Daily Archives: June 24, 2017

Jailed Philippine Senator: ‘I Won’t Be Silenced Or Cowed’ – NPR

Posted: June 24, 2017 at 2:54 pm

Philippine Sen. Leila de Lima, a former human rights commissioner and one of President Rodrigo Duterte's most vocal opponents, waves to supporters after appearing at a court in suburban Manila on Feb. 24. She was arrested on drug-related charges that she denies. Noel Celis/AFP/Getty Images hide caption

Philippine Sen. Leila de Lima, a former human rights commissioner and one of President Rodrigo Duterte's most vocal opponents, waves to supporters after appearing at a court in suburban Manila on Feb. 24. She was arrested on drug-related charges that she denies.

She has no phone, no laptop, no Internet and no air conditioning inside her cell. It's 93 degrees outside, but Leila de Lima looks remarkably composed.

The Philippine senator spends much of her time reading and attending to Senate business as best she can, though she isn't allowed to vote. De Lima, a 57-year-old grandmother, was imprisoned in February on President Rodrigo Duterte's orders, after poking the bear one too many times. The charges against her, which she denies, include taking money from jailed drug dealers.

The final straw for the mercurial and combative Duterte, de Lima believes, was her Senate investigation into the president's bloody war on drugs, which has left more than 7,000 dead since last summer in encounters with police and in so-called vigilante killings.

"I knew he was going to be pissed off and come after me," de Lima says. "He's very, very vindictive." But, she says, "I didn't imagine it would be this severe."

It's not the first time de Lima and Duterte have tangled. In fact, de Lima says, her incarceration is part of a "personal vendetta" by the president that started after she began an investigation of him in 2009, when she headed the Philippines Commission on Human Rights and he was mayor of Davao City.

De Lima was exploring Duterte's alleged links to the so-called Davao Death Squad that operated during his two decades as mayor. The group used tactics similar to those employed by police and vigilantes in Duterte's current bloody war on drugs. De Lima's investigation centered on more than 100 extrajudicial killings in Davao City, allegedly carried out by the death squad.

"He will never forget what I did investigating the Davao Death Squad," de Lima says. "It's very, very personal."

After Duterte's election as president, and de Lima's as senator, many including Duterte himself believed some sort of confrontation was inevitable. "Do not pick a fight with me," Duterte warned her in May 2016. "You will lose."

But as head of the Senate Committee on Justice and Human Rights, de Lima launched an investigation into Duterte's war on drugs on July 13, 2016.

"By that time, the killings had already started," she says. "By the second week in July, the body count was already approaching 1,000."

Duterte was livid.

"De Lima, you are finished," he declared at a news conference in Davao City a few weeks later.

He then embarked on a public campaign of shaming de Lima, who has admitted to having had a relationship with her former driver. Duterte accused de Lima of being an "immoral woman" who, during her time as the country's justice secretary, was "not only screwing her driver, she was screwing the nation."

Duterte also accused de Lima of taking bribes from drug dealers to finance her Senate campaign and suggested her best course of action might be to "hang herself."

But de Lima held her ground.

"If this is his way of stopping the Senate's investigation on the extrajudicial killings, he can try until he finally silences me or the Senate," she told reporters in August. "But I think it is already clear what is being done to me is what will happen to anyone who does not bow to the wishes of the president."

And it wasn't just the president, says Jose Manuel Diokno, the law school dean at Manila's De La Salle University and one of de Lima's lawyers.

"She really got it from the president himself and from everybody else in the government and from the trolls," he says. "And that included even a fake sex video and all of that, all designed for one thing, and that was to destroy her reputation."

De Lima's colleague, Sen. Risa Hontiveros, gets angry just thinking about it.

Duterte "seems to react disproportionately to women who challenge his version of reality," she says. "And it really validated the warning signs we'd had since the campaign about human rights and about women's rights. ... They did that through the very vicious online social media campaign against her ... and using aspects even of her personal life that, in a mature debate, should be off-limits."

Even more alarming, Hontiveros says, is that "after going after Sen. Leila, the trolls turned their attentions on Vice President Leni [Robredo], using similar voice, similar tactics and infrastructure and content generation and funding for their campaign also against the vice president."

Robredo has also been somewhat critical of the president and his methods.

As for de Lima, she remains unrepentant and unbowed in her jail cell at the Philippine National Police headquarters at Camp Crame, in metro Manila.

