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Monthly Archives: June 2017
NSA Backtracks on Sharing Number of Americans Caught In Warrantless Spying – Fortune
Posted: June 10, 2017 at 6:52 pm
The National Security Agency (NSA) headquarters at Fort Meade, Maryland, as seen from the air, January 29, 2010. Saul LoebAFP/Getty Images
For more than a year, U.S. intelligence officials reassured lawmakers they were working to calculate and reveal roughly how many Americans have their digital communications vacuumed up under a warrant-less surveillance law intended to target foreigners overseas.
This week, the Trump administration backtracked, catching lawmakers off guard and alarming civil liberties advocates who say it is critical to know as Congress weighs changes to a law expiring at the end of the year that permits some of the National Security Agency's most sweeping espionage.
"The NSA has made Herculean, extensive efforts to devise a counting strategy that would be accurate," Dan Coats, a career Republican politician appointed by Republican President Donald Trump as the top U.S. intelligence official, testified to a Senate panel on Wednesday.
Coats said "it remains infeasible to generate an exact, accurate, meaningful, and responsive methodology that can count how often a U.S. person's communications may be collected" under the law known as Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act.
He told the Senate Intelligence Committee that even if he dedicated more resources the NSA would not be able to calculate an estimate, which privacy experts have said could be in the millions.
The statement ran counter to what senior intelligence officials had previously promised both publicly and in private briefings during the previous administration of President Barack Obama, a Democrat, lawmakers and congressional staffers working on drafting reforms to Section 702 said.
Representative John Conyers, the top Democrat in the House of Representatives Judiciary Committee, said that for many months intelligence agencies "expressly promised" members of both parties to deliver the estimated number to them.
Senior intelligence officials had also previously said an estimate could be delivered. In March, then NSA deputy director Rick Ledgett, said "yes" when asked by a Reuters reporter if an estimate would be provided this year.
"Were working on that with the Congress and we'll come to a satisfactory resolution, because we have to," said Ledgett, who has since retired from public service.
The law allows U.S. intelligence agencies to eavesdrop on and collect vast amounts of digital communications from foreign suspects living outside of the United States, but often incidentally scoops up communications of Americans.
The decision to scrap the estimate is likely to complicate a debate in Congress over whether to curtail certain aspects of the surveillance law, congressional aides said. Congress must vote to renew Section 702 to avoid its expiration on Dec. 31.
Privacy issues often scramble traditional party lines, but there are signs that Section 702's renewal will be even more politically unpredictable.
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Some Republicans who usually support surveillance programs have expressed concerns about Section 702, in part because they are worried about leaks of intercepts of conversations between Trump associates and Russian officials amid investigations of possible collusion.
U.S. intelligence agencies last year accused Russia of interfering in the 2016 presidential election campaign, allegations Moscow denies. Trump denies there was collusion. Intelligence officials have said Section 702 was not directly connected to surveillance related to those leaks.
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"As big a fan as I am of collection, incidental collection, I'm not going to reauthorize a program that could be politically manipulated," Senator Lindsey Graham, usually a defender of U.S. surveillance activities, told reporters this week.
Graham was among 14 Republican senators, including every Republican member of the intelligence panel, who on Tuesday introduced a bill supported by the White House and top intelligence chiefs, that would renew Section 702 without changes and make it permanent.
Critics have called the process under which the FBI and other agencies can query the pool of data collected for U.S. information a "backdoor search loophole" that evades traditional warrant requirements.
"How can we accept the government's reassurance that our privacy is being protected when the government itself has no idea how many Americans' communications are being swept up and stored?" said Liza Goitein, a privacy expert at the Brennan Center for Justice.
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NSA Backtracks on Sharing Number of Americans Caught In Warrantless Spying - Fortune
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WikiLeaks founder supporting NSA leak suspect in Georgia – Atlanta Journal Constitution
Posted: at 6:52 pm
Augusta
WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange has called on his supporters to rally to the side of the 25-year-old suspect in the National Security Agency leak investigation here.
Assange, who has drawn a mixture of praise and scorn for his role in the disclosure of highly classified U.S. intelligence information, tweeted this week: Alleged NSA whistleblower Reality Leigh Winner must be supported. She is a young women [sic] accused of courage in trying to help us know. He also tweeted that Winner, a U.S. Air Force veteran, is against the wall for talking to the press.
It doesn't matter why she did it or the quality (of) the report, said Assange, who jumped his bail and sought asylum in Ecuador to avoid extradition to Sweden on rape accusations. Swedish prosecutors have since announced they were dropping the rape inquiry and no longer seeking to extradite him. Assange has denied the allegations. Acts of non-elite sources communicating knowledge should be strongly encouraged.
