Daily Archives: June 25, 2017

When NATO's founding members signed the North Atlantic Treaty on April 4, 1949, they declared themselves "resolved to unite their efforts for collective defense and for the preservation of peace and security." The greatest threat to these objectives was a military attack by a hostile powera prospect that led to the treaty's most famous provision, Article V, which states, "The Parties agree that an armed attack against one or more of them in Europe or North America shall be considered an attack against them all."

Today, more than sixty years later, the threats facing the alliance's members have changed considerably. An attack in North America or Europe by the regular army of an outside state is highly unlikely. Instead, the alliance must confront an array of more diffuse challenges, ranging from terrorism and nuclear proliferation to piracy, cyberattacks, and the disruption of energy supplies.

In this Council Special Report, James M. Goldgeier takes on the question of how NATO, having successfully kept the peace in Europe in the twentieth century, can adapt to the challenges of the twenty-first. Goldgeier contends that NATO retains value for the United States and Europe. He writes, though, that it must expand its vision of collective defense in order to remain relevant and effective. This means recognizing the full range of threats that confront NATO members today and affirming that the alliance will respond collectively to an act (whether by an outside state or a nonstate entity) that imperils the political or economic security or territorial integrity of a member state.

A central part of this debate concerns NATO's involvement in conflicts outside of Europe, including today in Afghanistan. Analyzing the questions surrounding this involvement, Goldgeier rejects any distinction between traditional Article V threats and those to be found outside the North Atlantic treaty area. Instead, he argues, these threats can be one and the same. If NATO is unable to recognize this reality and confront dangers wherever they arise, Goldgeier contends, American interest in the alliance will wane.

Examining a range of other issues, the report argues that NATO should expand its cooperation with non-European democracies, such as Australia and Japan; outlines steps to improve NATO's relations with Russia; and urges greater cooperation between NATO and the European Union. Finally, on the issue of enlargement, the report supports the current policy of keeping the door open to Georgia and Ukraine while recognizing that they will not join the alliance anytime soon.

NATO has been a cornerstone of security in Europeand of U.S. foreign policyfor six decades. But its ability to continue playing such a central role is unclear. The Future of NATO takes a sober look at what the alliance and its members must do to maintain NATO's relevance in the face of today's strategic environment. The result is an important work that combines useful analysis and practical recommendations for policymakers on both sides of the Atlantic.

Educators: Access the Teaching Module for The Future of NATO.

Link:
The Future of NATO | Council on Foreign Relations

Thousands of Greeks have taken to the streets to protest the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in a massive two-day anti-imperialist demonstration organized by the All-Workers Militant Front (PAME) in Thessaloniki.

RELATED: As NATO Meets, a Look at Its Deadly 'Peace' Operations

The demonstrators, many from various trade unions from both Greece and abroad, are protesting NATO interventions and military bases, chanting slogans such as "Murderers, thieves and hypocrites are the European imperialists!" and "Crisis, wars, uprooting, this is capitalism!"

Protesters marched through Thessaloniki's seafront avenue to demonstrate outside NATOs "Rapid Deployable Corps" headquarters.

Our enemies are not the neighboring people, but NATO and the bases," declared Giorgos Perro, part of PAME's Executive Committee.

Zeljko Veselinovic, president of the Serbian Trade Union SLOGA, on behalf of all foreign trade unions attending the rally, affirmed PAMEs solidarity to Greece's working class during NATOs 1999 bombings in the former Yugoslavia.

"We, the workers, are brothers regardless race, religion or skin color and that will be forever. Nobody is going to subdue us. We are stronger and they will never beat us", he stated.

Lieutenant-Colonel Papanastasis, a member of the "Movement for National Defense", former Greek army officers and politicians who rebelled, added, "We, the military officers, have passed the largest part of our life in the camps and have a first-hand knowledge of what 'NATO' means.

RELATED: NATO Could be Sued for Use of Depleted Uranium in Yugoslavia

We know the dimension of the dramatic consequences for the people, resulted by our country's participation on that. We know what blood-stained operational plans it has. Everyone knows the slaughtering of the people of Yugoslavia, as well as of other people," he continued.

