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Monthly Archives: June 2017
Donald Trump, Senate, George Pell: Your Evening Briefing – New York Times
Posted: June 30, 2017 at 12:51 am
As her show Morning Joe was ending, Mr. Trump taunted Ms. Brzezinski as low I.Q. Crazy Mika who had been bleeding badly from a face-lift at Mar-a-Lago in December. Ms. Brzezinski responded by posting a photograph of a box of Cheerios with the words, Made For Little Hands.
In other White House news, the presidents national security adviser said Mr. Trump would meet with President Vladimir Putin of Russia on the sidelines of the G-20 meeting in Hamburg next week.
_____
3. Speaking of the G-20, the German chancellor, Angela Merkel, is predicting very tough climate and trade talks with the U.S. there.
A new study in the journal Science explores the economic harm that climate change could inflict on the U.S. in the coming century. The greatest impact: a projected increase in heat wave deaths that would hit parts of the Midwest and Southeast especially hard. Above, a scene from Phoenix this month.
_____
4. Republican leaders, in retreat from the bruising battle over the health care bill, said they were considering proposals to keep one of the Affordable Care Acts taxes on high-income people.
Also under discussion: more money to combat the opioid epidemic and new incentives for people to establish tax-free savings accounts for medical expenses. Above, Mitch McConnell, the Senate majority leader, and the majority whip, John Cornyn.
The late-night host Samantha Bee saw a parallel between Washington and Hollywood. It turns out, 13 rich white guys alone in a room isnt how good legislation happens, she quipped. Its how Suicide Squad happens.
_____
5. Twice in the past month, N.S.A. cyberweapons stolen from its arsenal have been turned against American allies. The agency has kept quiet, not acknowledging its role in developing the weapons, and prompting criticism that its hoarding knowledge that could stop the attacks.
Many are asking if the U.S. intelligence agencies rushed to create digital weapons that they cannot keep safe.
_____
6. Pope Francis granted a leave of absence to Cardinal George Pell, a top Vatican official who has been charged with sexual assault, so that he could return to Australia to defend himself.
The Australian police have yet to reveal the details of the charges or the ages of the complainants. Cardinal Pell, above, said he is innocent and denounced what he called a relentless character assassination.
_____
7. President Xi Jinping of China arrived in Hong Kong for ceremonies marking the anniversary of the former British colonys return to Chinese rule. Thousands of police officers were deployed to keep protesters at bay.
Our correspondent says that Hong Kong was seen as a rare blend of East and West that China might seek to emulate. But now its racked by problems, like a dire lack of affordable housing, amid fighting over its political future.
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8. This is our moment, fellas. Now make me proud.
That was our columnist, Tyler Kepner, noting the proliferation of major league baseball players who share his first name. He counted 30 in the last two seasons, and the Yankees now have four.
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9. Seeing a movie over what many people are treating as a holiday weekend?
Our critic calls Baby Driver, the new action movie from the director Edgar Wright, a pop pastiche par excellence.
The film follows a getaway driver named Baby, played by Ansel Elgort, as a heist goes wrong. Jamie Foxx, Jon Hamm and other notable names join him on screen.
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10. Finally, in the name of service journalism, we taste-tested 10 hot dogs for your summertime cookouts.
The winners were Wellshire Farms (smoky, herby) and good old Hebrew National (the peoples hot dog). The losers evoked adjectives like funky and flaccid.
Have a great night.
_____
Photographs may appear out of order for some readers. Viewing this version of the briefing should help.
Your Evening Briefing is posted at 6 p.m. Eastern.
And dont miss Your Morning Briefing, posted weekdays at 6 a.m. Eastern, and Your Weekend Briefing, posted at 6 a.m. Sundays.
Want to look back? Heres last nights briefing.
What did you like? What do you want to see here? Let us know at briefing@nytimes.com.
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The Catalog of Donald Trump’s Lies – New York Times
Posted: at 12:51 am
Photo President Trump at a recent rally in Cedar Rapids, Iowa. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times
To the Editor:
Re Trumps Lies, by David Leonhardt and Stuart A. Thompson (Op-Chart, Sunday Review, June 25):
I greatly appreciate the presentation of President Trumps lies over these last five months, but I doubt that their publication will deter this president from continuing his mendacious behavior. Simply put, lying works for him: It gets him lots of headlines, and his supporters seem pleased that the mainstream media appears to be quite frustrated.
The bigger problem is that printing and broadcasting Mr. Trumps lies isnt having much effect on his tens of millions of supporters. They still tell pollsters that Mr. Trump is their voice. If we want to peel away Trump supporters, we have to not just publicize his lies but also demonstrate how the presidents actions threaten or hurt them personally. And, above all, we have to present better policies for all Americans.
RIC STEINBERGER INCLINE VILLAGE, NEV.
To the Editor:
While we should not become inured to President Trumps lying, I believe that he doesnt mean to lie. It seems to me that Mr. Trump perceives any simple follow-up question about, say, a previously stated policy position as a confrontation, and he becomes extremely uncomfortable, if not panicked. His sole mission at that point becomes his extrication from that situation as quickly as possible. The truth doesnt play a role.
We have now reached the point where any definitive statement from Mr. Trump is meaningless. To the president, the truth is merely collateral damage.
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Donald Trump’s State Department Is Acknowledging the Virtual Impotence of His Muslim Ban – Slate Magazine (blog)
Posted: at 12:51 am
Donald Trump arrives to speak at the Energy Department in Washington, DC, on June 29, 2017.
NICHOLAS KAMM/AFP/Getty Images
In response to the Supreme Courts ruling earlier this week, Donald Trumps State Department sent a cable to the United States diplomatic posts explaining how officials should implement the presidents Muslim travel ban. The administrations new guidance pushes the court-sanctioned implementation to be as restrictive as possible. It was also issued in secret, which means the administration is doing its damnedest to prevent the legal challenges that will surely follow. The guidance makes clear, though, that this version of the travel ban will not affect nearly as many of people as the original ban did, nor will it be as severe as the second version of the ban would have been had the court allowed it to go into full effect.
On Monday, the Supreme Court limited the ban to individuals who do not have a connection to a U.S. entity or a close familial relationship with a person in the United States. That vague descriptionthe court cited only the example of a relationship with a mother-in-law and spouseallowed the State Department to craft its own rules. What they came up with is the most limited plausible definition that falls within those boundaries. From the State Departments guidance:
The agency acknowledges at another point in the guidance that most non-immigrant visas are exempt from review under the travel ban because their bona fide relationship to a person or entity is inherent in the visa classification. Familial relationships are also often required for immigrant visas; there are special visa categories for spouses, parents, and siblings that will also be exempted from the travel ban based on this new guidance.
Who isnt exempt from the travel ban?
Whats left, it seems are a small number of visas that visitors from the six countries in questionIran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, and Yemendont even use that often: independent media visas for those without a U.S. business connection (I visas), crewmen visas for air and sea companies that dont have some U.S. connection (C-1 and D visas), tourist visas (B visas), fiance visas (K visas), and refugee travel documents.
Its these last three categories that will affect the most people and face the most significant legal challenge. Say an Iranian woman wants to visit her American granddaughter in California on a tourist visa. Under this guidance she would be blocked. It seems possible that a court could decide a grandmother does in fact have a close familial relationship with her granddaughter. Its also possible, though, that a judge could decide that the government drew within the lines. I could see courts providing a lot of leeway to the agency to make that [familial] determination through the doctrines of deference to agency decisionmaking, Pratheepan Gulasekaram, a professor of immigration and constitutional law at Santa Clara University School of Law, told me via email.
Gulasekaram does think the government might run into trouble with its decision to exclude fiances. An entire visa category, K-1, already exists for people who are engaged to be married. Theres no sound rationale for excluding them while including in-laws, who dont have their own such visa category. I'm not sure why that makes sense, and certainly is something I would predict could and would be litigated, Gulasekaram wrote. It may not affect a huge number of people, but its an odd way to draw a line.
One final point: I wrote earlier this week that the administration might attempt to hide behind the doctrine of consular nonreviewability in order to obscure its decisionmaking around the issuance of individual visas. This State Department guidancealthough it was not issued publiclyis a tacit acknowledgement that there are now official guidelines in place regarding what does and doesnt qualify as a close family relationship. Gulasekaram said this guidance could allow the courts to review decisions that might otherwise have been hiddena district judge might issue a ruling on whether the State Departments interpretation of close family relationship is in fact the correct one. If courts decide a grandmother should get the same treatment as a mother-in-law, then Trumps feeble travel ban could become completely impotent.
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Donald Trump returns to political stage, off the record – USA TODAY
Posted: at 12:51 am
President Trump(Photo: Pool, Getty Images)
WASHINGTON President Trump returned to the political stage Wednesday night, though there is no formal record of what he said or did.
