at MICA from July 21-Aug. 6.) Hell, I bet even just getting through the submission process alone is something you'd want to toast to. I'm not knocking anyone for doing the work, not saying we should get rid of the award. But back to ol' Trump. In light of everything now, I want to imagine an art world that's less of a capitalist nightmare and less of a hustle, that's less dependent on an expensive and privileged art education (disclosure: I am the recipient of one of those, as well as a lot of debt). There has always been so much rhetoric that artists are progressive, that they're on the vanguard, but of what, and how, and who says?

I am wondering what an art practice based in resistance (as opposed to the shit that got us to where we are nowcapitalism, racism, xenophobia, Islamophobia, sexism, homophobia, transphobia, holy god, everything) would look like, and since we do need money to do things in this world, how that type of practice might be funded. Maybe it would involve fewer art-objects-as-commodities, maybe everything would be more local and more affordable. Maybe there would be more recognition of the arts and humanities' value in society and thus more funding for it across the board (a preemptive RIP to the National Endowment for the Humanities and the National Endowment for the Arts, whose deaths seem imminent under Trump). More quality arts education in schools taught by better-paid artists, who don't have to work three jobs in order to maintain a studio practice that often keeps them holed up alone. And I know y'all have better and more creative ideas than that.

When FORCE won the Sondheim last year, it was inspiring to me that an artist/activist group whose work aims to right a vast, seemingly insurmountable wrong in our society (rape culture and stigma surrounding abuse), to try to help shift the paradigm and support survivors, would be financially rewarded for work whose effects are tangible. Maybe the person who wins this year's Sondheim is several steps ahead of me and will have big, posi plans for that money. Maybe they won't; I don't know. It isn't up to me. I'm just a critic, spitballin' because I care about this shit, and I love art sometimes but mostly I love it when it hits me in the gut somehow, and when I can see it affecting other people in that way.

The winner of the 2017 Sondheim prize will be announced at 7 p.m. on July 15 at the Walters Art Museum. Jurors Ruba Katrib, Clifford Owens, and Nat Trotman selected this year's finalistsMequitta Ahuja, Mary Anne Arntzen, Cindy Cheng, Sara Dittrich, Benjamin Kelley, Kyle Tata, Amy Yeewho are all currently based in Baltimore. Trying to predict a winner for these awards has never seemed useful or wise to me. Nor does slapping a haphazard organizing principle onto this particular juried show, though last year (a year out from the Baltimore Uprising) the finalists' work was more overtly political, more in topic than in practice, than it had been in recent memory. This year, the work is markedly less so, and generally less moving, with a few exceptions. As a whole, it falls short of the idea that the Sondheim, one of the biggest local art awards, represents what it means or what it could mean to make art right now.

Mequitta Ahuja

MaryAnne Arntzen

Cindy Cheng

Sara Dittrich

Benjamin Kelley

Kyle Tata

Amy Yee

(Reginald Thomas II/For City Paper)

Mequitta Ahuja's paintings generously explore the selfthe artist's self but also, in a meta way, a painting's self, commenting on its own history, within a history. Seven large-scale paintings (the smallest is not quite a square, its shortest dimension almost 5 feet; the largest is also not quite a square, its shortest dimension almost 7 feet) work in a way that's somewhat reminiscent of Chicago painter Kerry James Marshall's paintings.

Ahuja seems to be working toward something similar as Marshall, in terms of addressing "the canon" of Western art history. Not seeing herself, a woman of color, painted by a woman like herself represented in most art history books, Ahuja carves out her own space. Stylistically, these paintings are similar to the ones she showed as a Sondheim finalist in 2015, in which she drew upon her African and South Asian ethnicity and the globalization of art and culture.