Assistant U.S. attorney Jennifer Solari highlighted Assanges support for Winner while pushing Thursday to keep her in jail until her trial. U.S. Magistrate Judge Brian Epps ultimately denied Winners release on bond, citing the nature of the crime, the weight of the evidence, her history and the potential danger to the community.
A federal grand jury has indicted Winner on a single count of "willful retention and transmission of national defense information. Winner faces up to 10 years in prison and $250,000 in fines, plus up to three years of supervised release and a $100 special assessment. Winner pleaded not guilty to the charge Thursday.
Filed this week, the six-page federal indictment says Winner worked as a federal contractor at a U.S. government agency in Georgia between February and June and had a top-secret security clearance. On about May 9, the indictment says, Winner printed and removed a May 5 report on intelligence activities by a foreign government directed at targets within the United States. Two days later, she sent a copy of the report to an online news outlet.
The U.S. Justice Department announced Winners arrest Monday, about an hour after The Intercept reported that it had obtained a top-secret NSA report about Russias interference in the 2016 presidential election. The report says Russian military intelligence officials tried to hack into the U.S. voting system just before last Novembers election.
Reality Leigh Winner is the first person to be charged with leaking confidential information during the Trump administration.
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WikiLeaks founder supporting NSA leak suspect in Georgia - Atlanta Journal Constitution
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Congress Grills Intel Chiefs Over Americans Spied On Under Expiring NSA Powers – InsideSources
Posted: at 6:52 pm
From left, National Intelligence Director Dan Coats, National Security Agency director Adm. Michael Rogers and acting FBI Director Andrew McCabe, arrive for the Senate Intelligence Committee hearing about the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, on Capitol Hill, Wednesday, June 7, 2017, in Washington. (AP Photo/Carolyn Kaster)
Lawmakers went after intelligence community leaders in the Senate Wednesday for again failing to provide Congress with an estimate of the number of Americans incidentally caught up in broad National Security Agency foreign spying powers set to expire later this year.
Senators on the Intelligence Committee were frustrated by NSA, FBI, and ODNI leaders continued inability to estimate how many Americans are incidentally swept up in surveillance conducted under Section 702 of the 2008 FISA Amendments Act, set to expire in December.
Section 702 authorizes NSAto tap the physical infrastructure of internet service providers, like fiber connections, to surveil the content of foreign emails, instant messages, and other communications as they exit and enter the U.S.Privacy advocates say such collection facilitates a loophole for NSA to incidentally collect data belonging to American citizens, and likely amounts to millions of warrantless interceptions.
Lawmakers must decide whether to reauthorize the law by the end of December. Many, including Oregon Democrat Sen. Ron Wyden, dont want to do that until they know how many Americans are affected. The most heated portion of Wednesdays hearing related to 702 came when Wyden blasted Director of National Intelligence Dan Coats for failing to provide that estimate, despite pledging to do so during his confirmation hearing earlier this year.
As recently as April you promised Americans that you would provide what you called a relevant metric for the number of law-abiding Americans who are swept up in the FISA 702 searches, Wyden told Coats. This morning you went back on that promise, and you said that even putting together a sampling a statistical estimate would jeopardize national security.
Wyden said that was a very, very damaging position to stake out, adding he would continue to battle it out with the intelligence community for an answer.
Coats countered that he pledged to make every effort to try to find out why we were not able to come to a specific number on the collection of U.S. persons, and that he personally visited NSA and met with Director Mike Rogers to get the answer.
They went through the technical details, Coats explained. There were extensive efforts on the part of NSA to try to get you an appropriate answer. We were not able to do that.
Coatssaid that in his conversation with Rogers, the NSA director stated if someone out there knows how to get to it, hes welcome to have them come out and tell NSA how to do it.
Coats added the technical complications of coming up with a number would be explained to senators in a closed session later Wednesday.
Rogers, during his testimony, said Section 702s collection and value grows every year, and that it was 702 authority that allowed the signals intelligence agency to intercept intelligence on Russian efforts to interfere with the 2016 presidential election.
The NSA director said about 90 percent of the time incidental collection of data on Americans occurs when two foreign targets of the agency discuss an American in an intercepted communication. Intercepted communications of Americans happens about 10 percent of the time when NSA is surveilling a foreign target and that target communicates with a U.S. citizen.