She isn't allowed to leave. But de Lima does get regular visits from her son and grandson. She denies all the charges against her and says she never took money from drug dealers.

"It's a demolition job," she insists, "orchestrated by the president."

Her lawyers are working to get her freed. "There is absolutely no basis for any of these allegations against her," Diokno says. The evidence he has seen is the "word of convicted criminals ... that won't stand up in court."

But no court date has been set, and de Lima isn't optimistic that she will be freed anytime soon.

For now, she has her food delivered from outside just in case.

"He's unstable," de Lima says of Duterte. "He's got a dark psychology."

Nevertheless, the president's approval rating is high between 75 percent and 80 percent, according to the latest opinion polls. This might help explain why there hasn't been much public outcry about de Lima's continued detention.

But the case has left many Filipinos wondering and worried: If this can happen to a sitting senator, what about ordinary people?

The answer may be found in the thousands of dead in the war on drugs to date. Almost all of them were ordinary Filipinos living in metro Manila's poorer neighborhoods. De Lima says that is one reason she has ended up in jail because of her outspokenness about their deaths.

"I won't be silenced or cowed," she says. "These extrajudicial killings have to stop."

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Jailed Philippine Senator: 'I Won't Be Silenced Or Cowed' - NPR

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Wall Street Likes Gambling Market Outlook – South Florida Reporter

Posted: at 2:53 pm

Money talks, and when those who handle the money talk, casino leaders listen.

Such was the case earlier this month when four experts gave Wall Streets perspective of the gaming market during GameOn, a two-day conference for casino gaming operations executives across the country, presented by AGS at the MGM National Harbor near Washington, D.C.

The news was mostly good. They say casino fundamentals are strong, with a boost from table games. Some more mergers and acquisitions are forthcoming. And even though skill-based games have yet to provide a solid revenue source, investors will continue to be interested.

The past couple of years, from a gross gaming revenue standpoint, its been at GDP or just a little short, said Chad Beynon, an analyst with Macquarie Capital. The trends are pretty positive, although earlier this year there were some weather issues in certain parts of the country. But the data weve seen so far is pretty good.

Beynon said he also is encouraged by the upcoming gaming products he has viewed at shows.

Theres a lot of good stuff out there, he said, citing IGTs new products, but adds projections can be indefinite until the games are actually played.

If Whole Foods has a new lower priced concept and 1,000 units, thats a tangible number you can put into your number. That doesnt quite translate to our product.

Brad Boyer, associate VP of equity research for St. Louis-based Stifel Nicholas, said investor sentiment is also strong, with a nice tailwind behind Macau, fueled by VIP play, as well a wave of consolidation.

And he agreed with Beynon, expanding on his thoughts.

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Bellator NYC closing betting odds: Is gambling on Chael Sonnen smart money? – Bloody Elbow

Posted: at 2:53 pm

Bellator NYC is upon us, and Bloody Elbow has all of your gambling odds to better help you bet on these Big Apple bouts. The headline matchup has Chael Sonnen (-160) playing the role of favorite to Wanderlei Silva (+150), who will be sporting an underdog tag tonight. The co-main event has Matt Mitrione (-130) as the solid favorite to Fedor Emelianenko (-105/+120), who can still be found at plus and minus odds.

The widest odds of Bellator 180 belong to Neiman Gracie vs. Dave Marfone, as Gracie can be found north of -1100 with Marfone rocking a fat dog tag at around +660. The pickem fight of the evening will be Matt Mitrione vs. Fedor Emelianenko, as Fedor can still be had at both favorite and underdog odds. It should be noted that Phil Davis vs Ryan Bader was a pickem fight when the midweek betting odds came out, but Davis has since then solidified his position as the favorite, with Bader now only rocking a dog tag.

The 3 world titles on the line at Bellator NYC:

(C) Douglas Lima (+175) vs. Lorenz Larkin (-190): Welterweight

(C) Michael Chandler (-750) vs. Brent Primus (+600): Lightweight

(C) Phil Davis (-125) vs. Ryan Bader (+115): Light Heavyweight

The Bellator NYC main card will air live on Pay-Per-View at 10:00 P.M. ET with the TV portion starting at 8:00 P.M. ET on Spike TV. The Bellator 180 prelims will be streaming on the interweb for your viewing pleasure, starting at 6:00 P.M. ET.