Organizersbarred reportersfrom Trump's first campaign fundraiser since taking office, an event held at theTrump International Hotel just blocks from the White House.
Two attendees told the Associated Press that Republicans who paid $35,000 apiece listened as the president saluted GOP wins in four special House elections this year and attacked the media at the Republican National Committee fundraiser.
Donors heard a familiar message from the Trump, the AP reported: "The media, particularly CNN, keep trying to take him down, and yet Republicans just keep on winning elections," the APreported.
The White House initially said a pool of reporters would be allowed into Trump's speech. but officials closed the event just hours before it took place.
The fact that the president staged a fundraiser at aTrump hotel also drew criticism.
"Trump said he would drain the swamp, but instead he redeveloped the land and put up a new hotel," said Democratic National Committee spokeswoman Adrienne Watson. "He uses it to peddle the presidency and pad his own bank account."
Kathleen Clark, a law professor who specializes in government ethics at Washington University in St. Louis, told USA TODAYthis week that holding a fundraiser at aTrump hotel is not illegal, but does give the president another chance to "exploit his opportunities to promote Trump properties."
Wednesday's soiree also gave Trump a chance to build Republican support for next year's congressional elections and for his own not-so-secret reelection bid in 2020. Trump filed required paperwork required for reelectionon his ownInauguration Day, the earliest such filing for any president.
"Of course hes running for re-election," said White House spokeswoman Sarah Sanders. "But right now, hes focused on his agenda, focused on the midterms."
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A Definitive Guide to the GOP Insiders Enabling Donald Trump – Vanity Fair
Posted: at 12:51 am
PROFILES IN COWARDICE House Speaker Paul Ryan, Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell, Vice President Mike Pence, Senators John McCain and Lindsey Graham, and White House chief of staff Reince Priebus.
Photo Illustration by Matt Chase.
Blame for the ongoing destruction wrought by the Trump administration will always attach to Donald Trump. But Trump cannot help himself. He is a pathogen, doing what pathogens do, and as surprised as anyone to have found himself replicating in the nations bloodstream. Equal blame will attach to a small group of experienced and seemingly rational politicians who knew exactly what Trump was like; who had cause to loathe and distrust him; who understood firsthand that he knew nothing about government and did not care to know anything; who could see clearly that he was dangerous, brutal, and corrupt; and who nonetheless decided, after occasional protests, to help him achieve and hold power. These are people who have been repeatedly belittled and mocked by Trump, who have sometimes been forced to voice their disgust at his words and actions, and whofor reasons that range from ambition and fear to denial and moral blindnessnot only have declined to stand in his way but continue to prop him up. One or more of them may ultimately decide to defy him, but nothing will absolve them of the damage already done.
The first time Donald Trump publicly criticized Paul Ryan was in March of 2012, shortly after Trump had decided not to run for president. Ryan had unveiled a Republican budget before Obama released the Democratic version. Trump thought it was a strategic mistake. Whether @RepPaulRyans plan is sound fiscal policy is not the relevant issue, Trump tweeted. The issue is strategic timing. Why release it now? The two men met personally early on during the next presidential campaign, and the relationship had already begun to curdle. Speaking in New Hampshire, and as a Republican presidential candidate, Trump let his disdain for Ryan be known. When I heard Paul Ryan, and I like Paul Ryan as a person, but when I heard Mitt Romney chose Paul RyanI mean, what hes known for is killing entitlementsI said that election is over. In July 2015, after Trump made his first comments about Mexicans sending their rapists to the U.S., Ryan said, He doesnt speak for the Republican Party, and I think his comments were extremely disrespectful, and I dont think thats the way to have an immigration conversation. When Trump leveled an accusation of bias against Judge Gonzalo Curiel because Curiels ancestors were Mexican, Ryan was quick to repudiate the comments: Claiming a person cant do their job because of their race is sort of like the textbook definition of a racist comment. (At the time, Curiel was presiding over a lawsuit which alleged fraud by Trump University, and which Trump eventually settled for $25 million.) When Trump first suggested a ban on Muslims entering the United Statesunconstitutional on its faceRyan said, What was proposed yesterday is not what this party stands for. And, more importantly, its not what this country stands for. After the Access Hollywood tape was made publicin which Trump bragged to host Billy Bush that he could do anything he wanted to women, including grab them by the pussy, because he was famousRyan maintained that he was sickened by what I heard today. Add all this up and you have a man who has said in public what he surely believes in private: that by every measure Trump is unfit for high office. And yet Ryanwhom Trump has called weak and ineffectivegave Trump his endorsement and has covered for him repeatedly. After the election, at a meeting of the House Republican caucus, Ryan responded to the assertion by one member that Trump was on the Russian payroll with a warning to everyone in the room: No leaks, he said, according to a recording of the exchange obtained by The Washington Post. This is how we know were a real family here. After former F.B.I. director James Comey described what he said was a request by Trump to drop a criminal investigation into former national-security adviser Michael Flynns Russia contacts, Ryan excused Trumps alleged behavior by noting simply, Hes just new to this. The bargain Ryan has made is clearits the one spelled out by Grover Norquist back in 2012, when Norquist defended the choice of Mitt Romney by saying hed also have endorsed a monkey, a plate of lasagna, or a potted plant. All Norquist wanted was a Republican with enough working digits to handle a pen to sign legislation. Ryan wants to gut the safety net for the poor and cut taxes for the wealthy, and believes that with Trump he can do that. He said recently that he had dreamed of cutting Medicaid since his keg-drinking days. Having Trumps digits on the Resolute Deskwhatever the existential risk to the principles of the country as a wholeis a small price to pay.
Mitch McConnell, a deft and mercurial Republican senator and the majority leader since 2015, is a creature of Washington. As Alec MacGillis has documented in his shrewd and doggedly reported book The Cynic, McConnell has never had any longstanding political values. He has allowed himself to be filledinitially by hired consultantswith whatever positions would keep money rolling in and ensure his continual election and, now, his supremacy in the Senate. That is his enduring principle. Maintaining this status requires fealty to die-hard Trump voters who make up the most active portion of the Republican base. So be it.
McConnells track record of disagreeing with Trump but continuing to support him is impressive. In 2015, when Trump called for a total and complete shutdown of Muslims entering the United States, McConnell told CNNs Jake Tapper, Were not going to follow that suggestion that this particular candidate made. It would prevent the president of Afghanistan from coming to the United States. The King of Jordan couldnt come to the United States. In early 2016, McConnell reportedly laid out a plan for congressional lawmakers to break with Trumpif he became the nomineein the general election. That effort failed, and McConnell quickly came around, arguing that Trump wouldnt have much impact one way or the other. Trump is not going to change the institution, McConnell said on Hugh Hewitts morning radio show, referring to the Republicans. Hes not going to change the basic philosophy of the party. When Trump hesitated before rejecting the support of former Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke, McConnell stated that Senate Republicans condemn David Duke, the K.K.K., and his racismbut he didnt mention Trump by name. In July, when Trump attacked the Gold Star parents of Captain Humayun Khan, who had been killed in the line of duty, McConnell called Captain Khan an American herobut again didnt mention Trump.
McConnells wife, Elaine Chao, is the secretary of transportation in the Trump administration, a prize that undoubtedly tilts McConnell in Trumps direction. But McConnell believes most fervently in his own longevity, nothing else. Channeling McConnells view of himself with respect to Trump, one Republican strategist, who knows McConnell well, put it this way: I was here long before he got here, and Ill be here long after. Im majority leader. Why do I give a damn about a president? McConnell has proven his worth in one key move, by holding off a vote on the Obama Supreme Court nominee Merrick Garland until Trump was elected. That allowed Trump to nominate Neil Gorsuch, whose confirmation represents the sole clear achievement of the Trump presidency thus far. For someone who doesnt care about presidents, Gorsuch alone makes Trump worth it. Like Ryan, McConnell seems to regard Trump as a man who he hopes can be manipulatedsigning the bills that others put before him. Nothing so far suggests the correctness of this view. But a Republican Senateand McConnells tenureis now inextricably yoked to Trumps fortunes, so McConnell plays along.
Speaking recently with another Republican strategist, I raised the subject of Reince Priebus, now the White House chief of staff, and was advised to think of him as not in the same category as a Ryan or McConnell. Nor is Priebus, the strategist went on, anyone who is ever going to stand up to Donald Trump. Priebus is a perfect symbol of the Republican Party as a whole, never imagining he would find himself where he is today. Throughout the primaries, the role he played was to keep the Republican Party together at any costthwarting defections by the Never Trump movement and delivering the party more or less intact to the ultimate nominee.