Here, Ahuja again employs a bold palette, with methodical, thick straps of oil paint over a coarse canvas surfaceimagine loads of paint slathered over a rug, which I dunno why you'd ever do that, but Ahuja makes it look so satisfyingto construct paintings within paintings. 'Renaissance Woman' depicts a painting of the artist in a modest white slip sitting in a typical portrait pose from that time period. She holds a delicate chain from which dangles a prism, projecting rainbow light all around it. The wall label (each painting is accompanied by a short explanatory label; Ahuja seems to want to ensure her intentions are crystal clear) references Isaac Newton and that this woman is like a "lost, covered-up and recalled black character." Ahuja nods to the ways that, by and large, the scientific innovations of black and brown people are erased by a white and Eurocentric narrative of discovery and genius.

The paintings often reference each other, borrowing each other's compositions. In 'Sales Slip,' a figure (presumably the artist again) lifts up a red cloth to reveal this painting within a painting, and lets the painting lean against her body. Her arm hangs over the edge holding what, judging by the title, is safe to assume is a sales slip, partially concealing the face of the painted woman, as if taunting or shrouding; it's unclear. The painting within this painting looks like its neighbor 'Renaissance Woman' but perhaps an earlier or unfinished version, as if to hint at but not overstate money's effect on art, how it changes, directs, impedes, and motivates work all at once.

Erasure, mystery, and untold or unknowable histories are a few of the sturdy threads that Ahuja weaves, and nowhere is that more apparent than 'Border Distilled,' an abridged version of its neighbor 'Border'here, the environment of the latter becomes simple geometry, hard edges and an arch, and all that remains of the latter's seated woman are her two bare brown feet.

Another reading of Ahuja's work might find frustration in her search for inclusion into a history she has largely been excluded from. But through these paintings, as she invites you into her studio, her painting's space, and the realities directly around and inside of it, Ahuja evolves with this history, reckoning with it, breaking down from the inside that elusive, arbitrary position of "genius."

(Reginald Thomas II/For City Paper)

A pie of variegated blue and white and purplish triangles sits in the center of a large, shiny, black square void in Mary Anne Arntzen's 'Spider Moon,' one of 14 paintings on view. Five or six bright red, yellow, and blue-black thin, nervous lines separate some of the triangles from each other; a blurry yellow and reddish halo quivers into the surrounding darkness.

'Spider Moon's' smaller sibling, 'Aperture,' hangs across the space among a row of paintings that are all 14 inches square. Though 'Spider Moon' feels more person-sized and thus easier to beckon the viewer to come get lost inside of it, 'Aperture' is the more successful painting. The unelaborate hesitance of Arntzen's mark works better on a smaller scale; it feels quick and uninhibited rather than belabored and beleaguered as some of her larger paintings do.

Fence-like, ribbony shapes and interlocking, overlapping noodles and chutes abound in Arntzen's compositions, which are at times uneven. The color palettes are occasionally draba mustard yellow angular boomerang shape overlaps a similar grass-green shape, among green stripes on a fiery red background and a from-the-tube yellow in 'Boomerang.' In her statement, the artist intellectualizes a fairly rote, by-the-book painter's process within her paintings ("every mark is placed in response to the one before" and culminates in a space that's "ambiguous" and hops between "abstract form and illusionism") while also referencing freehand geometry and quilt squares.

Some sickly color relationships distract from more interesting and sturdy compositions and shapes, like in 'Poor Men Want to Be Rich, Rich Men Want to Be King' whose dynamic, balled-up brush strokes, bound by a spiral and a fury of thin stripes are beset by harsh yellows and sad beiges and a chalky orange, a dash of green and a couple purple triangles. Others work quite well, like how 'Ritual Magic's' overall harmonious but hot shades of red and violet wind around each other and make me think of a heating element. But it looks more like a screen, a sort-of-window or frame structure, whose view is obstructed by a continuous line that wraps tightly around it. Arntzen's openness to her process, content, and where a mark and a movement will lead her results in an arrangement of work that feels chaotic but constrained.