There has been quite a bit of up and down gambling action going on for the Bellator NYC card, as the betting lines are bubbling, yet the majority of fighters are still rather close to the spot in which their lines initially opened. There are a few exceptions, though:

Bellators welterweight champion, Douglas Lima, opened up with an underdog line of about +120, and despite a few wagers here and there, has steadily climbed up to a much more attractive value of around +175. On the flip side, promotional new comer Lorenz Larkin, began his Bellator 180 betting life with a favorite tag of around -160, and has since edged further towards the tune of around -200 on some sites.

Ryan Couture inexplicably opened up with an astronomical line of around -705, before the betting public woke up and realized what was happening. Some descent coin was dropped on Haim Gozali, which sent the Israelis line from +435 down to around +360. Were not exactly sure if people are betting on Gozali, or betting against Couture?

Betting on Chael Sonnen or Wanderlei Silva, at this stage in their careers, is a really bad idea. Period.

Bellators welterweight champion, Douglas Lima, seems to be a bit undervalued here. If you think Lima can shutdown the kicking game of Larkin en route to retaining his title, then Douglas Lima at +175 is your ticket.

For an in-depth breakdown of each Bellator 180 televised bout, check out The MMA Vivisection with Bloody Elbows own Zane Simon, Vic Rodriguez, and Eddie Mercado. Stay glued to Bloody Elbow for all of your event coverage including play-by-play, results, highlights, and more! Happy hunting!

Do you or someone you know have a gambling addiction? Get help by contacting The National Council on Problem Gambling at 1-800-522-4700.

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North Strabane gambling company makes its bet on the Royal Ascot horse races – Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

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Pittsburgh Post-Gazette
North Strabane gambling company makes its bet on the Royal Ascot horse races
Pittsburgh Post-Gazette
Dressed in a top hat and a slick black suit, Ron Luniewski president of Xpressbet, a horse-race gambling company headquartered in North Strabane cut a stark figure against the 2,500 or so mostly plain-clothed spectators of the race unfolding ...

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Euthanasia survey hints at support from doctors, nurses and division – The Sydney Morning Herald

Posted: at 2:53 pm

Most NSW doctors and nurses support a controversial medical euthanasia bill headed for Parliament, according to research that could prompt new debateabout the medical fraternity's willingness to accept changes to assisted suicide laws.

A bill, to allow patients to apply for medically assisted euthanasia in specific circumstances when older than 25 (an age when informed consent is deemed reached), will be introduced to the NSW upper house in August for a conscience vote.

About 60 per cent of doctors support the Voluntary Assisted Dying Bill and fewer than 30 per cent oppose it, according to a surveyby market research company Ekas emailed to a database of 4000 NSW doctors it deemed "opinion leaders" and returned by about 500.

A smaller sample of about 100 nurses had support running at 80 per cent in favour of the law reform and opposition at fewer than 10 per cent.

A crowd-funding campaign forAnnie Gabrielides,a motor neurone disease suffererwho has progressively lost her ability to speak and is a euthanasia advocate, paid for the research.

"I'mconsistently hearing from doctors and medical expertsexpressing their sincere support of my campaign, but they're reluctant to speak out," she said.

The results suggest the medical profession and its famously powerful unions, not just Parliament, will be divided when debate on the bill kicks off.

The Australian Medical Association, which opposes changes to euthanasia law, warnedthe research could overstate doctors' support.

"It is likely that doctors with more strongly held opinions are responding to these surveys so caution must be used," AMA NSW president Brad Frankum said.

A national AMA poll of 4000 doctors last year found 50 per cent of doctors believed medical professionals should not be involved in assisted suicide, a spokesman emphasised.

But only slightly less than four in ten said they should, according to a news report.Combined with 12 per cent who neither agreed nor disagreed that left physicians close to evenly splitin some respects.

And anAustralian Doctorpoll of about 370 medicoslast year found about 65 per cent of doctors supported a change to the law on physician-assisted suicide ifstrict conditions, such as patients nearing the end of their lives and suffering "intolerable pain", some of which are mirrored in the NSW proposal, were met. About half told the journal they would be willing to help perform aprocedure.

