Daily Archives: June 23, 2017

More than 150 years after Gen. Robert E. Lees surrender at Appomattox Court House, we are still fighting the Civil War, highlighting that more than states rights and maybe even more than slavery, the War Between the States was a clash of cultures.

How else can one describe how people look at monuments to the Confederacy today and see such radically different things? To some, they are monuments to bravery and heroism in the face of inevitable defeat. To others, they are monuments to a political system built on oppression oppression not only of blacks held captive in chattel slavery but of poor whites held down by the plantation aristocracy.

Just as the Civil War was a cultural battle between a rapidly industrializing, mercantile North and an agriculture-dependent, feudal South, so, too, the modern battle over Confederate monuments often comes down to culture.

On the one hand, there is the Old Souths preoccupation with tradition, honor and all the sorts of aristocratic, upper-class virtues one finds in old Arthurian romances. On the other, there is the New Souths hard-nosed pragmatism, which focuses on the commercial values of the middle class.

Perhaps no one has ever understood this divide better than Mark Twain, a man of the South who ultimately sided with and moved to the North. The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn and A Connecticut Yankee in King Arthurs Court both take the side of common-sense pragmatism over what Twain saw as aristocratic hypocrisy.

The debate over Confederate monuments isnt just about race. Its about one side that wants to honor its past, and another that fears scaring away business and tourists. And now the divide isnt North vs. South, but between different groups within the South.

That is why the most sensible compromise in dealing with Confederate monuments is to leave the matter to the local governments whose taxpayers ultimately foot the bill for the monuments upkeep.

New Orleans decided to take its Confederate monuments down. Agree with the decision or disagree with it, it was the citys decision to make, and no other level of government stopped them.

The same, however, cannot be said in Alabama. Here, the state Legislature has stepped in where it is not needed, forbidding the removal or renaming of monuments and buildings without first going through a cumbersome review and approval process. The new laws backers say theyre protecting history, but none of this would be an issue were not other states and cities re-evaluating their Confederate memorials, many of which were erected during the height of the civil rights era and with, at best, dubious motives.

That is why Hanceville Mayor Kenneth Nail might ought to be careful what he wishes for.

Nail has written the mayor of New Orleans a letter asking to take New Orleans unwanted Confederate statues off its hands.

New Orleans leaders have other plans for the monuments and are unlikely to say the least to gift them to Hanceville. So, Hanceville may have dodged a bullet.

Once erected, the monuments would be subject to Alabamas new law, and who is to say that in a few years the people and leaders of Hanceville would feel the same about maintaining Confederate monuments and unwanted hand-me-downs from another state at that?

South Carolina lowered its Confederate flag for good when it threatened to cost the state business.

The spirit of Twains Connecticut Yankee prevailed even in the sharpened edge of the Confederacy. It might someday prevail in Hanceville and other Alabama cities and towns, too.

Thats the real reason the modern-day aristocrats in Montgomery took the decision out of local hands and into their own.

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Leave monuments choice up to local governments - Times Daily

June 23, 2017

Panger Aonok, Advocate

The idea to forge a Pan Naga Organisation was first visualized by the men of the Naga Labour Corps amidst the First World War. They were recruited by the Imperial British Government and deployed in France and Asia Minor to assist the British and its allies in logistics as non-combatant soldiers in their war against the Central power led by Germany. It was during the said foreign sojourn that they came in contact with people of the civilised world and were fascinated by their lifestyle which was built on the modern concept of liberty, equality and fraternity. Besides, they realized that they were neither European nor Indian. Awakened by the above ideals coupled with bitter experiences in the theatre of war they eventually realised the need to have unity, brotherhood and the urgency to inculcate the spirit of comradeship amongst the Naga tribesmen. After the end of the war, back home in the Naga Hills, the remnants of the Labour Corps along with some politically conscious Naga tribesmen formed the Naga Club, a socio-politico organisation with a view to pursue certain goals of common interest. Meanwhile the Indian Statutory Commission, popularly known as the Simon Commission, which was appointed under the Government of India Act, 1919 came to India and also visited Kohima on 10th January, 1929. The Naga Club submitted a memorandum stating inter alia their opposition to include the Naga Hills from the purview of the proposed reform scheme and further raised a demand for self-rule in the event of the British relinquishing power in India. They told the said Commission member Mr. Atlee and Mr. Cadogan that you are the only people who have ever conquered us and when you go we should be as we were.