The two-day demonstration ends Sunday with an international meeting of trade unions in the region.

See the article here:
Thousands March in Greece Against NATO 'Imperialists' - teleSUR English

President Recep Tayyip Erdoan criticized Sunday the U.S.-led coalition support to the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), which is dominated by the PKK terrorist group's Syrian wing People's Protection Forces (YPG), saying that these moves contradict with the NATO alliance.

Speaking at the Eid al-Fitr celebration meeting of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) in Ankara, Erdoan said: "At one side we will be together in NATO but on the other side you will act together with terror organizations. Then NATO needs to be reassessed. All of these moves are against NATO."

"I pointed these out at the last meeting in Brussels. We will respond to every terror attack from Syria or Iraq to Turkey in their own land," Erdoan said.

The president also questioned the sincerity of assurances from the U.S. that the support will be ended once Daesh is defeated in Iraq and Syria. "Through the Operation Euphrates Shield, we had disrupted the initiative of establishing a terror corridor alongside our borders with Syria. Unfortunately, countries that we call allies, we had known as friends, do not see any problems in cooperating with terror groups that set their eyes on Turkey's territorial integrity. Those who think that they deceive Turkey by saying that they will take back the weapons given to this terror group will be taken back will understand that they made a vital mistake eventually but the damage will be done for them," Erdoan said, referring to the assurances of U.S. Secretary of Defense James Mattis in a letter to his Turkish counterpart Fikri Ik.

"We will bring the invoice of every drop of blood shed through those weapons before the actual owners of these weapons. We will not allow a terror state established in northern Syria, on our border," the president said, noting that the Turkish military will continue to do what is necessary just like it had done with the Free Syrian Army (FSA) in a 2,000 square kilometers of land in Syria covering the towns of Jarablous, al- Rai, Dabiq and al-Bab.

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Arming YPG is against NATO alliance, rules, Erdoan says - Daily Sabah

Nato who led for most of the race after a gearbox problem eliminated early leader Oliver Rowland took his first victory of 2017 despite being passed by championship leader Leclerc, who was given a penalty for failing to slow for yellow flags.

DAMS driver Nicholas Latifi completed the podium as he finished over 10 seconds behind the battle for the lead.

At the start of the 21-lap race, Rowland attacked polesitter Ralph Boschung on the run to Turn 1 but the Campos Racing driver defended hard against the pitwall.

The tighter line meant Boschung went wide at the exit of the first corner, which gave Rowland the chance to dive up the inside for the left-hand Turn 2 and the Briton grabbed the lead under braking.

Rowland began to edge clear and Boschung came under attack from Nato, who lost his right front wing end plate against the rear of the Swiss driver's car as he went by on lap three.

Nato then started to home in on Rowland while Leclerc, who started down in eighth place after winning yesterday's feature race, began to pressure a gaggle of cars including Artem Markelov, Sergey Sirotkin and Jordan King.

Rowland's race ended suddenly when he encountered gearbox issues at the start of lap eight, which allowed Nato to move into the lead.

At the same time, Leclerc finally began to make progress as he blasted past Markelov using DRS on the pit straight and defended hard when the Russian Time driver hit back.

The Ferrari Formula 1 junior driver moved up two places in a thrilling move as he and Sirotkin used their DRS advantage to sweep either side of Boschung heading into Turn 1 on lap 10, and Leclerc dispatched the ART Grand Prix driver around the outside of the left-hander.

Leclerc was 10 seconds off the lead as he went past King with a familiar DRS blast on the main straight and he quickly closed in on Latifi, who was running second after Rapax's Nyck de Vries who been demonstrating his own speed to charge up to second retired down the Turn 3 escape road.

Prema Racing driver Leclerc eased past Latifi and then set fastest lap after fastest lap to chase down Nato for the lead.

But just as he was catching the French driver it was announced he was under investigation for failing to slow for yellow flags the same offence that led to four drivers, including a frustrated Rowland, getting penalties in the feature race.