(Reginald Thomas II/For City Paper)

There is no other finalist this year who offers more visual rewards in their work than Cindy Cheng. Here, I'll list some notes I took while tiptoeing around the artist's visual jungle gyms: hamster tubes; special rocks; a carpeted, glitched-out table; koi pond accoutrements; clay donuts; a big bone/a little bone; ping pong ball; kinda like a toe separator but for some creature with like 20 toes at least; tiny blue dot (hello, wink, Carl Sagan?); things that recall marbles and mancala and Cracker Barrel games.

Though each of the three expansive sculptural pieces is overwhelming in its own way with so many tiny components and Easter eggs, a variety of handmade ceramic and wooden portions and structures along with found/readymade objects and possibly discarded materials, you should try to get up close to her drawings that are framed and hung on the walls too. The five drawings, from a series called 'Souvenir Room,' are delicate graphite and charcoal renderings of spaces with collaged elements. Some of them feel like galleries, which makes their titles all the more amusing'Souvenir Room #9' features a bewildering play of light and shadow across a high-ceilinged space in which multi-leveled and occasionally translucent plinths display blobby masses; a "Snake" (the game I played on my sister's Nokia cellphone in the early 2000s)-shaped window in the space is what's letting all that light in, I think, and outside something's oozing down whatever building we're inside of.

The titles of the sculptures provide tangential hints to the visual poetry she offers: 'Untitled (Straight and Narrow)' guides your eye toward the four distinct upright sections of the piece and the oblique and oblong objects within them, while the title 'Signal/Lookout' makes me see the objects on this semi-collapsed, carpeted table as alien aquatic elements and strange swimming pools.

Or that's how I'm seeing it. Cheng really has you frowning and incredulous throughout; there's so much room for narratives and associative logic it can be maddeningin a pleasant wayif you're the type of person who feels like they need to understand every damn detail. Though she gives you so much to pore over, she still builds up a boundary of formalism so that you may never know the exact referent for that ceramic thing that looks like a giant stick of incense, for the vaguely topographic map made of foam, for the egg crate foam, for the ceramic cone atop what looks like a bed of mangrove roots.

(Reginald Thomas II/For City Paper)

Wherever you're standing while looking at the Sondheim finalist exhibition, you might be startled by an unpredictable, strange drum rhythm. It stops for long, intermittent pauses, and then starts again, a pitter-pattering. That's coming from Sara Dittrich's 'Going/Staying (Walters Art Museum),' a kick drum outfitted with "various electrical components" that create a rhythm corresponding to the artist's footsteps (and stops) as she walked through the museum. The piece builds more anxiety on top of my already anxious homeostasis, which I weirdly enjoykeeping my toes on their toes, as it werea heightened state of awareness or consciousness. It's unclear why the steps were recorded at the Walters; it could have easily been anywhere else, and maybe that's where we're supposed to take it next, finding a way "into" all of the spaces we navigate, and what effects that attention brings.

Dittrich's other works on display here mirror that presence and absence and awkwardness in the body. In the middle of her portion of the gallery, large, white, goofy-looking (but also Goofy-looking) celluclay-sculpted hands and feet sit on low plinths, the tools of a performance that is documented by way of 20 photographs, hung in a neat row on the wall to the left. In this series, titled 'Arrhythmia of the Body,' the artist swishes and sways and flails her arms and lunges left and right in her cumbersome hands and feet. Most often whatever is in motion is blurry.

Across from those photos is 'Variations on Listening #5,' a large square white canvas painted the same shade and slightly dimpled texture as the wall it hangs on. On the canvas, rows of tiny white polymer clay ears form a nearly perfect ring with a hole in the middle. We can intuitively understand the circle/ring as something that finds focus (like a lens), that locates a center, that places us right here, right now. Here, "listening" is looking too; our senses blur into one another just as the textures of the piece start to blend into the wall behind it. And then the kick drum steps start up again, jolting us back out.

(Reginald Thomas II/For City Paper)

Benjamin Kelley's display contains a stark three pieces that ruminate on time, discovery, futility, the body, and labor, and pretty much any other relative offshoot of those notions you might think of if you sit with them and let yourself wonder.