NSW Nurses and Midwives Association general secretary Brett Holmes said: "The vast majority of nurses support change that enables medically assisted dying. Nurses know patients often choose more drastic means [to medically ending their life] in fear they cannot choose later."

A parliamentary report cited polls from the '90s that found nurses' support for euthanasia reform reached as high as about 75 per cent.

A dozen polls in the past decade hadfound between 75 to 80 per cent of Australians backed medically assisted euthanasia.

Western Sydney anaesthetistAnneJaumeesdoes too after working in palliative care for 15 years: "All their lives they want dignity and patients want that up until the end, too."

The bill is the product of cross-party collaboration and will only allow for applications frompatients expected to die within the coming year and experiencing extreme pain, suffering or incapacitation.

Safeguards proposed included allowing relatives to challenge applications in the Supreme Court,assessmentsby independent doctors and being subject to a 48-hour cooling-off period.

But Maria Cigolionisaid, while proponents arguedthe bill came laden with safeguards, it required no review of what palliative care patients had first sought before applying to end their lives or for alternatives to be suggested.

Overseas safeguards had been loosened so euthanasia could be applied forby people also suffering from psychosocial problems, Dr Cigolioni said.

"Instead of spending money on euthanasia reforms, we should be investing in psychosocial support programs to address suffering."

"People [will hasten the solution of death] when so many other things need to be looked at as the potential cause of that suffering," she said. "Once you change a criminal law [to allow] people to be killed, then [its conditions] can be extended beyond just being terminally ill, [and expand to include] the disabled and the aged and children, as it has in the Netherlands and Belgium."

The state budget last week announced a $100 million increase in funding for palliative care, something experts said would bring levels of NSW services into line with other states.

AMA policy recognises a divergence in doctors' views on euthanasia but it states doctors should not be involved in dispensing treatment that shortens a patient's life.

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Medical students’ perspectives on euthanasia – BioEdge

Posted: at 2:53 pm

What do medical students think about euthanasia? A new article in the journal Chest discusses some of the concerns held by the next generation of US medical professionals. The authors of the paper, students from several of the leading medical schools in the country, express grave concerns about the normalisation of euthanasia in end-of-life care.

Commenting on new legislation introduced in US states such as Colorado, the authors remark:

Doctor-patient trust, the authors assert, is founded upon the notion that doctors will commit to doing their best to heal and care for patients and will not intentionally kill those entrusted to their care. The students fear that PAS/E violates the fundamental bond of trust.

Indeed, the authors call upon doctors to return to the original meaning of euthanasia:

The American Medical Student Association currently has a position of conditional support for physician aid in dying.

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A Dutch euthanasia pioneer surveys the wreckage and despairs – BioEdge

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If there is anyone who could be called a patron saint of Dutch euthanasia, it is the psychiatrist Boudewijn Chabot. In 1991 he gave one of his patients, Mrs B, a lethal dose of medication. After accompanying her until she died he reported himself to the police and was subsequently tried. In 1993, the Supreme Court declare that he was guilty of assisting a suicide, but did not punish him and allowed him to keep practicing medicine.

Physically, there was nothing wrong with Mrs B. Nor did she have depression. But her personal life was tragic and Dr Chabot felt that she in a state of existential distress that she should be allowed to die. It was a landmark case in the steady advance towards legalisation in 2002.

That was 25 years ago. Now Dr Chabot looks back and is horrified. Writing in one of the leading Dutch newspapers, NRC Handelsblad, he says that legal safeguards for euthanasia are slowly eroding away and that the law no longer protects people with psychiatric condition and dementia.

The Dutch are complacent about their famous law, he says. But there is no room for complacency.

Under current legislation, euthanasia is only legal if a doctor believes that three conditions have been met: (1) the request must be voluntary and deliberate; (2) there must be unbearable suffering with no hope of improvement; and (3) there must no reasonable alternative to euthanasia.

However, as euthanasia has sunk its roots deeper and deeper into Dutch medicine, the second and third conditions have shrivelled up. Patients define what is unbearable and they define what is a reasonable alternative. Unhappiness can be unbearable and a nursing home may not be a reasonable alternative. So, as one ethicist has observed, requirements (2) and (3) add little to the requirement of a voluntary and thoughtful request. Autonomy has trumped medicine. As a result, the number of euthanasia cases roughly tripled between 2007 and 2016, from 2000 to 6000.