Priebus, a Wisconsin political apparatchik who had become head of the Republican National Committee, oversaw a G.O.P. election autopsy after Mitt Romneys defeat in 2012. The report concluded that it would be increasingly difficult for the Republicans to win another presidential election in the near future if the party did not reach out to ethnic minorities, women, and immigrants. When Trumpin the speech announcing his candidacy for presidentmade his comment about Mexican rapists, Priebus, after conferring with Republican donors about the possible damage to Latino outreach, privately urged Trump to tone it down, according to The Washington Post. Trump responded publicly after the Post story ran. Totally false reporting, he tweeted, even though a day later he conceded the main points of the story in an interview with The New York Times. Priebus, he said in that interview, knows better than to lecture me. He added that Priebus could be ignored because he was unworthy of respect: Were not dealing with a five-star Army general.
In September 2015, partly because of all the attention Trump had received over the summer, Priebus began asking Republican presidential candidates to sign a loyalty pledgeagreeing to support whoever the nominee might be. He visited Trump Tower in person to get Trump to sign. In April 2016, after Trump announced that he would abandon the loyalty pledge he had signed in September, Priebus responded lamely that actions like Trumps have consequences. When Trump criticized Judge Curiel, Priebus reportedly called Trump family members to try to make him stop. He did not. When Trump criticized the Khan family, Priebus told CNN the Khans should be off limits. He did not criticize or demand an apology from Trump.
A campaign staffer who worked for John Kasich told Politico, Every time Trump would do something dumb, Reince would be up in New York shining his shoes. Republicans inundated Priebus with requests to say somethinganythingto deter the bully who was clearing the field. Priebus did nothing. He later explained his strategy to The New York Times: I have encouraged him to constantly offer grace to people that he doesnt think are deserving of grace. Playing the grace card was a novel approach. It did not work.
By October, Priebus was justifying Trump at every turn, calling him a winner and acknowledging he could be considered a role modelbecause everyone is a role model in different waysjust days before the release of the Access Hollywood tape. In response to that episode, Priebus told Trump privately that he should consider dropping out of the race, a conversation Trump has never forgotten. He did not ask Trump to apologize for his comments, and he assured R.N.C. members on a conference call that he was coordinating with the Trump campaign and we have a great relationship with them. As Election Day neared, he told colleagues that if Trump lost the R.N.C. should not be blamed. And he was right: more than anyone else, Priebus held the G.O.P. together as a vehicle for Donald Trump. After Trumps victory, the president-elect named Priebus chief of staff. In that job, for which no previous experience had prepared him, and designed explicitly to be as weak as its occupant, Priebus must defend himself against both his White House colleagues and his boss. His role remains what it has been for years: to assuage differences, to keep as many people on board as he can, and to allow Trump to continue to be viable.
Perhaps no one has enabled Trump in his presidency more than Trumps vice president, former Indiana governor Mike Pence, and perhaps no one has paid a greater price in terms of personal humiliation. Pences role has been to serve as the genial presenter of what are already known to be lies or what are soon to be revealed as lies. How much can you look yourself in the mirror when your boss sends you out to say something in the media and within 24 hours he undercuts you? one of the Republican strategists noted. Pences personal agenda is a vaulting ambition somewhat masked by a placid half-smile and a demeanor of practiced sincerity. In his native Indiana he was seen by some as a rung climber.
Despite heavy wooing by Trump, Pence had endorsed Ted Cruz in Indianas 2016 Republican primaryin a radio interview with a local host he heaped so much praise on Trump that options were clearly being left open. Cruz lost and dropped out of the race. In early July, Pence and his wife visited Trump at his Bedminster, New Jersey, golf club. Trump had said he wanted a vice president who could navigate the corridors of power in Congress. In Pencea former congressman who once, back when he was a conservative radio host, described himself as Rush Limbaugh on decafhe saw a reliable link to conservative and evangelical Republicans: a dicey demographic for a thrice-married former Democrat and alleged serial harasser of women who faced ongoing allegations of fraud.
During the vice-presidential debate in October 2016, Pences cool demeanor carried the day. He shook his head sadly throughout but especially when Tim Kaine repeated Trumps most outrageous statements, including the bigoted and sexist remarks, responding that these were things Trump had never really meant or said. He dismissed Trumps comments about Mexicans being rapists as that Mexican thing. He calmly denied statements by Trump that were a matter of public record. When the Access Hollywood video became public, Pence professed himself to have been offended by the words and actions described by Donald Trump. But he got over it. When more women came forward to allege sexual harassment and assault by Trumpa dozen, all toldPence said he believed Trump, not the women.
In January 2017, Pence was called on to defend the national-security adviser, Michael Flynn, saying in interviews that the allegation, reported by The Washington Post, that Flynn had discussed sanctions with Russias ambassador to the United States, Sergey Kislyak, was false. Pence said he had spoken with Flynn, who had told him the subject of sanctions had never come up. Flynns account turned out to be untrue, as Trump and senior White House aides soon learned. But it was another 15 days before Pence himself was so informed, and he got the news not from his colleagues but from another story in the Post, according to Axios. When Flynn was fired, Trump and his surrogates used the fact that Flynn had misled Pence as the reason. But senior staff had left Pence in the dark for two weeks. Pence absorbed the disrespect and moved on.
In May, Trump fired F.B.I. director James Comey. The next day, Pence was sent out to defend his bossarguing, as he had been told, that the president was merely accepting the recommendation of the deputy attorney general and that the firing had nothing to do with the bureaus investigation of possible ties between the Russian government and the Trump campaign. The next day, in an interview with NBCs Lester Holt, Trump flatly contradicted Pence, stating that he had been planning to fire Comey regardless of any recommendation and that the Russia investigation was the reason he did it. Again, Pence was silent.
As William Saletan has pointed out in Slate, Pences behavior shows a pattern of being willing to vouch for people who say what is not true. Because Trump is a liar, he urgently needs a sidekick who possesses this genial capacityit has virtually become Pences job description. The payoff for Pence will come when Trump leaves office, whatever the circumstances.
In July 2015, after Donald Trump attacked Senator John McCains war record and insulted him as a non-hero for having been captured, his Senate colleague from South Carolina Lindsey Grahama presidential candidate and one of the most respected voices on foreign policy on Capitol Hillcalled Trump a jackass and declared that he shouldnt be commander in chief. The following day, during a rally in South Carolina, Trump claimed that Graham had called him three or four years earlier, begging Trump to put in a good word for him with the Fox News morning show Fox & Friends. Trump called Graham a lightweight and an idiot. In October of that year, when Graham was interviewed on CNNs New Day, he said of Trump, Hes the most unprepared person in the entire field to be commander in chief, and over time I think that will matter. Americans better wake up. In December 2015, Graham, again on CNN, called Trump a race-baiting, xenophobic religious bigot. As the primary season wore on, Grahams warnings grew more desperate. He said on MSNBC, I think Donald Trump is a con man. I think he would destroy the Republican Party.
In the end, as Trumps nomination became inevitable, Graham began to soften. He made a conciliatory call to Trump, who tweeted about the conversation: Senator Lindsey Graham called me yesterday, very much to my surprise, and we had a very interesting talk about national security, and more! On Election Day, Graham couldnt bring himself to pull the lever for his partys nominee, but the softening continued. Five days later, Graham conveyed his congratulations to the new president-elect on his choice of Reince Priebus as chief of staff, tweeting that the choice shows me he is serious about governing. In January 2017, after Trump needled Graham for how poorly he had done in the primaries, Graham responded, Let it go. He added, adopting Trumps campaign slogan in what seemed like a pep talk to himself, Lets move on. Were going to make America great again.
TRUMPS ENABLERS WILL BE TREATED WITH THE SPECIAL CONTEMPT RESERVED FOR THOSE WHO ACTED KNOWINGLY.
Lindsey Graham is what is known as an institutionalist. He cherishes his role as an minence grise in the Senatehe has said that he intended to stay long enough to make Strom Thurmond the second-longest-serving member of that body. (Thurmond served for 48 years, dying at the age of 100.) He has criticized President Trump on certain mattersthe travel ban, for instance. He favors a robust investigation into Russian interference in the presidential election. But he also promotes the projection of U.S. military might, as Trump does, and he has a deep-seated respect for the office of the president. Graham, along with John and Cindy McCain, had dinner with Trump at the White House in April. Graham still sometimes critiques Trump, but it is for his style or lack of organization, rather than his basic character, as used to be the case. The President has a hard time colluding with his staff, Graham commented after Comeys testimony, so he couldnt have been colluding with the Russians. After Trump lashed out at Comey on Twitter, calling him a leaker and describing his actions as cowardly, Graham appeared on CBSs Face the Nation and addressed Trump directly from the set: You may be the first president in history to go down because you cant stop inappropriately talking about an investigation that if you just were quiet, would clear you. Graham said Trumps continued outbursts were frustrating because he thought that Trump, if he didnt sabotage himself, might deliver us from a broken immigration system. Recalling Grahams earlier view of Trumpracist, jackass, bigot, con mansome have looked to Graham as a figure who might lead a form of opposition to Trump on Capitol Hill. Not a chance: Graham continues to protect Trumps foreign-policy flank, recently banishing hopes of rebellion with the blanket affirmation to Fox & Friends, Im all in. Keep it up, Donald.