Leclerc moved into the lead on lap 18 but just a few moments later his penalty was confirmed and his chances of emulating Antonio Giovinazzi's double win in Baku for Prema in 2016 disappeared.

King finished fourth ahead of Sirotkin, Markelov, Nobuharu Matsushita, Luca Ghiotto, and Boschung.

Sergio Sette Camara rounded out the top 10 for MP Motorsport.

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Baku F2: Nato wins as penalty thwarts charging Leclerc - Motorsport.com, Edition: Global

German Army soldiers dismantle a bridge over the Neris river during the 2017 Iron Wolf exercise in Stasenai, Lithuania, June 20, 2017. (Ints Kalnins/Reuters)

The 2001 Lithuanian general census found the population of Stanai, a dot-on-the-map village whose existence is barely perceptible amid flat and verdant farmland northwest of Vilnius, to be 66 souls. By the next census, a decade later, the figure had fallen to 45. Earlier this week the population of Stanai and the fields around it swelled, suddenly and temporarily, to hundreds of soldiers from 11 NATO countries.

At 10 a.m.on Tuesday staff cars rolled up to a tent and disgorged a dozen dignitaries, including the President of Lithuania, Dalia Grybauskait, and the Secretary General of NATO, Jens Stoltenberg. A few minutes later the crowd, which included a multinational throng of journalists decked out in bright yellow MEDIA vests, crossed the street to observing stands on the bank of the meandering Neris river.

This is still a residential neighbourhood, albeit sparsely populated, so a few families left their farmhouses to peer curiously at what came next, which was a low-key but unmistakable show of force.

Seven M3 amphibious rigs, ungainly vehicles that can drive on roads or float on water, had joined together to form a bridge across the Neris. Three of the rigs were operated by the U.S. Army, four by the German Bundeswehr.

READ MORE: Macleans Explains: Why are Canadian troops going to Latvia?

On a signal delivered by a signal flare, heavy vehicles started rolling across the land bridge: armoured personnel carriers, tanks, motorized heavy equipment. Eventually dozens of vehicles had crossed the makeshift bridge. Combat helicopters hovered overhead. At one point a boat appeared, motoring up the river toward the bridge. This obliged the M3 operators to halt the motor traffic that had been rolling across their rigs, dismantle the bridge within a few minutes and chug upriver separately, allowing the boat to pass. Then two of the rigs returned to the landing and, operating together this time as a raft instead of a bridge, carried the last two tanks across the river.

In the final minute of the exercise, a roar in the eastern sky announced the arrival of an American B-1 bomber, which flew over the site of the exercise at low altitude. The amphibious bridges and tanks, their crews armed with weaponry ranging from personal sidearms to cannon, can deliver a certain amount of havoc and destruction. That single bomber could, if needed, deliver many multiples of the same. The point having been made, everyone repaired to white tents for news conferences and canaps.

The river crossing was a highlight of Day 9 of Multinational Exercise Iron Wolf, the summers major NATO training effort in Lithuania. Iron Wolf in turn is one part Exercise Saber Strike 17, a month of exercises across Poland and the Baltic countries, designed to build interoperability among 20 armies with widely varying capabilities, equipment, lore and traditions.

Saber Strike in turn is a bigger version of exercises that have been taking place with increasing frequency and intensity across Europe in recent years: Six Allied Spirit exercises since 2015. Atlantic Resolve exercises operating almost continuously. The immense Anaconda war game last year in Poland, the largest since the Cold War with 31,000 troops.

RELATED: Canadas mission to scare off Russia

NATO has been adding muscle and stepping up its exercise tempo since 2014, when Russian-backed troops and irregular fighters invaded Eastern Ukraine and annexed Crimea. Those operations took a giant step forward last summer: NATO heads of government met in a Warsaw soccer arena for a summit meeting at which they decided to set up multinational battlegroups across the region.

Those battlegroups are now in place. Canada commands the battalion in Latvia, with troops and equipment from Spain, Italy, Poland, Albania and Slovenia. The battlegroup in Poland is led by the United States; Great Britain commands the force in Estonia; and Germany is in charge of the battlegroup in Lithuania.