In itself, this does not bother Dr Chabot. After all, he is the Grand Old Man of Dutch euthanasia. He says that he is prepared to accept tens of thousands of euthanasia cases. But he is aghast at the rapid rise in the number of people with psychiatric illness or dementia who have been euthanised:

What does worry me is the increase in the number of times euthanasia was performed on dementia patients, from 12 in 2009 to 141 in 2016, and on chronic psychiatric patients, from 0 to 60. That number is small, one might object. But note the rapid increase of brain diseases such as dementia and chronic psychiatric diseases.More than one hundred thousand patients suffer from these diseases, and their disease can almost never be completely cured.

One sign of the changing times is the rapid expansion of the services of the End of Life Clinic Foundation (Stichting Levenseindekliniek). This organisation offers euthanasia to patients whose own doctors have refused. They never offer to treat the underlying illness, whether it is physical or mental.

By 2015, a quarter of euthanasia cases on demented patients were performed by these doctors; in 2016 it had risen to one third. By 2015, doctors of the End of Life Clinic performed 60 percent of euthanasia cases in chronic psychiatric patients, by 2016 that had increased to 75 percent (46 out of 60 people).

Last year, Dr Chabot points out, doctors from the End of Life Clinic each performed about one euthanasia every month. What happens to doctors for whom a deadly injection becomes a monthly routine? he asks.

Now the End of Life Clinic is recruiting psychiatrists to service the mentally ill and demented. One obvious problem is that there is a shortage of good psychiatric help in the Netherland which tends to take a long time have an effect, in any case because of budget cuts.

Without a therapeutic relationship, by far most psychiatrists cannot reliably determine whether a death wish is a serious, enduring desire. Even within a therapeutic relationship, it remains difficult. But a psychiatrist of the clinic can do so without a therapeutic relationship, with less than ten in-depth conversations? Well

Dr Chabot is deeply sceptical about euthanasia for the demented: we are dealing with a morally problematic act: how do you kill someone who does not understand that he will be killed?.

How? It turns out that sometimes a relative or doctor secretly laces their food or drink with a sedative to make it easier to give them a lethal injection. In one notorious case last year, the sedative didnt work and relatives pinned the terrified woman to the bed while the doctor gave the lethal injection. Dr Chabot was astonished to discover that surreptitious administration of medication has previously occurred, but has never been mentioned in an annual report.

Isnt anyone paying attention to these developments, Dr Chabot asks.

The euthanasia practice is running amok because the legal requirements which doctors can reasonably apply in the context of physically ill people, are being declared equally applicable without limitation in the context of vulnerable patients with incurable brain diseases. In psychiatry, an essential limitation disappeared when the existence of a treatment relationship was no longer required. In the case of dementia, such a restriction disappeared by making the written advance request equivalent to an actual oral request. And lastly, it really went off the tracks when the review committee concealed that incapacitated people were surreptitiously killed.

After surveying the wreckage of the euthanasia law, Dr Chabot concludes bitterly,

I dont see how we can get the genie back in the bottle. It would already mean a lot if wed acknowledge hes out.

Michael Cook is editor of BioEdge. Dr Chabots original article in NRC Handelsblad was translated by Professor Trudo Lemmens, of the University of Toronto Faculty of Law. Excerpts have been republished from his blog with permission.

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Letter to the Editor: Connecticut lawmaker wrong to advocate for euthanasia – New Haven Register

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A Massachusetts court convicted Michelle Carter of involuntary manslaughter for the death of her boyfriend, Conrad Roy. Roy had obviously been suffering from depression when Carter sent him repeated text messages urging him to go ahead and kill himself. Eventually he complied. He sat in his truck while the cab filled with carbon monoxide. Carters encouragement of Roys suicide, including her instruction to him to get back into his truck, is deplorable. Few would dispute this.

If he had been suffering from metastatic cancer, rather than depression, there are undoubtedly those who would have been praising Carter for her act of compassion. Of course, Carters actions were morally reprehensible, and they would be just as bad had Roy been suffering physically rather than psychologically.