Though still somewhat murky, Kelley's explorations of objects and their preservation offer a clearer narrative possibility than the works he presented as a Sondheim finalist in 2015, which were intriguing but frustratingly obtuse. Here, in his piece 'Residual Evolutions,' a long, clear acrylic tube mounted to the wall contains a skillfully carved wooden skeleton of a right hand (plus part of the radius and ulna), a thin, long, flaky/corroded, tapering Tower of Babel-like structure, and the right-hand glove of astronaut Bonnie Dunbar's space suit. Kelley's statement notes that this suit was worn in the 1995 STS-71 Atlantis mission, which was the first space shuttle mission to dock with Mir, the Russian Space Station.

Cut into the gallery wall nearby is the piece 'Antlophobic Hymn,' a small display whose design looks straight out of "Star Trek," featuring two bolted portholes, one holding a temperature and humidity logger (such as you might find on the walls around any museum) that glows blue, the other with a pocket-sized journal with a series of dates and "weather conditions and temperatures" from 1843-'44 which Kelley says belonged to an unknown author from an unknown location. Antlophobia, by the way, is a fear of floods; in his statement Kelley alludes to the front page in this journal, in which the author wrote about a flood that destroyed their town and swept away a bridge, a mill, houses, and other structures. It is an abstracted exercise in empathysince the author and place are unknown, this recording of data has become utterly useless to us today. Except for the dates and times, the handwriting is truly hard to read; it's unclear what the author was actually trying to keep track of, and all I can extract from it now is a neurotic dedication.

Finally, hanging high across from the long tube piece is 'The Healer,' the dark blue lab coat belonging to the Walters' conservator Pamela Betts. Kelley's statement points to specific moments in time about different components in each of these works all to say ultimately that here, "within the confines of the museum, the objects become relics." That's all, and we're left to ponder who decides what objects are worth preserving, and who's doing the work to preserve them, and what is left or written out.

(Reginald Thomas II/For City Paper)

To my own horror, I find myself drawn to an image with a red, white, and blue color scheme first. It's titled '52001633_8_Bank of America.' But maybe it's less the colors and more the off-kilter zig-zag through which the colors shine; the rest of the composition is black. Oh, and there's the enticing mystery of the image itselflong, slightly wavy hair, maybe the hint of the person's face before the rest of it is obscured into darkness. The person is not the point.

Each of Kyle Tata's pieces employ certain tactics of advertisinga face, a hand grazing a surface, stand-ins for some kind of desirelayered and disrupted by the zig-zagging, blocked and dotted patterns found inside of security tint envelopes. There are a couple other Bank of America-related prints using those colors, as well as M&T Bank (whose charity foundation, incidentally, sponsors the $2,500 honorarium each of the non-winning finalists receive) and PNC.

With its focus on the banks' branding, pattern repetition and obfuscation, and people whose identities remain untouchable and nonspecific, this body of work is more cohesive than what Tata showed as a 2014 Sondheim finalist. Though it's still so formalist it almost hurts, he more or less owns up to that in his short statement while also alluding to a vague, underlying vein of consumerism and data and what those things might mean for us. The C-prints are beautiful in composition and color, and Tata transforms something as banal as a teller's metal coin tray into a playful exercise emulating maybe some elements of a Barbara Kasten piece and a Mies van der Rohe building.

Perhaps purposefully, I keep getting stuck on the surface here: the hot/cool glowing and colorful light, the sharp contrast, the magentas, the geometries, the wiggly shadows, and the security envelope patterns (that also resemble bus seat patterns to me). But the import of Tata's subject matter stays muddled, and I want it to say more.

(Reginald Thomas II/For City Paper)

On one of my visits to the Walters to see the Sondheim show, as I was looking at one of Amy Yee's other works on display, a woman walked through and apparently touched one of the tissues that peek out of 72 "off-brand Kleenex" boxes within the piece 'The Field (Expanded).' The square boxesprinted with what looks like a stock photo of tall grass, with a very subtle Giant logo in the cornerare set onto six simple, staggered wooden risers, like a choir. I had my back turned but I overheard the museum guard awkwardly telling the woman, "Yeah, everything in this space is actually art, so . . . " It ultimately wasn't a big deal, which was cool, and I got where the woman was coming from. I wanted to touch them too.