But Maine Independent Sen. Angus King noted theres a difference between the collection of data and the querying of that data once its stored in an NSA database
Former NSA contractor Edward Snowden, who leaked the existence of widespread upstream surveillance programs like PRISM, noted the same difference during a March interview, during which he disputed intel chiefs description of how Section 702 is used and subsequently abused to spy on Americans.
The main thing that this boils down to are word games, Snowden said on an Intercept podcast. These intelligence agenciestheyre saying to them, collect doesnt mean that we copied your communications, that we put it in the bucket, that we saved it in case we want to look at it. Those things,he added, are happening to virtually everyone.
To them, collect means that they take it out of the bucket, and actually look at it and read it, Snowden said.
In theory, surveilling an American requires a warrant. But according to the former NSA contractor, the agency can circumvent that.
They cant target you directly, but if they look at the other side of that communication the communication that went overseas or involved a non-U.S. person in any way thats entirely legal, he said.
In the 10 years since Congress enacted the FISA Amendments Act, Coats said there have been no violations of Section 702, but Rogers admitted there have been compliance issues.
Have we had compliance incidents? Yes, Rogers said. Have we reported every one of those to the court? Yes. Have we reported those to our congressional oversight in Congress? Yes. Have we reported those to the Department of Justice and Director of National Intelligence? Yes.
On Tuesday, Republican Sens. Tom Cotton of Arkansas, Richard Burr of North Carolina, Marco Rubio of Florida, Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, and others introduced a bill to make Section 702 permanent and without expiration.
However Graham went on the record Tuesday saying, As big a fan as I am of incidental collection, Im not going to reauthorize a program that could be politically manipulated, noting Section 702 was the authority used to intercept communications between former National Security Advisor Michael Flynn and theRussian ambassador during last years presidential transition.
The Obama administration unmasked Flynns name from an intelligence report detailing the interception, which was later leaked to the press.
President Donald Trumps homeland security and counterterrorism advisor Tom Bussert wrote in a New York Times op-ed Wednesday the president supports the Cotton bill without condition.
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Congress Grills Intel Chiefs Over Americans Spied On Under Expiring NSA Powers - InsideSources
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Highland case a Fourth Amendment victory: Guest commentary – San Bernardino County Sun
Posted: at 6:52 pm
The doorbell to the home you are renting rings. You open it to find a city code enforcement officer asking to do an interior inspection. The officer unveils a list of 80 items to check. There will be snooping through cupboards and drawers, bathrooms, bedrooms and closets.
You feel extremely uncomfortable with the idea of a stranger rummaging through your home, and you wonder why the city feels its needed. After all, if theres a problem with the property, all you need to do is call the owner. It you dont get satisfaction, you could contact code enforcement at that point.
So, you politely tell the officer, I do not want you to inspect the inside of my home.
The officer responds that the inspection is required by city law, and the owner will get in trouble if you dont let me in.
You reply, Im sorry, but without a warrant you cannot come in.
This is a true story, showing how the tenants in a Highland rental home that I own became caught up in the citys systematic assault on privacy rights.
Highland developed a plan to inspect all 4,800 residenti al rentals, whether or not there were any issues with the properties. Officials also decided to cut corners and not seek judicial approval to enter dwellings. Instead, they would pressure owners and renters to allow inspectors in.
My tenants certainly had no complaints about their rental home; it is well-maintained, as with all my properties. They had no reason to want officials intruding on their privacy, so they refused to agree to the inspection, as did I.
The city responded by issuing me a fine, and withholding my rental license in order to force me to comply.
Some property owners might have given in at that point, unwilling to fight city hall. But I have a strong reverence for the Constitution and Americas heritage of liberty, and I was determined not to let the citys coercion go unchallenged. Along with my tenants, I filed a lawsuit in federal court, represented free of charge by Pacific Legal Foundation, a watchdog organization for property rights and individual liberty.
Our case rested on the Fourth Amendment freedom from unreasonable searches. This is a core liberty, part of the Bill of Rights. It reads as follows:
The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.
You dont need to be a legal scholar to interpret these words. In order for a government agent to enter a private home without permission, a warrant must be obtained.
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The good news is that, in the wake of our lawsuit, the city has now repealed its invasive inspection scheme, replacing it with an owners self-inspection program. Highland can now focus enforcement resources on the small number of real problem cases, instead of unnecessarily disturbing the privacy of rental-home residents.
Tenants are customers. Like any business, if you dont take care of your customers they will give their business to someone else. Rental owners want happy, long-term tenants. That is why the vast majority of owners do a good job taking care of their customers.
Whether you own or rent, the Fourth Amendment protects you from warrantless searches of your personal effects, in your private home. It is a precious liberty that we should all cherish.