These soldiers, 4,530 in total as the spearhead of a 29-nation alliance, have set up shop with a clear mission. In the aftermath of Russias invasion of parts of Georgia in 2008, and parts of Ukraine in 2014, it has never been clear whether Vladimir Putin wants to take back any more of the territory that used to be part of the old Soviet Union. The most obvious targets are the Baltic countries, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. For a generation they were constitutionally part of the USSR. When they asserted their independence in late 1990, even so mild a Soviet ruler as Mikhail Gorbachev tried briefly to block their departure, sending tanks into Lithuania.

Unlike Georgia and Ukraine, the Baltic countries and Poland are members of NATO, whose central tenet is that an attack against one member will meet a response from all of them. But by 2014, almost a quarter-century after the Cold War ended, it was hardly obvious what that might mean in concrete terms, on NATOs home turf in Europe: A response from whom? With what manpower, equipment, doctrine and strategy?

In Warsaw the heads of government concentrated long enough to sketch answers. Now their soldiers are filling in the details. And soldiers tend to be attentive to detail. Iron Wolf was all about detail.

The exercise began with the American-led battlegroup rolling up from its base in Orzysz, in northern Poland, into Lithuania. That involved getting to know a crucial bit of real estate in intimate detail. The land bridge between the two countries is narrow, only 105 km of open land between the authoritarian-ruled country of Belarus and Kaliningrad, an isolated pocket of Russian jurisdiction on the Baltic Sea. This stretch of land is called the Suwalki Gap, after the Polish town in the middle of it.

If Russian troops, working alone or in concert with Belarusians, managed to seize control of the Suwalki Gap, the Baltic region would be cut off and vulnerable. So in part, Iron Wolf was about getting to know this crucial neighbourhood, learning how invaders might try to take it, and how defenders might need to cross it under fire.

After the bridge crossing show, the commander of the U.S.-led battlegroup that had come up from Poland, Lt.-Col Steven Gventer, 47, paused to discuss the mission with reporters. A broad-shouldered former high-school teacher, wearing camouflage face paint and with a 9mm pistol strapped to his chest, Gventer described in intricate detail the web of interactions his troops have already had with their colleagues, German, Lithuanian and other.

We start to run into one another over and over again, he said. So as large as NATO isgeographically, militarilywe are a small community that gets to know one another through these exercises. And that provides us with the common operating picture that weve already developed. That provides us with secure FM commsdependable radio frequenciesthat weve already trained. That allows us to use our fires capability army jargon for the ability to find and hit targets across international lines. For a sensor from the United Kingdom, a scout out front, to identify a target; call it through a U.S. battlegroup headquarters, who call it and clear it through a brigade fire direction centre that might be Italian or Lithuanian or Polish; and then call it right back down to guns that might be Polish, United States, it doesnt matter; and those guns reach out and put effects on the target.

Putting effects on a target is another way to talk about destroying it, but what Gventer was really discussing was an extended and methodical effort to iron the bugs out of a gigantic fighting machine.

NATO is starting to see the fruit of that long-term relationship that we start to build across national lines, he said. An understanding of what each others capabilities are. But also our weaknesses. The United States comes to the fight, at a battalion level, without air defence. But the Romanians provide us air defence. The United States doesnt necessarily have bridging capabilitythe river-crossing equipment that was the focus of the days demonstrationto the extent that we might want. But the U.K., the Italians, the Germans have bridging capabilities.

Gventer was turning into the best kind of source, the kind that talk a lot, so I googled him on my phone while he kept talking. He has had an eventful career. In 2004 he was in Sadr City, a violent Baghdad district, when an insurgent shot him through the calf with a machine gun. Two weeks later a rocket-propelled grenade hit a wall behind him and sent shrapnel into his shoulder.

It was a great time to be a commander, and to learn the trade, I guess, Gventer said when I asked him about his Iraq experience.