If you agree that Carter lacks moral decency you should take a close look at Connecticut state Rep. Josh Elliott. He has introduced HB 6238, An Act Concerning the Option to Die with Dignity. Elliott, along with his friends at Compassion and Choices, wants to make it legal for Connecticut doctors to prescribe lethal cocktails of medications to patients that are suffering from severe physical pain. Make no mistake; Rep. Elliotts proposal is just as morally corrupt as Carters actions. Physicians helping patients commit suicide, is no better than manipulative, teenaged girls pushing their boyfriends to asphyxiate themselves. Doctors have plenty of means to help patients who are in suffering or in pain. There is no need to engage in euthanasia.

Rep. Elliott should concern himself with our states actual problems, like our current financial situation. Although, if he is like most Democrats, he will probably argue that this bill will help state residents by reducing carbon emissions. Those carbon monoxide suicides really do burn through a lot of fossil fuels.

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Frank J. Mongillo III, M.D.

New Haven

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Disabled Professor: Nazi Euthanasia Program No Different Than Push to Euthanize People Today – LifeNews.com

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Recently the euthanasia lobby attacked Dr Harvey Schipper for comparing assisted dying to the Nazi T-4 euthanasia program. This would not have been a big deal other than that fact that Schipper had been appointed to chair a working group that was to examine Canadas euthanasia law and make recommendations concerning possible extensions to the law.

Catherine Frazee, who is an Officer of the Order of Canada and professor emerita at the Ryerson University School of Disability Studies wrote an article titled: Look into the dark corners of history that was published in the Victoria Times Colonist on June 15. Frazee wrote:

None of Schippers critics disputed the facts upon which his reference was made, nor should they. As historians have chronicled, the Nazi euthanasia program originated when a father in Leipzig petitioned to end the life of his disabled daughter and Adolf Hitler dispatched his personal physician, Karl Brandt, to authorize her death as an act of mercy.

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According to historian Hugh Gallagher, as the story of the little Leipzig girl became known in medical circles, other families sent similar appeals to the Fhrer. It fell to Brandt to make determinations on each of these requests and ultimately to authorize the killing of at least 70,000 people with disabilities pursuant to what the American Holocaust Museum describes as a medically administered program of mercy death.

Frazee then challenges the attack on Schipper:

Schippers recusal as working group chairman will no doubt be applauded by advocates who seek to broaden the availability of assisted death in Canada. Others, such as myself, who know Schipper to be a man of considerable wisdom and integrity, are saddened that the 43-member panel which includes expert advocates on both sides of this debate failed to seize the opportunity to rise above the clamour and reject any suggestion that politics, rather than evidence, would govern their work.

Had they spoken out together, and forcefully, in defence of their colleague, the outcome might have been different.

This is not the first time that a measured and accurate reference to the historical facts of the Nazi euthanasia program has been condemned as strident, distasteful or offensive. It should be the last.

Nothing about medically assisted death is ahistorical. As we review current law and practice, and consider potential expansion to the Criminal Code exemptions that permit Canadian doctors and nurse practitioners to end the lives of certain patients, surely we have the maturity to invite history into the conversation.

Frazee then outlines the reality that people with disabilities have historically faced:

Doctors, at times, have killed. This is fact. Often, when they have killed or harmed, they have not acted alone, but as agents of state authority.

With all of their immense skill and influence, doctors have played indispensable roles in residential schools and asylums in Canada, comfort stations in Southeast Asia, enhanced interrogation facilities at Guantnamo Bay and extermination centres in Nazi Germany.

People with disabilities have suffered violence and harm at the hands of doctors, parents and caregivers. Sometimes, as with Satoshi Uematsu in Sagamihara, Japan, the world has instantly recoiled in horror. Sometimes, as with parent Robert Latimer in Saskatchewan, a court of law might ultimately uphold conviction, but not before public opinion solidifies in support of the perpetrator.

Sometimes, as with Brandt, a nation colludes.

The Nazi Aktion T4 euthanasia program is part of my history as a disabled person. Importantly, its also part of Schippers history as a physician. Those who would forbid us to speak of this history, or police our speech as strident and unwelcome, can only fuel doubt about whether its lessons have been learned.

Frazee concludes by challenging the working groups to examine the extension of euthanasia through the lens of history:

If our federal government is to benefit from the comprehensive reviews it assigned to the Council of Canadian Academies, and if the councils working groups are to gather the evidence Canadians require to guide policy decisions about providing medically assisted death to mature minors, to people with mental illness and to people no longer capable of expressing consent, then the history of euthanasia, and questions arising from the darkest corners of that history, must not be out of bounds.