Unfortunately, Highland is far from alone in imposing oppressive, unjustified search and inspection schemes for rental homes. But the victory that my tenants and I have achieved in Highland should send a message to cities throughout California: They need to bring their code enforcement into conformity with the Constitution.
Karl J. Trautwein, a resident of San Juan Capistrano, owns rental homes in Highland and other Southern California communities.
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Highland case a Fourth Amendment victory: Guest commentary - San Bernardino County Sun
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Second Amendment right to meet people at the door with a machete … – Washington Post
Posted: at 6:52 pm
Yes, says the New Jersey (!) Supreme Court in yesterdays unanimous State v. Montalvo opinion; here are the facts, from the courts syllabus:
This appeal concerns whether an individual may lawfully possess and hold a weapon for self-defense in his home while answering the front door.
Defendant Crisoforo Montalvo and his wife lived directly above Arturs Daleckis and his wife. On the night of March 24, 2012, Daleckis grew agitated by noise emanating from Montalvos unit; he stood on his bed and knocked on the ceiling three or four times. Montalvo then proceeded downstairs and knocked on Daleckiss door. Montalvo picked up a small table belonging to Daleckis and threw it off the front porch, breaking it.
After Montalvo returned to his unit, Daleckis knocked on the door. Montalvo and his wife testified that they heard knocking, kicking, and slamming on the door. Montalvo testified that he became scared for himself, his wife, and their unborn child. As a precautionary measure, Montalvo retrieved a machete from a closet as he moved to answer the door. Daleckis testified that Montalvo pointed the machete at him. Montalvo testified that he kept the machete in his hand, behind his leg, and below his waist while speaking with Daleckis.
Montalvo was acquitted of possession of a weapon for an unlawful purpose (Count One, in the discussion below) but convicted of unlawful possession of a weapon (Count Two). At trial, the judge included a self-defense instruction as to the unlawful-purpose charge but didnt give it as to the unlawful-possession charge.
During deliberations, the jury sent the trial judge a note asking, Second charge, unlawful possession of a weapon, is self[-]defense considered a lawful use?.' The judge responded thus:
I remind you that it is necessary for the State to prove that it, meaning the object[,] was possessed under such circumstances that a reasonable person would recognize that it was likely to be used as a weapon. In other words, under circumstances where it posed a likely threat of harm to others and/or a likely threat of damage to property, you may consider factors such as the surrounding circumstances as well as the size, shape, and condition of the object; the nature of its concealment; the time, place and actions of the defendant; when it was found in his possession to determine whether or not the object was manifestly appropriate for its lawful uses.
This statute is 2C:39-5(d). Section 5(d) prohibits the possession of implements as weapons even if possessed for precautionary purposes, except in situations of immediate and imminent danger.
Although self[-]defense involves a lawful use of a weapon, it does not justify the unlawful possession of the weapon under Section 5(d) except when a person uses a weapon after arming himself or herself spontaneously to repel an immediate danger.
Obviously, there may be circumstances in which a weapon is seized in response to an immediate danger, but ensuing circumstances render its use unnecessary. Under such conditions, the individual may take immediate possession of the weapon out of necessity rather than self[-]defense. However, it would appear that the availability of necessity as a justification for the immediate possession of a weapon, as with self[-]defense, is limited only to cases of spontaneous and compelling danger. Please resume your deliberations.
But the New Jersey Supreme Court held that the judge should have instructed the jury as to self-defense:
[The unlawful-possession statute] prohibits the possession of any weapon, other than certain firearms, when an actor has not yet formed an intent to use [the] object as a weapon [but] possesses it under circumstances in which it is likely to be so used. [This] class of possessory weapons offenses is codified by N.J.S.A. 2C:39-5(d), which states that [a]ny person who knowingly has in his possession any other weapon under circumstances not manifestly appropriate for such lawful uses as it may have is guilty of a crime of the fourth degree. The purpose of Section 5(d) is to protect[] citizens from the threat of harm while permitting the use of objects such as knives in a manner consistent with a free and civilized society. The statute applies to circumstances resulting in a threat of harm to persons or property.
A machete constitutes a weapon within this statutory scheme. See N.J.S.A. 2C:39-1(r) (defining weapon as anything readily capable of lethal use or inflicting serious bodily injury); State v. Irizarry (N.J. App. Div. 1994) (observing N.J.S.A. 2C:39-5(d) concerns weapons such as knives and machetes[] that have both lawful and unlawful uses).
Self-defense is a potential defense to a possessory weapons offense. The Second Amendment guarantee[s] the individual right to possess and carry weapons in case of confrontation, D.C. v. Heller (2008) . It extends to all instruments that constitute bearable arms.