Gone is the Lindsey Graham who, during the campaign, attacked Ted Cruz on CNN for not condemning Donald Trump and his lack of integrity: So what Ted Cruz did is ignore the moral imperative here to speak out . . . .This doesnt cut it for me. This is not a policy debate, Ted. This is about you and us and our character as a party. Up your game. Condemn it because it needs to be condemned. He concluded, You know how you make America great again? Tell Donald Trump to go to hell.
When Donald Trump descended the escalator in Trump Tower to announce his candidacyand, in the course of that speech, to declare Mexican immigrants to the United States to be rapistsMcCain called the comment offensive but added that Trump was entitled to say what he wants to say. Trump responded with an insult: Graduated last in his class at Annapolisdummy! Not long afterward, Trump encouraged a primary challenge to McCain, saying to conservative pollster Frank Luntz at the Family Leadership Summit in Ames, Iowa, Somebody should run against John McCain, whos been, in my opinion, not so hot. And I supported him for president. I raised a million dollars for himthats a lot of money. I supported him. He lost; he let us down. But he lost and I never liked him much after that cause I dont like losers . . . . Hes not a war hero. Trump then both managed to reverse himself and double down: Hes a war herohes a war hero because he was captured. I like people that werent captured, O.K.?
In March of 2016, McCain said he shared the concerns of Mitt Romney about TrumpRomney had delivered a blistering denunciationand he also put out a statement urging Republican voters to pay close attention to the open letter from Republican national-security leaders, which stated that Trumps vision of American influence and power in the world is wildly inconsistent and unmoored in principle. In April, McCain said he was not going to attend the Republican convention. In August, after Trump insulted the Khan family, McCain issued a statement: It is time for Donald Trump to set the example for our country and the future of the Republican Party. Trump eventually endorsed McCain in his Senate race, and McCain eventually endorsed Trumpbut pulled the endorsement after the Access Hollywood tape surfaced. Trump responded on Twitter, The very foul mouthed Sen. John McCain begged for my support during his primary (I gave, he won), then dropped me over locker room remarks! After Trump was elected, McCain said he would show deference to the president, but I am not a rubber stamp.
In February, when Trump called a deadly military strike in Yemen a success, McCain took issue with that characterization. In May, The New York Times reported that Trump had asked F.B.I. director James Comey to drop his investigation into N.S.C. director Michael Flynn, and McCain said on Face the Nation, I think we have seen this movie before. I think its reaching a point where its of Watergate size and scale. Yet when McCain had the opportunity to question Comey directly, despite his obvious confusion, he displayed a knee-jerk defense of Trump. McCain has not been a rubber stamp. What he has been is a gamblerhis default persona. McCain showed in 2008, when he selected Sarah Palin as his running mate, that he was willing to overlook deficiencies of character and stability in order to achieve his own ends. Taking dangerous risks has marked McCain throughout his career.
One Republican political strategist explained to me that what made Trump palatable to McCaindespite everything McCain dislikes about the manis that Trump lacks any true convictions of his own, making McCain feel Trump can be swayed. McCain, with Graham, respects the generals who make up the national-security apparatus in the Trump administration. According to a White House adviser who has spoken to McCain and Graham, both men are fired up about the tax reform that Trump promises. After Graham and the McCains dinner with Trump, the Daily Beast reported that Cindy McCain was set to join Trumps State Department as a U.S. ambassador-at-large for human rights. Like Paul Ryan, McCain seems willing to tolerate almost anything in return for the working digits that hold a pen.
The Trump administration may last for months or it may last for years. There will be crises and catastrophes. A corrosion of values and spirit has already set in. The outside world pulls away. John Boehner, the Republican former Speaker of the House, now retired and fortified with tobacco and Merlot, has called Trump a disaster. Donald Trump will suffer his own grim fate in the eyes of historians, but it will come with an asterisk: he is a profoundly damaged human being with no true understanding of his capacities, his emotions, his ignorance, his job, or the fundamentals of human decency.
His enablers will get no asterisk. They will be treated with the special contempt reserved for those who acted knowingly and cravenly, with eyes wide open.
The O.G. Never Trumper, Romney effectively renounced his past denunciations of the president-elect, whom he had previously called a con man, when Trump began publicly courting him for secretary of state. (He did not get the job.)
A long time ago, in the year 2016, the R.N.C. chairman threw everything he could to prevent Trump from becoming the partys nominee. Days after Trump won, Reince stood by his side as his chief of staff, possibly getting the least humiliating outcome for an erstwhile Trump foe.
The House Speaker spent months trying to maintain a safe distance from Trump, condemning his statements (even as he declined to renounce him) and at one point canceling a rally appearance with Trump after his past p****-grabbing comments came to light. Flash-forward two months, and Ryan was praising Trump in front of a cheering crowd in Wisconsin, thanking him for clinching the first Republican presidential win in the state in decades.
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The O.G. Never Trumper, Romney effectively renounced his past denunciations of the president-elect, whom he had previously called a con man, when Trump began publicly courting him for secretary of state. (He did not get the job.)
Digital Colorization by Ben Park; From Getty Images.
Digital Colorization by Ben Park; From Getty Images.
Digital Colorization by Ben Park.
A long time ago, in the year 2016, the R.N.C. chairman threw everything he could to prevent Trump from becoming the partys nominee. Days after Trump won, Reince stood by his side as his chief of staff, possibly getting the least humiliating outcome for an erstwhile Trump foe.
Digital Colorization by Ben Park; From Getty Images.
Digital Colorization by Ben Park; From PBS.
The House Speaker spent months trying to maintain a safe distance from Trump, condemning his statements (even as he declined to renounce him) and at one point canceling a rally appearance with Trump after his past p****-grabbing comments came to light. Flash-forward two months, and Ryan was praising Trump in front of a cheering crowd in Wisconsin, thanking him for clinching the first Republican presidential win in the state in decades.
Digital Colorization by Ben Park; From Getty Images.
Digital Colorization by Ben Park; From Getty Images.
Digital Colorization by Ben Park; From Getty Images.
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A Definitive Guide to the GOP Insiders Enabling Donald Trump - Vanity Fair
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The case for keeping ‘Langevin Block’ – Macleans.ca
Posted: at 12:50 am
People relax on the front lawn of the Parliament buildings near Langevin Block in Ottawa, Wednesday June 21, 2017. The federal government is renaming the Langevin Block building, which sits across from Parliament Hill, out of respect for Indigenous Peoples. (Adrian Wyld/CP)
As we mark the 150th anniversary of Confederation, Canadian history is in the midst of an existential crisis. From coast to coast the physical presence of many once-celebrated historical figures is being scrubbed from our midst.
Last week, in honour of the newly renamed National Indigenous Peoples Day, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau announced that the Langevin Block, which houses the Prime Ministers Office, will be officially renamed in order to rid it of the name of Sir Hector-Louis Langevinan individual associated with the residential school system and the federal governments now-discredited plans to assimilate the Indigenous population.
Halifax has seen repeated demands that a prominent statue of city founder Edward Cornwallis be removed from public display because he declared a bounty on Mikmaq scalps in 1749. His name has already been removed from a local school.
Prince Edward Island has heard similar calls for Parks Canada to rename the national historic site Port-la-Joye-Fort Amherst to eradicate the legacy of British military commander Sir Jeffery Amherst, given his reputation as the mastermind behind a scheme to give smallpox-laced blankets to Indigenous foes.
And the Law Society of British Columbia recently hoisted a statute of Sir Matthew Baillie Begbie, the first chief justice of British Columbia, out of the lobby of its building because the presence of the statue is offensive to Indigenous peoples. Begbie is known as the hanging judge for sentencing six Tsilhqotin chiefs to death in 1864.
The vast preponderance of Canadas historical heroes, it seems, were genocidal maniacs undeserving of statues erected or parks, forts, cities or streets named in their honour. As the evidence of misdeeds and character flaws pile up, should we simply wipe the slate clean of all references to our past?
Then again, maybe we shouldnt be so quick to turn our backs on our former selves.
It is axiomatic of history that it exists in context. Historical figures are products of their times, as well as figures astride pedestals in parks. They had full and complicated lives that cannot be adequately understood from a single quotation or act. And with this in mind, lets look again at the charges against Langevin.