As Margaret MacMillan, the distinguished Canadian historian, has said: We dont always know best, and the past can remind us of that.

Thank you to Catherine Frazee for setting the record straight.

LifeNews.com Note: Alex Schadenberg is the executive director of the Euthanasia Prevention Coalition and you can read his blog here.

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Disabled Professor: Nazi Euthanasia Program No Different Than Push to Euthanize People Today - LifeNews.com

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Wage Theft and Shoplifting: Same Cost, Different Deterrents – The American Prospect

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Each year, shoplifters steal roughly $14.7 billion worth of goods from stores. (So says the Retail Theft Barometer.) Each year, employers steal roughly $15 billion from their workers by paying them less than the minimum wage, according to data from the Economic Policy Institute.

The treatment of these two kinds of crime, however, are completely different.

Many more resources go into trying to deter, detect, and punish the guy trying to pinch a video game system off the shelf at the local big-box store than into the grand theft the store itself may be perpetrating against its own employeeseven if the retailer is taking millions of dollars from workers paychecks. Its one more way that the economic crimes of the powerful are treated far less seriously than the transgressions of those with less power.

In a recent study, I compared the damage from shoplifting with that from just one form of wage theft, the failure to pay workers the legal hourly minimum. Other forms include failing to pay overtime, stealing tips, making employees work off the clock, and still more employer schemes to pocket money that workers have legally earned. While it is more difficult to estimate the total loss from these other forms of wage theft, there is no question that they dwarf the losses attributable to shoplifting.

The impact that wage theft and shoplifting have are not remotely comparable. While shoplifting is certainly not a victimless crime, its consequences pale in comparison to wage theft. In fact, an estimated 4.5 million working people are victimized by minimum-wage violations alone, pushing 302,000 families across the nation into poverty.

Yet despite the tremendous magnitude of wage theft, retailers spent 39 times more on security in 2015 than the entire Department of Labor budget for enforcing wage standards that year. This disparity in funding creates a disparity in personnel: While there are 43,930 security guards working for retailers, the Department of Labor only retains 1,000 investigators tasked with enforcing wage laws for 7.3 million U.S. workplaces and 135 million workers. Under Trump administration budget proposals, resources for enforcement would face even greater cuts.

The security guards and federal wage inspectors arent the only enforcers of these respective laws, of course. On the retail security side, other employees, from fitting room attendants at a clothing store to convenience store clerks, are expected to play a role in preventing shoplifting, as are the thousands of local police officers enforcing laws against shoplifting. On the wage-theft side, state and local labor departments and attorneys general can support federal efforts to enforce wage laws, but they generally have access to even fewer resources than the federal government.

What happens when shoplifters and wage thieves get caught? Shoplifters may end up in jail, facing a fine and months behind bars for a misdemeanor conviction. Depending on the state, a thief caught making off with merchandise worth as little as $200 can face felony charges. In contrast, criminal charges of any kind are rare in cases of wage theft, even when millions of dollars are systematically stolen from employees over months or years. The fines imposed by the federal Fair Labor Standards Act often amount to a slap on the wrist; theyre too weak to act as an effective deterrent.

Worse yet, employers increasingly prevent workers from going to court to recover stolen pay by imposing arbitration agreements that curtail employees ability to sue the company or participate in a class-action lawsuit.

A look at the victims and perpetrators reveals a great deal about why the deck is stacked in favor of wage thieves. The victims of minimum-wage violations are, by definition, working people who are supposed to be paid the minimum wage and yet receive lesscertainly not the most politically or economically powerful group in our society. And while any working person can be cheated out of wages, women, people of color, and immigrants (especially undocumented workers) are not only more likely to work in low-wage jobs, but disproportionately become victims of wage theft when they do. Victims of shoplifting, on the other hand, are businesses, including some of the nations most powerful corporations. And while shoplifters may be of any race or ethnicity, the phenomenon of shopping while black reveals that people of color, particularly African American consumers, are disproportionately profiled as potential shoplifters, contributing to the racial disparity that plagues the criminal justice system.

At a time when our economy is clearly tilted in favor of power and privilege, strengthening laws against wage theftand providing more resources for detection and enforcement at the state, local, and federal levelswould help un-rig this part of the system, making it fairer for us all.

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Wage Theft and Shoplifting: Same Cost, Different Deterrents - The American Prospect

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