In Heller, the Supreme Court recognized that the inherent right of self-defense has been central to the Second Amendment right. New Jerseys statutes protect the right of self-defense. Generally, the use of force against another person is justifiable when the actor reasonably believes that such force is immediately necessary for the purpose of protecting himself against the use of unlawful force by another.
The use of deadly force for self-defense is justifiable only when the actor reasonably believes that such force is necessary to protect himself against death or serious bodily injury, unless the actor provoked the use of force or knows he can safely retreat. Thus, the defensive conduct must be based on a reasonable belief of potential harm, and the defensive force must be proportional to the offensive force.
Montalvo legally possessed a machete in his home. It is of no matter whether his possession was for roofing or for self-defense because either would qualify as a lawful purpose. [T]he Second Amendment protects the right of individuals to possess weapons, including machetes, in the home for self-defense purposes. Thus, Montalvo had a constitutional right to possess the machete in his home for his own defense and that of his pregnant wife. Because the courts instructions did not convey this principle, the instructions were erroneous.
The State asserts that answering an angry knock at the door with a weapon in hand constitutes possession under circumstances not manifestly appropriate for such lawful uses as it may have. That position is untenable.
The right to possess a weapon in ones own home for self-defense would be of little effect if one were required to keep the weapon out-of-hand, picking it up only spontaneously. Such a rule would negate the purpose of possessing a weapon for defense of the home.
The court sent the case back for a possible retrial, so the jury could decide whether Montalvo indeed just used the machete for defensive purposes. (The state argued, for instance, that he also took it outside and chopped at the porch that he shared with Daleckis; if those were the facts, the court said, that would be an unlawful purpose, but if the facts were as Montalvo claimed they were, his conduct would be lawful self-defense.)
Finally, the court tried to avoid this problem in the future, by directing its Committee on Model Criminal Jury Charges to review and revise the model jury instruction for the unlawful possession offense:
We suggest the following language for the Committees consideration in refashioning the charge: Determining whether the State has proven beyond a reasonable doubt that defendant possessed a weapon in his home under circumstances not manifestly appropriate for a lawful use requires special considerations. Persons may lawfully possess weapons in their homes, even though possession of those same weapons may not be manifestly appropriate outside the home. Using a twelve-inch steak knife in a kitchen to prepare dinner is lawful and possessing it as means of defense in case of a home invasion is lawful as well; carrying the same knife on the street on the way to pick up groceries may not be manifestly appropriate.
Individuals may possess in their homes objects that serve multiple lawful purposes, including the purpose of anticipatory self-defense. In this case, Montalvo possessed at home a machete he used in his roofing job. He was lawfully entitled to possess that machete as a weapon in his home as a means of defending himself and his family from attack as well. The right to possess that weapon, however, does not mean that it can be used without justification.
An individual who responds to the door of his home with a concealed weapon that threatens no one acts within the bounds of the law. He need give no justification for what he is lawfully allowed to do.
On the other hand, an individual may not threaten another with a weapon, even within the confines of his home, without lawful justification. Thus, Montalvo could not answer the door threatening the use of a machete merely for the purpose of inciting fear in another. He could threaten the use of the machete, however, if he had a sincere or reasonable belief that the show of such force was necessary to protect himself or his wife from an imminent attack.
The burden always remains on the State to prove that defendant did not lawfully possess the weapon in his home or, if the weapon was threatened against another, that possession of the weapon was not manifestly appropriate for the purpose of self-defense.
Sounds right to me, at least as to home possession. (What is the proper scope of the Second Amendment outside the home is a hotly contested matter, on which courts have split, and which the Supreme Court is currently being asked to consider, in the Peruta petition.)
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Second Amendment right to meet people at the door with a machete ... - Washington Post
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Does the Second Amendment cover edged weapons? – Hot Air
Posted: at 6:52 pm
Eugene Volokh is tackling a less common Second Amendment argument this week. It stems from a recent decision made by the New Jersey state supreme court involving a resident who was convicted of Unlawful Possession of a Weapon. The crime in question was the fact that there was a dispute going on with a neighbor in his apartment complex and when he came pounding on the door, the defendant answered the door with a machete in his hand. He may or may not have pointed it at the unruly neighbor (stories conflict on that point) but he definitely didnt injure or even attack the person. The state supreme court overturned the conviction and sent the case back for a new trial with different instructions from the judge because the defendants rights had been violated.