The title of that piece riffs on Rosalind Krauss' influential 1979 essay 'Sculpture in the Expanded Field,' in which the critic mapped sculpture's shift towards postmodernism as it had moved distinctly away from the monumental, from being held up on a pedestal, and so on, and became more enmeshed literally into the earth or the world more generally around it. Here though, Yee brings back the pedestal and, in a way, a ritualthe display feels church-like, but also like a grocery store endcap. We are meant to revere art, yet art remains a commodity, with no signs of turning back. So what is the difference?

Each of Yee's works in the show feels like a component of some larger whole yet to be developeda selection of head-scratchers. But as she says in her statement, she's "interested in the failure of art," and how the artist plays god, but all of her attempts wind up as petty simulacra and remain so. Like how that lady was reprimanded just for touching (maybe not even taking) a tissue. A to-scale photo transfer of a light switch, titled 'Wall Art,' on a wall almost goes unnoticed. Six laptop-screen-sized inkjet prints of screenshots of last year's Olympics in Rio, mostly of in-between moments where there is no action, where the track or field or winner's stand are empty, are beautiful compositions. In 'A Far-Off Country,' a silent video of a flagprinted with a cloudy blue skybillows in the wind against a cloudy blue sky, and that's all we're allowed to see of this mystery country. The clouds on the flag look like they're upside down, too: What kind of lazy jerks or creative geniuses let that go? Yee seems to want us to shoulder some of that weight, to do most of the work and the mental gymnastics to figure it out.

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What’s left of the political center in America? A new book seeks answers. – Casper Star-Tribune Online

Posted: at 9:00 am

Nebulous lines and shifting policies make it difficult to know where the culture wars start and end in America. Its no secret that chasms are growing wide, and walls are getting taller. In a new book, sociologist Philip Gorski elegantly traces two diverging lines of popular ideology, arguing convincingly that our current political gap isnt new. Rather, its a part of a deeply ingrained battle for control between two American religious traditions that date back to before our country was founded.

In American Covenant, Gorski portrays a political culture split between conservative, apocalyptic nativists who believe themselves to be the inheritors of the fiery religious fundamentalism of the early Puritans and atheist liberals, the cultural elitist heirs of the Enlightenments secular rationalism. While one side wants freedom of religion, the other side wants freedom from it. Yet Gorski puts forth that the unifying tissue between these two camps is the American civil religion, a concept pioneered by sociologist Robert Bellah in 1967 that seeks to describe the foundational shared ideals that both sides can agree upon.

Thats a promising thought.

But for all the discussion of so-called civil religion in Gorskis book, he manages to barely discuss what it looks like. Sure, there are quasi-religious rituals existing within our national life, such as the sacrosanct Fourth of July, and numerous depictions of Civil Religious art, like The Apotheosis of Washington painted on the dome of the U.S. Capitol. But at its heart, what are the core doctrinal creeds that Gorski argues have the power to unite America? Sadly, theyre not as easy to identify as one would hope. Of course, if they were, perhaps we wouldnt have such a fractured political landscape in the first place. And given that the two groups Gorski describes are so different, it is unsurprising that he struggles to describe the space where their views overlap, thus challenging the entire premise of so-called civil religion.

If Gorskis two camps sound a bit extreme, thats because they are. With its blustery descriptions of apocalyptic Hebrew prophets and enlightened freethinkers, the story of civil religion in American Covenant can come across like fantasy. Gorski describes the relationships between religious nationalism, radical secularism, and civil religion as akin to tribal warfare with ancient roots. Comparing the United States that Gorski depicts to stories like Harry Potter or the Lord of the Rings might be unfair, but the author certainly manages to show how both sides of the religion and political divide in America see themselves as the heros of a polarized moral universe in which each sides noble prophets serve as leading actors in a showdown between good and evil.