As the minister of public works in Sir John A. Macdonalds government, Langevin formalized the residential school system in Canada. Further evidence of his unsuitability for current recognition comes from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission report that makes repeated mention of a speech he gave in 1883: If you wish to educate the native children, you must separate them from the parents. If you leave them in the family they may know how to read and write but they still remain savages.
Taken on its own, Langevins quotation is a devastating indictment to modern ears. But what if we let the tape roll a bit longer? Later in that same speech, for example, Langevin said it was his intention to give every native child who graduates from residential school a free homestead. And in response to Langevin, Edward Blake, the leader of the Liberal party of the day, not only used words to describe Indigenous men and women that would be considered horrific today, he also complained that Ottawas plan was overly generous. The Liberal party of the day wanted to spend far less on the native file.
Extreme narrow focus on a few sentences of one speech may provide damning evidence of Langevins unfitness for present-day memorialization. But in the context of his time, Langevin actually stands among the more enlightened representatives of the federal government. As for the accusation that Langevin believed in assimilation of the Indigenous communitya concept now properly and universally considered abhorrenthe is guilty as charged.
But assimilation was conventional wisdom among all elite thinkers of his era. If statements in support of it are to be considered sufficient reason for removal from the historical record, then every politician of note in Canada prior to the 21st century must eventually be struck from the recordfrom Macdonald to Sir Wilfrid Laurier on down. Even Pierre Trudeau, often considered the father of an inclusive, multicultural Canada, was a confirmed assimilationist. His 1969 White Paper on Indian Policy planned to eliminate Indigenous status entirely. When such a plan was firmly rejected by the Indigenous community, Trudeau replied bitterly, Well keep them in the ghetto for as long as they want. Is the legacy of Trudeau senior next on the list for erasure?
And entirely ignored within the current debate over Langevin and the residential school issue is his stature as a key Francophone Quebec federalist during the crucial pre-Confederation era, which was the reason his name ended up on a federal building in the first place. Reconciliation between French and English was once considered a great Canadian virtue. It should still count for something today.
As for Cornwallis, in 1749 he did declare a bounty of 10 British guineas for every Mikmaq scalp delivered to him during a colonial-era conflict known as Father Le Loutres War. Like Langevins speech on residential schools, singular attention on this one act seems sufficient to declare him unfit for present-day consumption. By any standard, scalping is an horrific act. But once again history throws up some uncomfortable facts.
Father Le Loutres War (1749 to 1755) was the handiwork of French Catholic priest Jean-Louis Le Loutre, who goaded local Mikmaq tribes into conflict with the British in hopes of reclaiming New Brunswick and Nova Scotia for the French. For added motivation, he explicitly promised to pay Mikmaq warriors a bounty for English scalps. And they delivered. In 1753, for example, Le Loutre was reimbursed 1,800 French livres by the colonial government in Quebec City for sums he paid to the Mikmaq for 18 English scalps.
The payment of scalp bounties was unsettlingly common throughout North America during the entire colonial period. It was, in fact, standing French policy to offer payments for the scalps of the Englishmen, women and childrenas a subsidy to ensure the continued loyalty of allied Indigenous tribes. Scalp bounties in the English-speaking colonies generally only appeared when a war was on; and their value waned and fluxed depending on the publics panic level. It thus seems unfair to use Cornwalliss scalping proclamation as conclusive evidence against him when both sides in this ancient conflict, including those Mikmaq nations who today demand Cornwalliss expulsion from the public square, were fully engaged in the repulsive tactic.
And while Amherst is widely considered to be the father of modern germ warfare for allegedly handing out smallpox-infected blankets to Indigenous foes, this is a falsehood. There is no proof he ever did such a thing. Amherst responded positively to the suggestion from a fellow officer in a letter dated July 16, 1763, but this came a month after the one and only time British troops actually stooped to such a tacticduring a native siege of Fort Pitt (near present-day Pittsburgh) on June 24, 1763.
Finally, Begbie was indeed responsible for sentencing six Indigenous leaders to hanging for their role in the killing of 20 non-natives during B.C.s Chilcotin War. Yet condemning him into oblivion on this basis ignores his vast record of support and understanding for the provinces Indigenous communities at all other times. He was fluent in several Indigenous languages, recognized the concept of Aboriginal title in his rulings and took a strong position against racism. Begbie was perhaps the most liberal and native-friendly judge of his time. As for his controversial hanging decision, which the B.C. government recently apologized for, he had no choice. The death penalty was mandatory for murder cases. Despite all this, his own law society has removed him from the firmament.
To our great disadvantage, Canada has become obsessed with replaying a slow-motion, high-definition version of our past. Historical figures are now judged by intense focus on individual statements or actions. One infraction at odds with current acceptable standards has become sufficient evidence for expulsion from present-day society. Yet it is reasonable, if not inevitable, to expect that every notable figure from the past has probably said or done something that will grate against modern sensibilities, particularly with respect to Indigenous relations. It is therefore only a matter of time before every statue, park and street named for an historical character in Canada is declared incompatible with the present.
But while the fraught relationship between colonial Canada and Indigenous peoples is an important component of our history, it is not its entirety. We should not allow current attention being paid to the Truth and Reconciliation Commissions findings, necessary and disturbing as they may be, to become a mechanism that strips Canada of our most significant characters and events. Or removes the context and detail from the stories of who we are and where we came from.
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War on terror took backseat as Duterte focused on drug war … – Inquirer.net
Posted: at 12:49 am
Editors Note: Starting June 25, the Inquirer will run on its print, online, and social media platforms a series of stories, reports and commentaries on the socioeconomic impact positive and negative that President Duterte has made in his first year in office. The articles will focus on how the former Davao City mayor has coped with the challenges of the presidency in five major areas that Filipinos consider most important in their lives: peace and order, traffic, economy, governance and foreign policy. This evaluation of the administrations achievements and shortcomings will take into account what Mr. Duterte had promised to do during last years presidential campaign, his June 30 inaugural speech and his July 25 State of the Nation Address.
In this picture taken June 29, 2017 shows smokes billows inside Malawi City as the military launched fresh airstrikes on controlled positions of Islamic State-inspired terrorists as fighting rages for 36 days now.
Distraught housewife Camalia Bauntos husband is trapped in their house in Marawi City and she is pinning her hopes of being reunited with him on President Dutertes vow to crush a small band of Islamic State (IS)-linked terrorists who have brought destruction to the once proud Muslim city in Mindanao.
The Baunto couple, along with their extended family, voted for Mr. Duterte in 2016, helping to propel the former Davao City mayor to the countrys top government post on a promise to bring peace and order to a region long ravaged by armed conflict.
But that promise has been overtaken by deadly events. Abu Sayyaf gunmen, the Maute group and their foreign allies, who have all pledged allegiance to IS, launched a daring raid on Marawi on May 23.
After more than a month of fighting, the death toll has surpassed 400303 IS gunmen, 75 soldiers and police, and 44 civilians, according to military figures.
An estimated 200 residents, including Bauntos husband Nixon, are believed to be held hostage by the gunmen or trapped in the fighting that has transformed the once-vibrant city into a desolate landscape of bombed-out buildings resembling war-torn Aleppo in Syria.
I am losing hope, Baunto told the Inquirer. I am begging the President to rescue him. Is this the peace he had promised us?
Martial law
In reaction to the siege, Mr. Duterte declared martial law in the entire Mindanao while he was on a visit to Russia with all his top defense and security officials and cut short his trip to return home.
The President said he would not allow IS to gain a foothold in the Philippines.
The siege of Marawi was triggered by an attempt by security forces to arrest Isnilon Hapilon, the leader of an Abu Sayyaf faction who had been appointed by IS emir, or leader, in Southeast Asia.
The Armys 1st Infantry Division spokesperson, Lt. Col. Jo-Ar Herrera, said at first that Hapilon was backed by 15 gunmen, but as the firefight escalated, hundreds of others emerged from their hideouts around the city, engaging the surprised troops.
Miscalculation
Analysts said that since Mr. Duterte assumed office last year, his administration appeared to have focused much of its resources into carrying out a war on drugs, which had left at least 10,000 suspected drug users, dealers and traffickers dead.
Officials have neglected the telltale signs of Islamic radicalism among a new crop of Islamists in Mindanao, analysts said.
Richard Javad Heydarian, a political analyst at De La Salle University, said the Marawi conflict puts into focus whether [Mr. Duterte] has a proper appreciation of the sheer scale of the problem in his own backyard.
Without a doubt, the siege of Marawi has been the greatest crisis for Mr. Duterte so far, despite the myriad of controversies surrounding his key policies, including the bloody war on drugs and diplomatic spats with traditional allies, Heydarian said.
We are not only talking about the prospect of a distant caliphate under the flag of Isis, but a potentially disastrous contagion of terror across his home island of Mindanao, he said, using another name for IS.