This leads Volokh to answer another question which he apparently gets fairly often from people who dont follow the subject closely. Are swords, knifes, machetes and other blade weapons covered by the Second Amendment? We spend so much of our time talking about guns that this area of hardware doesnt come up very often. His conclusions: (The Volokh Conspiracy, Washington Post)
This should be obvious, I think: The Second Amendment protects arms, and the D.C. v. Heller opinion discusses bows and knives as examples of such arms; opinions in the 1800s and 1900s dealing with state constitutional rights to bear arms also mention bladed weapons; and post-Heller opinions, such as from courts in Connecticut, Michigan, and Wisconsin agree. But some have disagreed the Massachusetts government in the Caetano stun gun case before the Massachusetts high court, for instance, argued that Heller was limited to firearms. The New Jersey decision should be a helpful precedent, then, for other non-gun cases (though of course it doesnt dispose of the question of exactly what weapons are protected, and where they can be possessed).
The Constitution Society has a handy document you might want to bookmark which covers this, as well as many other questions on related topics. In it, they go into a bit more detail about precisely what the Founders intended and what classes of weapons should be covered. (Emphasis added)
The U.S. Constitution does not adequately define arms. When it was adopted, arms included muzzle-loaded muskets and pistols, swords, knives, bows with arrows, and spears. However, a common- law definition would be light infantry weapons which can be carried and used, together with ammunition, by a single militiaman, functionally equivalent to those commonly used by infantrymen in land warfare. That certainly includes modern rifles and handguns, full-auto machine guns and shotguns, grenade and grenade launchers, flares, smoke, tear gas, incendiary rounds, and anti-tank weapons, but not heavy artillery, rockets, or bombs, or lethal chemical, biological or nuclear weapons. Somewhere in between we need to draw the line.
Personally, they go a bit further over the gray line that must be drawn between personal weaponry and group combat weapons for my taste (grenade launchers and anti-tank missiles seem a bit heavy handed) but thats mostly about right I think. Keep in mind that not everyone could afford a firearm at the time of the nations founding and many may have been making do with a bow, a knife or even a farm implement. Im not sure how common swords were for the layman at the time (good ones were also historically quite expensive) but that would have to fall into the same class.
Its also commonly noted in literature of the time that people signing up for militia duty would need to be provided with a rifle if they couldnt afford their own. This, by the way, is where we get the term well regulated because regulated in that context meant properly supplied. But in any event, Volokh has some good information in both of the articles linked above which I thought you might find useful. And since weve recently seen them used by terrorists, might the Second Amendment also cover hammers if you were holding one when you answered the door? Since you can clearly kill someone with a well placed hammer blow Id have to say yes. Same for baseball bats.
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Does the Second Amendment cover edged weapons? - Hot Air
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The Second Amendment protects some bladed weapons, and not just firearms – Washington Post
Posted: at 6:52 pm
The New Jersey machete decision is important because it rejects a spontaneity requirement for arming yourself at home (the states theory that you could pick up a weapon against an imminent attack, but you cant come to the door with the weapon just in case). But its also important because it reaffirms that the Second Amendment protects not just guns but other weapons as well.
This should be obvious, I think: The Second Amendment protects arms, and the D.C. v. Heller opinion discusses bows and knives as examples of such arms; opinions in the 1800s and 1900s dealing with state constitutional rights to bear arms also mention bladed weapons; and post-Heller opinions, such as from courts in Connecticut, Michigan, and Wisconsin agree. But some have disagreed the Massachusetts government in the Caetano stun gun case before the Massachusetts high court, for instance, argued that Heller was limited to firearms. The New Jersey decision should be a helpful precedent, then, for other non-gun cases (though of course it doesnt dispose of the question of exactly what weapons are protected, and where they can be possessed).
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The Second Amendment protects some bladed weapons, and not just firearms - Washington Post
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Augmented reality lawsuit provides augmented view of 1st Amendment – Ars Technica
Posted: at 6:51 pm
A First Amendment issue is brewing in federal court over a local Wisconsin ordinancethe nation's firstthat requires publishers of augmented reality mobile games like Pokemon Goand Texas Rope 'Em to get a special use permit if their apps require gamers to play in Milwaukee County parks.
A Southern California company called Candy Lab, the maker of Texas Rope 'Em, is suing the county over the requirement that was adopted in February in the wake of the Pokemon Gocraze that resulted in a Milwaukee county park being overrun bya deluge of players. The permit, which costs as much as $1,000, requires estimates for crowd size and the event dates and times. It also calls for plans about garbage collection, bathroom use, on-site security,and medical services.