Gorski highlights some of the radically different ideas that exist at the nexus of each sides prophetic thought, focusing on important thinkers across the spectrum from Martin Luther King himself to John Calhoun. Yet, while Gorski himself writes that his civil religion is a panoramic portrait of a diverse people marching together through time toward a promised land across landscapes both light and darkhopeful without being fantastical, and progressive without being naively optimistic, the traditions from which he draws on arent all that diverse.

Gorski offers civil religion as a framework for maintaining the political center in our country the famed moderates that are much discussed by pollsters during election years yet who seem to be absent from Washington, D.C. But Gorski paints this type of religion as possessed of a single, Judeo-Christian and largely white lineage. While it is undeniable that there is an extreme emphasis on Judeo-Christian tradition within the United States, is there room in our unique civil religion for the traditions of other cultures? While there are some Jews and African Americans mentioned as prophets of the civil religion outlined by Gorski, what of the Asian, African, Mexican or Native American religious traditions that exist in the United States?

A more fruitful conversation about what it means to be moderate in America will likely require the inclusion of more cultural voices than appear in American Covenant. The civil religion of the nations founding was forged by European immigrants. If the movement is to survive our current, fractious politics, perhaps we should consider that its defining characteristics in the future may not come from within our tradition at all just as none of its founders did.

Jake Rosenberg is a writer and playwright based in New York City.

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Independent Institute fellow: Two victories for free speech – NewsOK.com

Posted: at 8:59 am

By Alvaro Vargas Llosa Published: July 5, 2017 12:00 AM CDT Updated: July 5, 2017 12:00 AM CDT

We live in times of hypersensitivity. One way in which collectivism acts against individual freedom is by declaring morally reprehensible and oftentimes prohibiting what is deemed offensive. The expression political correctness has come to define this assault on free speech that hides behind the mask of respect for the sensibilities of others.

Any attempt to deviate from this hypocritical abuse of power should be welcome. Which is why we should rejoice at two recent developments.

The first is the decision by the Supreme Court to side with the Asian-American rock band The Slants against the Patent and Trademark Office, which had refused to register a trademark for the group on the grounds that the name is offensive to Asians. This is not the first time the Patent and Trademark Office, armed with a provision against offensiveness in the federal trademark law, has made decisions based on political correctness. It canceled the Washington Redskins' trademark in 2014 on the ground that the name offended American Indians.

The second development is the courage shown by Kara McCullough, Miss USA 2017, a young scientist who works for the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, in answering two questions during the pageant. McCullough was asked whether affordable health care for all Americans is a right or a privilege. She said that she sees it as a privilege because her own insurance comes from her employment; in order to obtain coverage one should get a job, she added, and we should cultivate an environment in which people can have jobs and therefore health care.

When asked about feminism, she stated that she was more for equalism and associated the other term with not caring about men. Of course, she was massacred in the social media and part of the mainstream media (which, realizing she was not going to back down, subsequently tried to present her comments on the controversy as a retraction).

Of course, neither McCullough nor the Slants had any intention of being offensive. In McCullough's case, regardless of one's views on the matter, all you have to do is watch her making the original comments to see that she was responding quite honestly based on personal experience. In the band's case, it's even more absurd to take offense since the name actually ridicules the stereotype by wearing it as a badge of honor.

John Stuart Mill, who wrote in the 19th century, might as well have been living in our times when he attacked, in the second chapter of his book On Liberty, the idea that offensiveness should be used as an argument against free speech.

The first problem, Mill noted, is where to draw the line (fixing where these supposed bounds are to be placed) because anyone who finds it hard to counter an argument will accuse their opponent of being offensive (intemperate).

The second problem is that limiting free speech for the sake of political correctness will be unfair to people of perfectly good faith. People who are informed and competent often misrepresent other people's views or suppress facts and arguments. Who is to say what is a perfect representation of someone else's views? The offended party? That would turn people of good faith into morally culpable beings all the time!