Pursuant to the recommendations of the Commission, the Government of India Act, 1935 was passed and a part of the demand of the Nagas was conceded. Accordingly on 1st April, 1937 the Naga Hill District became an Excluded Area within the province of Assam. This meant that no Act of Central or Provincial legislature would apply to the Naga Hills without the concurrence of the Governor of Assam and the power to administer the Naga Hills was placed directly under the jurisdiction of the Governor of Assam. It is in the fitness of things that the government of Nagaland has erected a monolith and is set to build a memorial park to commemorate the contribution and sacrifice of the Naga Labour Corps. In Garo Hills, the Garo Labour Corps who went to France are remembered every year and it appears that no such day is organised to remember the Naga Labour Corps. The writers would suggest that June 28th ought to be chosen as the day for remembering the Naga Labour Corps since the treaty of Versailles was signed on that day in the year 1919 that brought the World War I to an end.

The next important landmark political development in the history of Nagas is the formation of the Naga National Council (NNC) in March, 1946. The initial objective of NNC was to achieve maximum autonomy within the province of Assam, however the temperament of the NNC began to change rather quickly and under its banner the Nagas started to demand complete independence. Following the demand of the NNC in January, 1947, the then Governor of Assam Sir Akbar Hydari held political negotiation with the top leaders of NNC which culminated in the signing of the historic Nine Point Agreement, however the agreement failed to see the light of the day. Apparently it was drafted hurriedly as the clauses were worded with ambiguous and equivocal language which eventually resulted in both sides interpreting them to suit ones own purpose. The chief point of conflict was Clause -9 which according to the Nagas was the crux of the agreement. The Nagas interpreted Clause-9 to infer right to secede and to opt out of the union at the end of ten years. But Sir Hydari Ali took a diametrically opposite stand and warned the Nagas that India would use force against them in the event the people of Naga Hills refused to join the Union of India. In view of the contradictory interpretation of Clause -9, the agreement was destined to die a natural death and was soon pushed into historical oblivion.

Shortly a delegation went to Delhi to call Mahatma Gandhi to apprise him of the resolve of the NNC to declare Naga independence on 14th August, 1947. Gandhiji gave them a patient hearing and told the members of the delegate that they have every right to be independent and assured his willingness to stand by the Nagas in their fight for independence. But as destiny would have it, Gandhiji was soon assassinated by the cruel hand of an assassin Shri NathuramVinayak Godse on 30th January, 1948. In the wake of the failure to implement the Nine Point Agreement, the extremists within the NNC who favoured complete independence gained control of the organization and toyed with the idea of armed struggle. The moderates who denounced the cult of violence resigned en masse from NNC. Over the years the persistent demand of NNC for self-rule was put into cold storage by the Central Government of Nehru on the ground that the desire for independence was held by a handful of educated Nagas and to disprove such a notion, the NNC held a plebiscite in the year 1951, in which ninety nine per cent of the people voted for a separate Naga country. With the overwhelming mandate of the people, the NNC supremo and others met Prime Minister Nehru as many as three times between 1951-1953 and put forth the desire of the Nagas for self-rule as evident from the result of the plebiscite but to no avail due to the indifferent and unrelenting attitude of Nehru. The Nagas boycotted the First General Elections held in 1952. A.Z. Phizo was all set to internationalise the Naga issue and many Naga tribesmen flocked to take on the armed might of the Indian Government. They formed the Home Guards and many joined the fledgling fighting force. Womens wing was organised to perform the duties of nurses, cooks, tailors and were assigned as couriers in the espionage game. The Naga youth movement came into being and the members became the auxiliary forces of the Home Guards.

