Daily Archives: June 16, 2017

Mystery Company Told NSA Spies: Get a Warrant or Get Lost – Daily Beast

Posted: June 16, 2017 at 2:57 pm

An unknown U.S. technology company secretly refused to comply with the National Security Agencys most cherished surveillance authority, a newly declassified document shows.

Instead, the companynot identified in a highly unusual order from the secret Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Courttold the NSA, in effect: get a warrant or get lost.

Its the first known time that a company did not comply with the NSAs exercise of its powers under a highly controversial legal authority known as Section 702. Section 702, which is the subject of a white-knuckle fight in Congress over its reauthorization before expiration in December, is the legal underpinning of the NSAs infamous PRISM program, which takes vast quantities of user communications from participating companies.

According to the heavily redacted court ruling, the unnamed company appears to have resisted PRISM, on the grounds that cooperation would implicate its own First and Fourth Amendment rights. It told the worlds most powerful surveillance agency to come back with a warrant.

A warrant is necessary, the company contended, for all surveillance conducted on the servers of a U.S.-based provider, regardless of whether the target of surveillance is a U.S. person or a non-U.S. person, and regardless of where that person is located when they use the service, because the communications of U.S. persons will be collected as part of such surveillance.

In other words, the company argued, the NSAs Section 702 powers inevitably violate the Fourth Amendment, since industrial-strength surveillance ostensibly focused on foreigners will inevitably collect communications from Americans. The companys solution: a warrant, please.

The contention so alarmed Barack Obama administrations that it asked the Court to order the companys compliance the first time, surveillance experts said, the government is known to have clashed with a service provider over an assertion of its Section 702 powers.

Noncompliance with secret, warrantless government surveillance has a real price. The only other confirmed time in which a provider has resisted the NSA came in 2007, when Yahoo rebuffed the governments demand for customer data under the precursor to Section 702, known as the Protect America Act. Documents declassified in 2014 showed that the government threatened Yahoo with a $250,000 for every day of noncompliance. Yahoo ultimately began cooperation with PRISM in March 2008 after losing secret-court appeals.

The FISA Court did not view the 2014 case any more favorably.

Judge Rosemary Collyer sided with the NSA on every particular. Collyer found that the NSAs internal procedures about focusing its 702 collection targets on non-Americans reasonably believed to be overseas despite the fact that Americans communications data is nevertheless incidentally collected in the process obviated the companys resistance.

Collyer called the tech firms fears of unreasonable surveillance arguendo, writing, the mere fact that there is some potential for error is not a sufficient reason to invalidate the surveillance. Without a showing of misconduct by the government, she found, a presumption of regularity applies. That would be a hard burden for a tech firm to meet, considering the issue was secret surveillance.

However, her FISA Court colleague John Bates had already found in 2011 that the NSA had surpassed the limits of its mass data collection as it had described the procedures to the court. And in 2016, two years after the now-revealed surveillance fight, the NSA revealed to the court that it had violated the revamped post-2011 rules it agreed to with the court. The judge who signed off on modified rules for 702 collection was, ironically, Collyer, in a ruling savaged by independent journalist Marcy Wheeler.

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Ashley Gorski, an attorney with the ACLU which acquired the document in a freedom-of-information lawsuit took issue with Collyers fateful 2014 finding that the NSA was owed the benefit of the doubt.

Given the litany of NSA compliance violations known to the [FISA Court] even back in 2014, the courts insistence that a presumption of regularity should apply to the NSAs spying is deeply problematic, Gorski said.

This challenge to the governments warrantless spying under Section 702 underscores just how controversial this mass surveillance program really is, and why it must be significantly reformed. The anonymous tech company that brought this challenge should be commended for defending its users privacy, and other companies must do the same by fighting for critical reforms in the courts and in Congress.

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2008 FISA Transcript Shows NSA Already Knew It Might Have An Incidental Collection Problem – Techdirt

Posted: at 2:57 pm

The ODNI has released several documents in response to FOIA lawsuits (EFF, ACLU). The EFF scored 18 of these (handy zip link here) and the ACLU seven. The ACLU's batch has proven more interesting (at least initially). One document it obtained shows a tech company challenged a Section 702 surveillance order in 2014. The challenge was shut down by the FISA court, but with the exception of Yahoo's short-lived defiance, we haven't seen any other evidence of ISP resistance to internet dragnet orders.

Included in the ACLU's batch is a 2008 FISA Court transcript [PDF] that's particularly relevant to the NSA's voluntary shutdown of its "about" collection. In it, the NSA discusses its filtering and oversight procedures, which were already problematic nearly a decade ago.

There are some really interesting tidbits to be gleaned from the often heavily-redacted proceedings, including this statement, which makes it clear the NSA engaged in wholly-domestic surveillance prior to the FISA Amendments Act.

THE COURT: All right. Well, what about the non-U.S. person status, which of course is new under the FISA Amendments Act? Are you going to be changing anything in terms of focusing on that?