Undercut ratings
The destruction of Marawi will likely undercut his sky-high approval ratings, particularly among Moros, who initially saw him as their sole and most powerful voice in imperial Manila since the founding of [the] Philippine republic, Heydarian said.
The Marawi siege also forced the government to reassess its independent foreign policy that had seen Mr. Duterte lambast the Philippines traditional ally, the United States, in favor of Russia and China.
Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana, martial law implementer, has since sought help from American troops and welcomed Australian military assistance.
In many ways, it has been a sobering and heart-wrenching month for a President who sincerely cared for the people of Mindanao, yet didnt manage to fully optimize existing intelligence and security networks to anticipate, prevent and effectively contain the terrorism conundrum in his home island, Heydarian said.
Complacency
Mr. Dutertes fixation on the war on drugs had overshadowed the equally important war on terrorism, according to Rommel Banlaoi, head of the Philippine Institute for Peace, Violence and Terrorism Research, which has been advising the defense establishment on threat groups.
The fighting in Marawi was an outcome of continued downplaying of threats from pro-IS groups, Banlaoi said.
This government attitude of downplaying the threat resulted in unintended complacency in gathering actionable intelligence information necessary for the development of an effective preemptive counter-terrorism plan, he said.
The battle in Marawi City could have been prevented had government forces seriously exercised due diligence in gathering reliable and accurate intelligence information while enemy forces were still in [the] inception stage, Banlaoi said.
Military officials have strongly denied that there had been a failure of intelligence on IS plans in Marawi.
Long fight
On Tuesday, the President said he wanted to finish the fighting soon and saw no satisfaction even in winning it.
I already had the complete picture and I knew that it would be a long fight, he said at the Eid al-Fitr celebration in Malacaang.
In his report to Congress on the martial law declaration, Mr. Duterte said the Maute group, which had 253 men by late 2016, was bent on turning all of Mindanao into an IS province. As much as 75 percent of Marawi had been infiltrated by the Maute group and the Abu Sayyaf, his report said.
Solicitor General Jose Calida said martial law was justified because of the festering rebellion of the Maute group, which had allied with Hapilons Abu Sayyaf faction and pledged allegiance to IS.
Calida said the more dangerous Maute group had transmogrified into an invasion force of foreign terrorists to launch attacks in the Philippines if its members could not travel to Syria to fight alongside IS.
Despite shelling and bombing runs, the terrorists remain well-entrenched in a small area in the city, posting snipers at strategic points in Marawi to prevent the advance of troops more accustomed to jungle warfare than urban fighting.
The Marawi siege has alarmed the countrys Southeast Asian neighbors.
They fear that IS is trying to set up a stronghold in Mindanao, which it could use as a springboard to launch attacks across the region.
Maute brothers
Mr. Duterte had earlier dismissed the Maute brothers as drug-addled former cops.
In truth, Omarkhayam Maute studied in Egypt where he embraced Islamic militancy, according to various intelligence groups.
He taught at a madrasah in Indonesia, where his wife is from, but eventually went back home to pursue his dream of establishing a state purely for Muslims in Mindanao.
His older brother, Abdullah, was more radical and inherited their father Cayamoras ideals as a former official of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. Cayamora and wife Farhanadescribed by police as the groups financierhave been arrested separately.
The brothers had set up Daulah Islamiyah, which the police had played down as a group of small-time crooks operating near Lanaos forests.
The group grabbed national headlines in September last year when they claimed responsibility for bombing the Presidents hometown of Davao, killing 15 people.
Explore on our special anniversary site the Inquirer series of multiplatform reports and commentaries on the gains and challenges during President Duterte's first year in office. Daily content begins June 25 till July 24.
Subscribe to INQUIRER PLUS to get access to The Philippine Daily Inquirer & other 70+ titles, share up to 5 gadgets, listen to the news, download as early as 4am & share articles on social media. Call 896 6000.
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War on terror took backseat as Duterte focused on drug war ... - Inquirer.net
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The War on Drugs Places ‘Black Joy’ in the Line of Fire – AlterNet
Posted: at 12:49 am
Photo Credit: a katz / Shutterstock
*Editor's note: In this monthly blog series, the Drug Policy Alliance will examine the nexus between the War on Drugs and law enforcement practices that result in the mass criminalization, incarceration and dehumanization of communities of color. These pieces will reflect on the ways in which the institutions of policing and prosecution- both driven by calls for law and order in the wake of the War on Drugs- continue to function as instruments of reinforcement for the overarching structural racism on which the drug war was founded.
Over the past several weeks, the details surrounding the tragic killing of Jordan Edwards have been revealed under the intensely watchful eye of a public that continues to face a seemingly never-ending flood of stories recounting instances of police brutality and thepervasive lack of justicefor black victims on the receiving end of police misconduct.
Outside of a media sphere permeated by meticulously crafted, state-serving narratives marked by the use of coded language as a form of fear mongering that encourages brutalization in carrying out the war on drugs and cultivates public apathy towards the victims of such violence, a situation in which a police officer responding to a neighbors call aboutpossible underage drinkingthat ends with the use of lethal force on a car full of frightened kids could not be dressed as anything other than a senseless act of violence. This murder reinforces the message that the protections associated with the assumption of innocence and positive police discretion towards instances of youthful indiscretionare not privileges extended to black youth.
Further, a failure to also identify this situation as one where the duty to protect and serve was superseded by aninstitutional obsessionwith policing and restricting the autonomy of black people would require willful ignorance of thehistory of enslavement and subjugationof black people in this country.
Jordans story is not anomalous. The explosion in exposure of police brutality across the nation and subsequent reflection on my own experiences with law enforcement while growing up in Dallas quickly led me to the sobering realization that any of the nights I enjoyed not long ago, when I was Jordans age, could have ended in tragedy. The price of this realization has been an existence marred by constant feelings of fear and anxiety about whatcouldhappen and how my personalrelationship with drugs might be used in an attempt to strip me of my humanity posthumously.
As a result, I often find myself preemptively policing my actions, my speech, expressions of my emotions, my movements, and even my writing, but none of these things have proven adequate in protecting me from potentially volatile interactions with law enforcement or figures that have been endowed with authority to use force by whatever institution employs them.
Knowing that I am not alone is deeply saddening.
What is much more devastating, however, is reading in theDallas Morning Newsthat kids who occupy some of the same spaces I once did experienced such a degree of psychological trauma from Jordans death and similar situations that they feel they have no choice but to forfeit simple joys of youth like playing basketball and partying with friends.
Living with the psychological burden imposed by the constant threat of state violence is not freedom. We cannot begin to chip away at thehyper-criminalization of black and Latino youthuntil we end the war on drugs. If not, the reality most of America is privileged enough to enjoy - the assumption that an interaction with law enforcement will not end in their demise - will remain an aspiration at best.
When I was in elementary school, a large part of the schools efforts to convince us to just say no to drugs involved encouraging us to dare to be different. As an adult, I am imploring the powers that be and those who have been complicit in cultivating this drug war climate to put the same amount of time and resources into daring police to allow all youth the space to enjoy their lives without fear of those entrusted with the responsibility of protecting them.
This piece first appeared on the Drug Policy Alliance Blog
Zacchaeus Stantonis policy associate with the Drug Policy Alliance.
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The War on Drugs Places 'Black Joy' in the Line of Fire - AlterNet
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Reporter’s Notebook: A year into Duterte’s bloody war on drugs, little has changed – Daily Maverick
Posted: at 12:49 am
Were sitting in a cramped and claustrophobic house in the middle of a rabbit warren of small alleyways in the fishing town of Navotas, Metro Manila. Its 40 degrees outside.
The tiny room where we sit is seething with something that feels like panic, or shock. Or grief that is waiting for its chance to be felt.
I am trying to find the words to ask the mother of two dead sons how she chose which of them to bury.
Photo: Maria Misa De Pirini in her home in Navotas on 12 September
Maria Misa De Pirini's sons Danilo and Aljon were both casualties in the Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte's deadly war on drugs. At the time of their killings, Duterte had been in office for three months and his drug war had already led to the deaths of an estimated 4,000 drug users by police and vigilante killers. Today, a year after the presidents inauguration, that figure is now over 9,000.
Maria was one of many working-class people who voted for Duterte, believing his promises to end both corruption and the scourge of drug abuse. A perceived representative of the working class, he won in a landslide victory. But his promises led to unfettered, state sanctioned killing of many of the Philippines most vulnerable people: the poor, who often use drugs to escape their everyday realities.
Photo: Quezon City Jail was built to house 400 inmates but, as of September 11 2016, currently houses 3669 inmates. The prison has seen a drastic increase in intake since the war on drugs was announced, with 62%of inmates incarcerated for drug cases. The jail has a planned 'decongestion' strategy, but prison officials admit progress is slow. 16 September.