Candy Lab says it's impossible to comply with the permit for it fledgling app. Candy Lab can neither realistically answer the permit's questions(PDF) nor afford to pay for the other requirements like on-site security when users of its platform hunt for a winning hand in its augmented realityversion of Texas Hold 'Em. Like Niantic's Pokemon Go, Candy Lab's app is built to be played in designated parks and other areas. These types of mobile apps provide users with an augmented and interactive view of the park.
Candy Lab said the county is free to regulate the park however it sees fit. But what it cannot do is impose a permitting process on a game publisher, the company said. The requirement for a "special event permit"amounts to a prior restraint of speech in violation of the First Amendment, the company claims in its lawsuit. (PDF)
Just like the Constitution protects a book publisher from requiring a permit to release a book, Candy Lab says the same is true for augmented reality games that are played in public spaces."They are tying to shoehorn us into this existing permitting scheme for events that are finite in time," Brian Wassom, Candy Lab's attorney, said in a Friday interview. "They're passing two-dimensional laws in a three-dimensional world."
But the county views it from a different dimension, one where augmented reality games like Texas Rope 'Em are not protected by the First Amendment.
"Texas Rope 'Em is not entitled to First Amendment protection because it does not convey any messages or ideas. Unlike books, movies, music, plays and video gamesmediums of expression that typically enjoy First Amendment protectionTexas Rope 'Em has no plot, no storylines, no characters, and no dialogue. All it conveys is a random display of cards and a map. Absent the communicative features that invoke the First Amendment, Candy Lab has no First Amendment claim," the county said. (PDF)
The county said it was aware of the 2011 Supreme Court ruling against California's ban on the sale or rental of violent video games to minors. In coming to that conclusion in Brown v. Entertainment Merchants Association, (PDF) the justices said that video games amounted to speech protected under the First Amendment.But that doesn't mean the same is true when it comes to augmented reality, according to the county.
"No court has yet determined whether an augmented reality game receives First Amendment protection," the county notes in its response to Candy Labs' federal lawsuit."As explained in Brown, the reason that video games receive First Amendment protection is because they communicate ideas and messages through literary devices or through features distinctive to the medium. ...In other words, video games will be protected under theFirst Amendment if they include sufficient communicative, expressive, or informative elements to fall at least within the outer limits of constitutionally protected speech."
Texas Rope 'Em, the county maintains,"has no storylines, no characters, no plot and no dialogue. The player simply views randomly generated cards and travels to locations to get more. That is not the type of speech that demands First Amendment safeguards."The county also claims the app is an illegal form of gambling not entitled to First Amendment protection.
Wassom, the attorney for Candy Lab, told Ars that the county's argument is "ridiculous."
"Those are features of a particular expression of a game," he said. "That doesnt make it not entertainment and not speech."
Niantic, the maker of Pokemon Go, told Ars that "continued innovation and responsible game play, rather than regulation, is the way that developers, players, and their communities will realize the potential of this technology for civic engagement, creative expression, and health."The company said it is working with Milwaukee to help placate its concerns.
"We have worked with parks departments, in Milwaukee and other communities, to optimize the distribution of gameplay including removing or relocating some gameplay locations while adding new ones in other areas and also by adding the ability to control the hours of operation for game locations to conform with local rules," Niantic said.
Wassom said that Candy Lab would formally respond in court to the county's arguments on Wednesday. US District Judge JP Stadtmueller in the Eastern District of Wisconsin has set an April 2018 trial date if no settlement is reached.
Listing image by Candy Lab
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INSIDE THE FIRST AMENDMENT: Trump’s use of Twitter puts him in constitutional hot water – Meridian Star
Posted: at 6:51 pm
Twitter was an invaluable tool for candidate Donald Trump, allowing him to bypass traditional media channels and connect with a passionate base of followers. But as president, Trump's frequent use of Twitter is turning out to be a major liability for him.
President Trump's tweets earlier this week about his controversial "travel ban" executive order may end up undermining that executive order in court. To recap: Back in January, the president signed the original version, which banned travelers from seven Muslim-majority countries from entering the United States, but gave priority to refugee claims made by individuals whose religion "is a minority religion in the individual's country of nationality." This meant that the executive order effectively favored non-Muslim refugees over Muslim refugees, which many legal experts saw as a violation of the First Amendment. Freedom of religion specifically the Establishment Clause prohibits the government from favoring some religious groups over others.
On February 9, the Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit temporarily blocked the Trump administration from carrying out the order. The Trump administration decided to go back to the drawing board and revise it. Among other things, the administration removed the provision giving priority to refugees from minority religious groups in fact, it scrubbed the order of all references to religion. Nevertheless, the Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit ruled on May 25 that the revised executive order still violates the Establishment Clause. The Supreme Court will likely be deciding if the order is constitutional this fall.