[REDACTED GOV'T RESPONDENT]: We already sort of do with respect to the U.S. person status is so intertwined with the location of the target [REDACTED] to the extent that in the past NSA.would actually affirmatively identify targeted U.S. persons to us on the sheets, because one of the additional fields that they put in the sheets is basically a blurb, an explanation and a description of the target.

Clearly, we're not allowed to target US persons anymore, so I don't anticipate seeing any such descriptions on the sheets. But again, since the status of the person, the determination of how that is made is so intertwined with the same information upon which NSA relies to make a foreignness determination, that it would be hard for us not to identify such information as we're conducting the reviews.

Which, of course, means the NSA was allowed to target US persons and their communications previously, contradicting statements made by US officials, including President George W. Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney.

It's stated earlier in the transcript that the NSA does a few things to help minimize examination of US persons' communications. But they're not great. The NSA runs spot checks on analysts' transactions, deploys filters, and relies on self-reporting to guard against Fourth Amendment violations. It sounds like quite a bit, but the details show it's not nearly enough. To start with, the filters meant to filter out US persons' communications don't work.

COURT: The NSA minimization procedures, you're stating, 'contain a provision for allowing retention of information because of limitations on NSA's ability to filter communications.' My question I had was is the filter discussed in targeting the same filtering. I just wanted to understand that, and apparently it is. [The rest of the court's question is redacted.]

GOV'T: I think the inclusion of that provision in the minimization procedures was intended to be prophylactic in the event that the filters don't necessarily work, and NSA has represented that it's been their experience with the filters and [redacted] this provision basically captures instances where the filters may not work in every instance.

And there's a good reason why they won't work "in every instance." Further unredacted discussion reveals the NSA partially relies on an IP address blacklist to filter out US persons' communications. This is better than nothing, but still a long way from being a strong positive indicator of a target's (or incidental target's) location.

The court then asks about the limitations of the filters and we get several fully-redacted pages as an answer.

The court also asks about the "about" collection -- where targets are discussed but the communications do not directly involve NSA targets.The judge wants to know how often this is being used rather than the more-targeted "to/from" collection and how often it results in incidental collection. Unsurprisingly, the government can't say how often this happens. This is because the NSA saw no reason to track these searches.

GOV'T: As far as the percentage number, we don't have a number for that, because as I mentioned earlier, when we [redacted] we find to's and froms and [redacted] so we don't categorize those separately to be able to count those communications as abouts.

The court then asks why it's not possible to limit the collection to to's and froms. The government's response is that collecting it all just works better for the NSA, even though it apparently possesses the technical ability to keep these collections separate.

It is technically feasible. The problem with doing so is if you end up discarding a number of communications that are truly to-froms that you should be able to collect but [redacted]...

So by trying to limit us to no abouts, then we end up cutting out those kind of communications as well, truly to-froms. So it would be -- we're not surgical enough to take that out of the equation without impacting our ability to do to-froms effectively.

And later in the discussion, there's a bit of a bombshell about the "about" collection. The NSA shut it down because it couldn't find a way to prevent incidental collection of US persons' communications. In this transcript, the government points out incidental collection is just as likely with to-from targeting.

COURT: Is it more or less likely to pick up U.S.-person information in an about than a to or from?

MR. OLSEN: I don't know the answer in practice. At least from my perspective in theory, I wouldn't see why it would be more likely than a targeted to or from collection where the target's outside the United States where there's a similar possibility that that target would be in communication with someone in the United States, with a U.S. person in the United States.

If this is true, the elimination of the "about" collection doesn't do much to curtail incidental collection. And almost a decade ago, the NSA was already making it "impossible" to comply with Congressional requests for incidental collection numbers by refusing to separate its collections, even with the FISA Court raising questions about its Fourth Amendment implications.

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Sen. Rand Paul’s year-old Second Amendment tweet resurfaces after shooting – The Daily Dot

Posted: at 2:56 pm

After a gunman opened fire on several Republican congressmen and their staffers at a baseball field in Virginia on Wednesday morning, Senator Rand Paul (R-Ky.) told reporters that the attack could have ended in a massacre had it not been for the Capitol Police.

Sen. Paul was sitting in the batting cage when he heard the gunshots; he had been practicing with the GOP congressional baseball team. Rep. Steve Scalise (R-La.) and four others who were also in attendance were injured, but Capitol Police officers quickly engaged with and apprehended the perpetrator, whom police later identified as 66-year-old James T. Hodgkinson from Illinois.

Everybody probably would have died except for the fact that the Capitol Hill police were there, Paul told MSNBC. Unfortunately, [Rep. Scalise] was hit and I hope he does well, but also by him being there it probably saved everyone elses lives because if you dont have a leadership person there, there would have been no security there.

Paul also released a statement echoing his praise and appreciation for the Capitol Police officers who stopped the shooter.

The incident quickly ignited a gun control debate online where the shooting was utilized by those who advocate for stricter gun laws, on one hand, as well as those believe looser gun laws could have prevented such an attack and helped stopped the one that occurred.