On the first day of Duterte's term in office, his war on drugs claimed four lives, on the second, 14 and on the ninth, 30. That number soon rose. Often the victims heads would be wrapped in packing tape, with crude messages scrawled on cardboard next to the bodies, labelling them drug pushers or users. Bodies piled up.
The day after Aljon was murdered, I joined a group of local journalists covering the Night Beat essentially the reporting of the latest drug war killings and their aftermath. That night, we got a call saying there had been a drug-related killing in a nearby city in Metro Manila called Caloocan. We drove to the scene in convoy.
Photo: Police officers conduct Oplan Tokhang, "Knock and Plead" operations, in Payatas, Quezon City, on 16 September.
Guided by the blue and red lights of the police and SOCO vans, journalists readied their gear, switched on LED lights, and moved quickly down the dark, tungsten-lit alleyways towards the scene. The body of a man, lying face down, confronted us as we arrived. He was shirtless, wearing dark blue shorts and sandals. His torso was covered in blood that body collectors tried to wipe off before they loaded him on to the stretcher to carry him away.
From what we could gather, the man was shot and killed by police during whats known as a buy-bust operation an undercover sting operation where a police officer impersonates a drug dealer. When the would-be drug buyers attempt to resist arrest, they are shot and killed by the undercover officer on site.
Photo: The wife of an unidentified man killed by police sweeps away his blood after his body is removed from the scene on 22 September.
For a moment there was a stillness to the scene. Camera shutters clicked, SOCO outlined the positions of bullet cartridges on the ground in chalk, their torches occasionally illuminating the dead mans face. Jarringly, a rooster crowed. Two women sat metres away and cried. We later found out that one of them was the deceased mans wife. She threw buckets of water on the concrete outside her home to wash away the blood; crimson rivulets streamed down the alleyway. No witness statements were taken, and all of us knew that no one would be held to account for this mans murder.
We didnt stay for long a colleague got a call saying there had been another drug killing 10 minutes away.
Instead of resolution, or some promise of justice, the media covering this drug war can only capture thousands of different portraits of grief.
The woman who cries while she washes her husband's blood away.
The mother who must chose which of her sons to bury.
Photo: Relatives gather before Adonis Dela Rosa's entombment.
When I first spoke to Maria Misa De Pirini after the murders of both of her sons, she appeared visibly shocked that they had become fatalities in a drug war that she had initially supported. She spoke in monotone, so disbelieving in her grief that her own tears seemed to surprise her. Like they belonged to someone else.
Aljon had been the first to die.
He had told his mother he used drugs to make his body stronger for work at the fish factory where he and his brother found employment. It's more likely that being high made his job bearable.
On 21 September 2016, masked men came to Maria's house demanding to take Aljon and his friend, a known drug pusher, away. Maria pleaded with them, asking for mercy. She knew that if they took him, she night never see him again. Her pleas fell on deaf ears.
Photo: An unidentified man is killed in a suspected buy-bust operation in Caloocan. 22 September.
Police later told Maria that two bodies had been found under a bridge close to her home. When she arrived she saw one of them was Aljon. His body was beaten, with two gunshot wounds to the chest, one to the head.
After Aljon died, Maria feared that Danilo might be next. She told him to keep a low profile in the area. Those warnings were in vain. A week later, masked men suspected to be police apprehended him and the men he was seeking refuge with. He was severely beaten, shot and dumped under the same bridge where Aljon's body was found.
No one was arrested for either murder, and any hope of justice for her sons was a luxury that Maria simply could not afford. Maria's poverty had also forced her into making a terrible choice, heartbreaking in its banality. Which sons body to bury, and which to leave unclaimed?
When I tried to ask Maria how she had made that choice, my fixer and I were sitting on the floor of her two-square-metre living room-cum-kitchen. The floor above us had been used as a space to sleep for Maria, her daughter, and until very recently Danilo and Aljon.
Danilo's name tag for the recycling depot he sometimes worked at still hung up on the wall of her living room, next to a teddy bear and a Catholic statue.
My question got lost in translation, misinterpreted as me asking Maria which of her sons she loved the most. Her response was confused, and I couldnt understand it.
Photo: Cemetery workers hoist Dela Rosas coffin into his tomb.
Days later, I went with Maria to the Navotas funeral parlour where Danilo's body was being kept. The parlour's director, Orly Fernandez, admitted that they had run out of space to store the bodies that had flooded in as the war on drugs intensified. He showed me how bodies were piled on top of each other, sometimes three deep, on the floor.
He then pointed to Danilo's body, lying on the floor wrapped in a blue and yellow Hello Kitty blanket.
Maria had asked Fernandez for a discount on Danilo's burial, and he agreed, but it was still too expensive for her to afford. She was forced to accept that the only way to bury her son was to leave his body unclaimed, and hope that would get included in the next mass burial of unclaimed bodies the funeral parlour conducted. Four months later, in January 2017, Danilos body was buried in the grave of a woman also killed in a police drug operation. The grave bears only the womans name, as Maria couldnt afford a tombstone for Danilo.
Her choice, I now know, was driven by the fact that Aljon's funeral parlour did not offer the option of a pauper's burial. It wasn't an epic dilemma driven by love or connection, but a painfully simple choice, driven by Maria's economic reality.
If I am honest, I wanted there to be a powerful emotional force behind Maria's choice. One that would subsume her sons battered bodies, the bullet holes to their heads. The Hello Kitty blanket wrapped around Danilo's broken bones. The unmarked grave he shares with another dead drug user.
Without that choice being something beyond these simple horrors, this story effectively just captures murder that is normalised, genocide that is considered unremarkable and carnage that is, somehow, acceptable.
We sweep the blood away and move on. Like there is no heartbreak here. DM
Fixing and additional reporting by Guill Ramos
Shaun Swingler spent a month in the Philippines reporting on the drug war for various news outlets. In collaboration with Chronicle, he produced a short documentary film on the drug war which premiered at Encounters Documentary Film Festival where it won the EYE Youth Jury Award. A trailer for the film can be viewed here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GPjRVknCW_Y
Photo: Undertakers transport the body of an alleged drug suspect who was killed by police in Sitio San Roque, Quezon City, on 14 September.
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Reporter's Notebook: A year into Duterte's bloody war on drugs, little has changed - Daily Maverick
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Brent Musburger’s big, new adventure involves sports gambling – Golfweek.com
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Editors note: This story appeared in the May 2017 issue of Golfweek Magazine.
Brent Musburger is riding a hot hand.
The sportscasting legend just chipped in for birdie on the eighth hole at Cascata, 20 miles southeast of Las Vegas
Wheres that photographer? Musburger chirps at a visiting writer. The photographer had peeled off from the group one hole earlier. Musburgers moment of glory would live on in memory, if not pictures.
The hole-out ignites a string of victories. Musburger plays his 3-wood off the tee, keeps his ball in play and never gives his opponents a chance to rally. By the middle of the back nine, he and his playing partner, Vinny Magliulo, sports book director for Gaughan Gaming, were toasting their rout with Miller Lites.
Three months after leaving ESPN, Musburger is still doing what he loves: talking sports. But now he does it for the Vegas Stats & Information Network, or VSiN, the start-up launched by his nephew Brian, one of his victims at Cascata.
When Musburger received the request to play golf, he sent back word that hed like to play at Cascata, No. 2 behind only Shadow Creek on Golfweeks Best public-access list in Nevada. Hes been coming to Las Vegas for decades but only recently settled here and hadnt yet played Cascata, an electrifying Rees Jones design chiseled out of mountainous terrain.
Musburgers usual golf partner is his wife of 55 years, Arlene. He notes with some pride that when they play in club scrambles at Stock Farm, their club near Missoula, Mont., his buddies sometimes say they wish Arlene was their playing partner.
I always tell young guys, Get your wife playing early, he says. They think Im crazy. But its a game you can play your entire life.
A day after the outing at Cascata, Musburger is sitting in the sports book at South Point Hotel, Casino and Spa. The hotel is six miles south of Mandalay Bay, on a quiet part of Las Vegas Boulevard, if such a thing exists. Nearby, Gill Alexander, a statistical whiz kid, is wrapping up his Numbers Game show in the glassed-in VSiN studio. Musburger will be going on air shortly with his My Guys in the Desert show. (VSiN pronounced V-Sin by the staff streams its shows on its website and airs on SiriusXM channel 204.)