The arms and ammunitions dumped after the Second World War were collected. More weapons were captured during raids on police station and a good number of Assam Police Personnel were either captured or killed and their arms were snatched and taken away. Home Guards volunteers were trained in the art of handling modern weaponry. Arson, looting, murder, intimidation became the order of the day. The Assam Police and limited numbers of Assam Rifles failed to contain the uprising and thus the Indian Army was called in to assist the civil administration. The Naga Hills and Tuensang Frontier were declared as disturbed areas and subsequently the Armed Forces Special Power Act, 1958 (AFSPA) was promulgated in the year 1958. The said Act provides a wide range of power to the Indian Army such as to shoot, to arrest, to search without warrant etc. The Armed forces operating in disturbed area enjoy full legal immunity. Under the protection of AFSPA, 1958, the Indian Army let loose a reign of terror and violated the human rights of innocent civilians with impunity. In the wake of the imposition of AFSPA fierce encounter ensued in regular interval. Skirmishes took place on a daily basis and many innocent civilians were killed in crossfire thereby causing large scale collateral damages to both public and private properties. The following is the lists of heinous crime perpetrated by the Indian Army with impunity: (1) Murder and extra judicial killings; (2) physical assault leading to maiming of limbs; (3) sexual assault and rape; (4) outraging the modesty of women; (5) detention without legal defence; (6) desecration of churches; (7) grouping of villagers; and (8) acts of arson such as burning down of dwelling houses, granaries, church buildings etc.

There are innumerable instances of crime committed by the Indian Army but owing to constraint of space, it is pertinent to mention one deplorable incident which shocked the conscience of the Naga people. The said incident occurred on 11th July, 1971, a Sunday, in which incident a unit of the 1st Maratha Regiment led by the Commanding Officer swooped down on Yankeli Village in Wokha District and picked up four minor girls; the eldest amongst whom was a girl of 17 years. They were forcibly dragged inside the church precincts and were sexually assaulted and raped by the Commanding Officer and his subordinates taking turns in the pulpit, which is the sanctum sanctorum (holiest of the holy) of a Christian church. The Indian Army not only committed this heinous crime against humanity in the most perverted and revolting manner but also desecrated the sanctity of the church with impunity.

Waging a war against India had broken many a Naga home. Hundreds of young women were widowed, thousands of young patriots perished in one of the most inhospitable terrains and jungles of India and Burma (now Myanmar) in their fight against the mighty Indian Armys crack Mountain Division on one side and the fighting-fit and ruthless Burmese army under the Junta regime on the other. As a result of this senseless ethnic conflicts and internecine rivalries many children became orphans and homeless, who struggled and fought hard against all odds to survive.

Another milestone in the Indo-Naga political conflict is the signing of the cease fire agreement on 25th July, 1997, between the Government of India and the Naga leaders. The said Agreement was followed by several rounds of political talks which was instrumental in recognising the unique history of the Nagas by the Government of India in July 11th, 2002. Subsequently, in the year 2003, the then Prime Minister of India Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee in exercise of his sovereign power publicly declared the Government of Indias recognition of the unique historical past of the Nagas. The declaration is a turning point in the long and chequered history of the Nagas struggle for the right of self-determination and thereafter the balance of power and convenience is leaning in favour of the Nagas vis--vis the Government of India to amicably settle the long drawn Indo-Naga political conflict through peaceful means.

The recognition is in no way the magnanimous gesture of the Government of India but owes its origin to the distinctive historical background, socio-cultural diversity, legal and constitutional framework being inherited from the British era Government which has been zealously guarded and upheld by the Nagas under the leadership of A.Z. Phizo and a galaxy of stalwarts who joined the movement and played stellar roles at different relevant points of time. The political acumen, statesmanship and tenacity of the Naga leaders coupled with the fighting prowess, perseverance and will power of the underground fighters is yielding dividend as evident from the signing of the Framework Agreement. However, factional feud, egoism and schism has become endemic in the current Naga political scenario which is the Achilles heel that comes in the way to further carry forward the peace process to its logical end. Uncertainty still looms greatly over the fate of the Indo-Naga peace talk chiefly due to the mushrooming of political groups. After decades of violence and oppression, the Naga people are now yearning to restore peace and harmony. To this end, it would be prudent for all leaders of diverse group to reconcile themselves in the Christian spirit to forgive and forget and come together under one platform for political negotiation with the Government of India and resolve the issue amicably through peaceful means.

The Rev. LongriAo, Apostle of Peace, and Naga conscience keeper, as Chief of Liaison Committee of Naga Peace Council had once said that in reconciliation there is no victor or vanquished and there is no humiliation involved. The Bible says, Blessed are the Peace maker, for they shall be called the Children of God.

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The Yoke of Oppression - The Morung Express | The Morung Express - Morung Express