The third problem is that the denunciation of offensive speech, as Mill maintained, usually targets those who defy the prevailing opinion.

Free speech is one of the protections we have, as individuals, against the tyranny of the majority (whether it is truly a majority or not). The world needs more people like Miss USA 2017 and more Supreme Court decisions that defy political correctness.

Vargas Llosa is a senior fellow at the Independent Institute.

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A baker’s free speech – Toledo Blade

Posted: at 8:59 am

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When the Supreme Court declared that the Constitution protects gay marriage, did it thereby establish a view that all Americans must affirm?

The court itself answered that question nearly 75 years ago: No official, high or petty, can prescribe what shall be orthodox in politics, nationalism, religion, or other matters of opinion or force citizens to confess by word or act their faith therein.

The court should stand by that pronouncement and reject the efforts of civil-rights bureaucrats to force creative professionals to celebrate gay weddings with their art.

When a bride and groom go to Jack Phillips bakery for a wedding cake, his lawyers told the court, he talks to them. He gets to know them and their relationship, and he celebrates them by baking a cake.

Mr. Phillips also turns down some jobs he does not want to take. He does not make cakes for Halloween, because theyre contrary to his religious values. And for the same reason, he says, he does not make cakes for same-sex weddings.

So when Charlie Craig and David Mullins asked him to make their wedding cake, he refused and, his lawyers say, offered to make them a cake for some other occasion. His faith teaches him to serve and love everyone, wrote the lawyers, and he does.

The couple went to another bakery and to the Colorado civil-rights bureaucracy, which ordered Mr. Phillips to start making cakes for marriages he does not believe in or stop making wedding cakes altogether. It even ordered him to re-educate his staff.

Mr. Phillips fought back, all the way to the Supreme Court, which accepted the case.

The Free Speech Clause prohibits the government from forcing people to affirm a message officials choose for them. The Supreme Court has ruled that schoolchildren may not be forced to say the Pledge of Allegiance, and drivers may not be forced to display license plates that say Live Free or Die. The pledge and that motto may be laudable messages, but Americans are free to decide they do not agree. Similarly here: The government has no right to force Mr. Phillips to agree with the Supreme Court, to think the right thoughts, or to bake a cake for someone he does not wish to bake it for.

Mr. Phillips may be wrong about civil marriage contracts. But the First Amendment protects the right to be wrong.

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Editorial: Keep free speech strong – Bend Bulletin

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Oregonians right to free speech is particularly strong. And, as the states Court of Appeals reminded us last week in its Oregon Wild v. Port of Portland decision, it does not distinguish among types of speech. Commercial, political, religious and private speech are equally protected by the language in Article 1, Sect. 8 of the state constitution.

The case goes back to 2013, when Oregon Wild sought to buy an advertisement at the Portland Airport decrying clear-cutting on federal forests. The ad was rejected, and Oregon Wild sued. It won in circuit court, and the Port of Portland, which runs the airport, appealed. Wednesday the court rejected all three of the ports arguments supporting its ban.

The ports regulation, the appeals court said, had the effect of law. It also rejected, as it had before, the idea that a ban on some kinds of speech was not based on what was said but on its need to run the airport well. Finally, the court said, the state constitution prohibits banning speech based on content. Religious and political speech, in other words, are just as well protected in Oregon as commercial speech is.

Oregons free speech protection is stronger than the federal governments. No law shall be passed restraining the free expression of opinion or restricting the right to speak, write or print freely on any subject whatsoever; but every person shall be responsible for the abuse of this right, it says, and the courts have agreed. Consider what state Supreme Court Justice Robert C. Jones wrote in 1982 in a case involving a dirty bookstore in Redmond: In this state any person can write, print, read, say, show or sell anything to a consenting adult even though that expression may be generally or universally obscene.

In Oregon, speech is speech, no matter what is said, and no matter where. Government entities should not try to find ways to curtail speech.

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