Now heres the thing. After the decade and a half the alliance has been through since 9/11, most of NATOs military leadership in central and eastern Europe has personal experience fighting under fire in Afghanistan or Iraq.

At Camp Adazi in Latvia I was surprised to learn that I know the commander of the Canadian-led battlegroup there. He came up to say hello. His name is Lt.-Col Wade Rutland, a red-haired guy with a ready smile. These days he is the commanding officer of 1st Battalion, Princess Patricias Canadian Light Infantry, based in Edmonton. In 2010 I spent two days visiting Rutland and the 200 soldiers he commanded inside a Soviet-built mountain fortress at Sperwan Ghar, in one of the most inhospitable corners of Kandahar province in Afghanistan.

Iraq and Afghanistan were deeply frustrating work for many of the soldiers who were deployed there. Every soldier I asked has already watchedWar Machine, the highly entertaining new Netflix movie that stars Brad Pitt as a lightly fictionalized version of the disgraced U.S. army general Stanley McChrystal. Some have seen it two or three times, and recited lines from the movie with relish. Its a parable about the futility of command in an environment where victory may not be possible. So these guys arent naive about the limitations of their craft.

But they also grew up in an environment where combat is not hypothetical and where small mistakes in the battlefield can kill. They did not grow up in a world of weekend passes. They are used to taking serious work seriously.

This is a much bigger fight, Gventer said when I asked him to compare Iraq to central Europe. The artillery capability of the enemy there was limited to rockets, very uncoordinated. What they lacked in accuracy they made up for in the number of rockets they would fire. But that said, the enemy didnt have the ability to counterbattery that is, to use sophisticated equipment to discern the origin of incoming fire and send accurate fire back to destroy the launchers. The enemy didnt have air forces. This enemy does. Large amounts of artillery and counter-artillery, those are the things that we now would be concerned about.

In Iraq, in other words, Gventer was fighting determined and inventive irregulars armed, for the most part, with what they could carry. Here in Stanai he was preparing to fight people whose methods and equipment much more closely match his own. A near-peer or peer template, as he put it.

There are other differences. In Iraq and Afghanistan, a near-permanent base would serve as the starting point for short-haul expeditions and raids. Whatever else soldiers went through, they would normally return to familiar surroundings each night. Now, we dont prepare to fight out of a base, Gventer said. Were gonna leave that base very quickly if we have to fight.

One reporter pointed out that the American battlegroup in Poland is the only one of the four new battalions that doesnt have tanks with it. Thats because the Poles have plenty of their own, unlike the armies of the smaller Baltic countries, Gventer said. The Polish bring a lot of armour. What they need is our ability to put light infantry in the woodline, near that armour, and destroy enemy armour forces coming towards them. We love having their armour; they love having our light infantry and our anti-tank capability. Its not a match made in heaven, but its close.

The goal of all of this deployment and training and even, to a great extent, of the coverage of it, of all those reporters in yellow MEDIA vests at Stanai is to make a great show of readiness so that if does have any thoughts of further military adventures, he will decide against them. In itself, the drum-beating carries its own risks of provocation and escalation.

NATO insists its plans are purely defensive, and every part of the Saber Strike maneuvers is designed to refine techniques for defending NATO territory within the confines of NATO territory. But one effect of the maneuvers was to send hundreds of tonnes of materiel into action in a ring of territory around Kaliningrad, an outpost Russia guards jealously. And NATO is not the only entity that has gotten into the relationship-building business: this month a three-ship Chinese convoy has been conducting exercises with the Russian navy in the Baltic Sea. So on the long list of nightmare scenarios here, one is that Western exercises designed to fend off a Russian attack could provoke one, or at least serve as a pretext for one. No part of this business is without serious risks.

But to Gventer, Rutland and the other battle-hardened soldiers leading the newly augmented NATO effort in Europe, there is no better way to avoid armed conflict than to prepare for it diligently. As Gventer put it: If the deterrence doesnt work, God forbid, then were capable to defend and were capable to be lethal in order to preserve the borders of NATO.

Read the rest here:
How NATO is getting serious about Russia - Macleans.ca