As is his custom, President Trump took to Twitter to vent his frustration: "The Justice Dept. should have stayed with the original Travel Ban, not the watered down, politically correct version they submitted to S.C." This statement hurts the argument that the government will likely make in front of the Supreme Court that the revised executive order is sufficiently different in motive and operation from the original to pass constitutional muster.
It might seem strange that President Trump's social media habits could have an impact on the constitutionality of the travel ban. But that's because when it comes to the Establishment Clause, courts not only consider the letter of the law, but also the spirit of it. A law, or an executive order, cannot be constitutional if its primary purpose is to discriminate on the basis of religion. When judges are determining a law's primary purpose, they're not just limited to looking at the text. They can also look at the "historical context" of the law and the specific sequence of events leading to its passage. The Fourth Circuit considered President Trump's campaign tweets to be a vital part of the executive order's historical context, citing his campaign promises to ban Muslims from the United States as "creating a compelling case that [the revised executive order's] primary purpose is religious." By suggesting that the second order was merely a "watered down" version of the first, with the same purpose, President Trump's recent tweets are only adding to a record that may be used against the executive order when its fate is in the hands of the Supreme Court.
On less serious matters, President Trump is also facing a potential legal challenge from two users on Twitter that the president had recently blocked. These two, with the aid of the Knight First Amendment Institute, sent the White House a letter on June 6 stating that the president had violated their First Amendment rights when he blocked them, purportedly because they were critical of his policies. It seems bizarre that blocking someone on Twitter could potentially violate the Constitution, but this stems from President Trump's role as a government official and his use of Twitter to discuss domestic and foreign policy. One could argue, as the two angry tweeters might, that President Trump has turned his Twitter account into a limited public forum a place where people can express themselves. A similar thing happens when the government allows people to use its meeting spaces, or enables people to leave comments on an online forum. The government can place reasonable regulations on this sort of activity for example, by blocking users who make threats, or censoring profane comments but it can't discriminate against users based on their point of view.
It's unclear whether the challenge to the president's Twitter blocking practices will end up in court. But it's worth watching and interesting to note that Twitter has gotten President Trump embroiled in two different First Amendment legal matters.
Lata Nott is executive director of the First Amendment Center of the Newseum Institute. Contact her via email at lnott@newseum.org, or follow her on Twitter at @LataNott
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INSIDE THE FIRST AMENDMENT: Trump's use of Twitter puts him in constitutional hot water - Meridian Star
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Big Win for Plaintiffs in Nanny School Sex Abuse Case, Plus Victory for First Amendment – Cleveland Scene Weekly
Posted: at 6:51 pm
In what attorneys are calling a victory for state policies against child abuse and a vindication for the First Amendment, Ohio's Eighth District Court of Appeals upheld the trial victory of a former student and former employee of the Chagrin Falls-based English Nanny & Governess School.
The appeals court also found that trial court judge Burt Griffin abused his discretion byreducing the jury's damages and attorneys' fees awards to plaintiffs, and by sanctioning attorney Peter Pattakos for sharing publicly available information about the case with Scene.
"The appeals court's decision represents a great victory for Ms. Cruz [the former student] and Ms. Kaiser [the former employee], and vindicates the First Amendment, the public's right to access court proceedings, and most importantly, Ohio's strong public policy against child abuse," said Pattakos, in a press release. "Christina Cruz and Heidi Kaiser are real heroes, and not just for resisting the efforts of defendantswho were in a position of great power and influence over them and their careersto suppress the child-abuse report."
The original suit, filed by Cruz, alleged thatthe schools owners retaliated against her after she reported that she saw a wealthy client sexually abuse his daughter in 2011.
"Upholding the trial court's decision could have numerous unintended consequences," the appeals court said in its decision. "For example, defendants in criminal cases potentially could ask for sanctions against prosecutors who provide information to the media about criminal cases. On any given day, newspapers show headlines of ongoing trials, recapping the evidence that was presented that day at trial. In fact, on April 3, 2015, around the same time that Scene Magazine printed the article at issue, a former Cuyahoga County Prosecutor issued a public statement that was published on various news media outlets about the trial of a Cleveland police officer that was set to begin in three days. No sanction was levied against the prosecutor's officer for this public statement ... It should not be held that merely urging a media outlet to cover a trial constitutes frivolous conduct."
The full press release, with information about the Appeals court's decision, is available here. The court's opinion can be read in full here.
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