This is a big day for VSiN adult Christmas, as Alexander tells his audience. Its the first day of the NFL Draft, and Musburger is focused on possible storylines. Will the Bengals trade A.J. McCarron? Will the Patriots move Jimmy Garoppolo? Theyre better than anybody in the draft, Musburger says. (Both quarterbacks stayed put.) The big question: How will the draft impact teams 2017 win totals? People love to bet the over-under numbers, Musburger says. You dont have to pay attention to it every day. You can bet your favorite team. He settles on this as the hook for his show, which will start in less than an hour.
Some 40 years ago, Jimmy The Greek Snyder took Musburger to the Barbary Coast casino and introduced him to the owner, Michael Gaughan, who became one of Musburgers many friends in the desert. When Brian Musburger sought advice on launching VSiN, Brent steered him toward Gaughan. Later, over lunch, Gaughan told Musburger, I like your nephew. Im going to help him out.
Then came the call from Brian: Unc, I gotta have you.
Musburger visited South Point last fall, looked at the studio, then under construction, and decided to explore an early exit from ESPN. His brother Todd, Brians father, is his agent.
If it wasnt family, I wouldnt even think about it, Musburger said. But hell, Im 77, so someday youre going to have to get off the road.
Musburger said he and Arlene had considered moving to Las Vegas several years ago. They had many friends there and loved the various entertainment options unrelated to gambling. (The previous week he and Arlene watched An American in Paris at The Smith Center for the Performing Arts as good as any theater youll find in the world, he says.) Most importantly, Las Vegas offered easy air access to his home state of Montana.
Over the years critics sometimes wondered whether Musburgers folksy on-air demeanor was genuine, but he comes by it honestly. He grew up in Billings, Mont., with the simple desire to be a sportswriter. Even as he became the face of CBS Sports, and later ABC and ESPN, he still leaned on his newspaper training. Mark Loomis, Fox Sports executive golf producer, often traveled with Musburger when he was a young production assistant at ABC. Musburger constantly pumped locals for information and opinions on their hometown teams.
Brent would pick the brains of waiters, caddies, cabbies, trainers whoever it was, he was truly interested in that persons perspective, Loomis recalls. He didnt have to go to the head coach. He wanted to talk to everybody.
When working college games, Loomis says, you were more likely to find Musburger having a beer with students in a campus hangout rather than dining at some overpriced steakhouse. Thats where the action was. Loomis recalls that The Esso Club at Clemson was a particular favorite.
Musburger is resilient, which one might expect from a man who remained atop such a competitive profession for four decades. When his 22-year career with CBS ended abruptly and badly, he didnt pout in public. Folks, Ive had the best seat in the house, he said after the 1990 Final Four, his final assignment with CBS. Thanks for sharing it. Ill see you down the road.
His new colleagues at ABC werent sure what to expect when Musburger arrived, given his tumultuous departure from CBS.
He was great from day one, says Golf Channels Jack Graham, who worked with Musburger at ABC. There was never an ego with him. I couldnt figure out what must have gone on for CBS to let him go, because he couldnt have been a better team guy.
Among his many ABC tasks, Musburger anchored the networks golf coverage, which included the regular Tour, U.S. Open and British Open. At that time there were no hole announcers, so Musburger had to call every shot. He was doing a job thats now done by four or five announcers.
We didnt put him in a position to thrive, says Graham, a member of that crew and later ABCs golf producer.
Still, his joy for the big events was evident. You can hear it in his call at the 1995 British Open at St. Andrews Yes! Yes! Rocca has done it! when Costantino Rocca holed a 65-foot birdie putt from the Valley of Sin to force a playoff.
When ESPN bumped Musburger from its featured college football games to the SEC Network in 2015, he dutifully reported to remote outposts such as Columbia, Mo., and Lexington, Ky., to call meaningless games for smaller audiences. To this day, you wont find any public comments from Musburger criticizing ESPNs decision to make the younger, robotic Chris Fowler its lead play-by-play man. ESPN could reduce his role, but it couldnt hide the fact that Big Game Brent remained the stations best play-by-play man.
Im not surprised that he worked as long as he did, because he truly loved it, Loomis says. I was surprised he was stepping away because I thought he was going to do it forever. You could hear it in his voice how much he loved doing it.
There was no farewell tour at ESPN; he left just days after word of his plans leaked out. He again thanked viewers for sharing your time with me, and suggested that they pay me a visit at my new place out in Las Vegas. Why not? We can share a cold one, and maybe a win or two. And then he was gone.
Holy George Halas! Whats going on here? Musburger exclaims in the VSiN studio on draft day when the Chicago Bears move up to pick North Carolina quarterback Mitch Trubisky with the second pick.
Outside, curious bettors at South Point mill around the studio, staring through the glass at the broadcasting legend. Hes fired up about the Trubisky shocker. Bang on it at the top, baby! Musburger tells a young producer prior to the news update. Lean on it!
Boo! Boo! Booooo! Musburger bellows coming out of a break. I just wanted to get fans ready for the New York Jets pick.
Word of Musburgers exploits from the previous days golf outing have leaked to the crew. Gee, Brent, one chip-in sure got you pumped up, quips South Point oddsmaker Chris Andrews, a regular VSiN analyst.
Brian Musburger conceived VSiN as a means to outflank sports rights-holders. Sports gambling remains a subject the networks and the leagues dance around. Brent Musburger and CBS were decades ahead of the curve in the 1970s with weekly NFL Today segments in which Snyder picked games though they avoided talking about point spreads. Forty years later, you still wont hear Jim Nantz talking about the betting favorites for the Masters or March Madness, sports bettings biggest event.
At VSiN, anything that impacts sports gambling is fair game. Brian Musburger noted that one of the first discussions his uncle led on VSiN, on Super Bowl Sunday, concerned Atlanta Falcons center Alex Macks broken left fibula and how pain medication would impact his play.
Thats a discussion the NFL doesnt want (the networks) to have, he said. Theres still great stories to be told without that access (rights holders have). With that access almost comes an obligation to tell the story (the leagues) want to hear. Thats worthless.
Brian Musburger wants VSiN to be the CNBC or Bloomberg of sports gaming reasoned, intensely analytical, absent the histrionics that are in vogue on many sports talk shows. He reasoned that the generation of sports fans that grew up playing fantasy sports already are immersed in predictive analytics. Vegas oddsmakers such as Magliulo have made their livings studying those numbers.
What they do is a science, and its seen as some kind of shady, dark art. Its anything but that, Brian Musburger said. What they do is no different than what traders on Wall Street do in setting markets.
His uncle has believed that for decades. Far from gaming the system, Brent Musburger long ago became convinced that my friends out in the desert are a force for good in sports. All they want is an honest game. . . he said on his last night at ESPN. Its a good part of sports. I consider it healthy.
In the world of sports betting, the NFL and several other sports leagues dwarf the action on golf. It spikes during the majors and last weeks Players Championship. As with the television networks ratings, Tiger Woods drove a lot of the action when he was at his best.
He kicked our asses for 15 years, says South Point bookmaker Jimmy Vaccaro. Heres a guy who was even money in a 64-man field.
Brian Musburger
Magliulo estimated that the golf handle dropped at least 30 percent when injuries knocked Woods off Tour but has recovered thanks to interest in young stars such as Dustin Johnson, Rickie Fowler and rookie Jon Rahm. (Folks are definitely enamored with him, Magliulo says.)
Head-to-head matchups drive a lot of the wagering on golf; last week South Point posted some 40 individual matchups at The Players.
The individual matchups are the most fun to play, Musburger says, though he finds golf and NASCAR two of the most difficult sports to bet. His advice: Hold your fire Anybody who bets before a tournament might as well just give your money to the bookmakers then ride a hot golfer on the weekend.
Musburger knows the problems the golf industry has experienced. He notes that some 800 courses have closed in recent years, that time and money hinder the games growth. He suggests that a little more action might help the game broaden its appeal.
Its a better betting game than mainstream America understands, he says. He studies a sheet with the early odds on the U.S. Open and contemplates bettors interest in a matchup between Dustin Johnson and Rory McIlroy. Youd have some early action on that, he says. Golf is a great betting game. Its a great betting game to play.
Then he begins making his way across South Points sports book toward the VSiN studio, pausing to talk with friends old and new. Its almost show time.
Part of VSiNs mission, he believes, is to convince doubters of that fact. He even expresses optimism that sports gambling will be legalized nationally, particularly given President Trumps history in the casino business. The biggest opponents will be the sports leagues. NBA commissioner Adam Silver has been open to the idea, but he doesnt have much company from other leagues.
Im really not a fan of hypocrisy, Musburger says during the round at Cascata. The truth of the matter is that professional sports in this country would not be as big without gambling on the outcomes. A lot of people engage in this because they like the action. Dont pretend youre holier than thou when we all know better especially the National Football League. Gambling has helped tremendously, so you might as well legalize it and try to share in the profits.
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Brent Musburger's big, new adventure involves sports gambling - Golfweek.com
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