Meanwhile, in the House of Representatives, a debate on the availability of gun silencers scheduled Wednesday afternoon was delayed after the shooting.

As the heated debated centered on Second Amendment rights intensifies once again, one of Sen. Pauls own tweets resurfacedone that some suggest smacks of hypocrisy, given his press statements.

In June last year, a tweet from Pauls official account quoted Fox News contributor Judge Napolitano while livetweeting an event, writing: [We] have a Second Amendment to shoot at the government when it becomes tyrannical!

The senators office tells the Daily Dot thata staffer, not Paul,wrote the tweet.

Paul has presenteda pro-gun stance throughout his political career, with a voting record to show it. He has opposed legislation he believed impinged on the constitutional right to ownership, which maintains the right to bear arms as necessary to the security of a free State.

However, on Wednesday, critics claim, Paul found himself at the wrong end of the argument above when he was targeted himself.

Update 7:22am CT, June 15:Sen. Pauls communications director, Sergio Gor, told the Daily Dot in an email: Senator Paul never said those words. The tweet you reference was part of livetweeting of someone elses speech and it was done by a staffer.

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The Brooklyn Machine vs. the First Amendment – Daily Beast

Posted: at 2:55 pm

Donald Trump memorably threatened to open up libel laws as president, yet such an attack on the First Amendment would need to happen in the courts. And given a recent ruling in his favor in a defamation suit aimed at him, Trump knows full well that most judges maintain a very high bar for libel cases.

Even so, a libel suit can provide powerful interests with a potent weapon against intrepid reporters. Such a conflict is currently playing out in Brooklyn, and the drama features a notable cast of characters.

In October 2015, ProPublica published an investigative report on nursing home licensing in New York, which focused on the states largest for-profit network of such facilities, SentosaCare. The story questioned why, despite a record of repeat fines, violations and complaints for deficient care, SentosaCare continued to receive state approval when purchasing new nursing homes.

In March 2016, Jennifer Lehman, one of the two freelance reporters who wrote the piece, sent a letter to SentosaCares attorney, Howard Fensterman, requesting information for a follow-up story focused on the companys Medicare billing. Six days later, Fensterman filed a defamation suit in response to the October 2015 story.

Rather than target ProPublica, the complaint names Lehman and her fellow freelancer, Allegra Abramo. If the suit was intended to win damages, it would have made sense to target an established publisher with a sizable libel-insurance policy. Instead, the goal here appears to be stopping the reporters in their tracks.

Fensterman, a leading player in Nassau County Democratic politics, gained notoriety in 2014 for his aggressive defense of a nursing home on the Island after it brought in a male stripper to entertain the seniors. He is also counsel for (and a business partner of) SentosaCare, which is owned by Brooklyn resident Benjamin Landa, a central figure in Clifford Levys Pulitzer Prize-winning 2002 series in the New York Times exposing the harsh conditions faced by mentally ill residents in New York nursing homes.

Fensterman has been assisted in the case by his law partner Frank Seddio, the Brooklyn Democratic boss and president of the boroughs Bar Association. In New York City, the county machine typically hand-picks most of the State Supreme Court judges, but the one presiding in this case, Paul Wooten, was transferred from Manhattan, and is not a Seddio ally. Moreover, he has a strong track record of ruling in favor of defendants in defamation cases.

Such a cast made for lively theater at a late April appearance in Wootens courtroom, with the two sides debating the defendants motion to dismiss the case. Other than enter his name into the record, Seddio said nothing during the proceeding. According to one spectator (whos not involved in the case), the party boss appeared to be leering at Judge Wooten.

The crux of Fenstermans complaint concerns not whats in Lehman and Abramos ProPublica story, but what they left out (or whats known as libel by omission). When the story mentions investigations by New York State agencies into incidents of neglect at SentosaCare facilities, it does not include the fact that those same facilities had self-reported the incidents to the relevant agencies.

In advance of the first story, Fensterman had provided that information to the reporters, so he contends that the omission shows that the reporters intended to create reputational harm for SentosaCare. To drive home the point, he mentioned self-reporting five times in his short presentation at the dismissal hearing.

Laura Handman, retained by ProPublica to defend Lehman and Abramo, stressed to Judge Wooten that the piece is not a cover-up story. Instead, she explained, the reporters examined how nursing homes with track records of harmful incidents continue to gain new licensing, thus negating the importance of the self-reporting. According to defamation case law, Handman argued, unless omitted information changes the gist, or the meaning, or makes it false, then the decision of what to include or not to include are left to the wisdom of the journalist and publisher.

Trevor Timm of the Freedom of the Press Foundation tells the Beast that in general, The First Amendment allows for broad editorial discretion on what is and isnt reported on stories of public importance. And if public figures and institutions were allowed to sue every time they thought one ancillary alleged fact or another was left out of an article, it would grind journalism on any subject to a halt.

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In order to deter such a flood of retaliatory lawsuits, many statesincluding New Yorkhave enacted anti-SLAPP (strategic lawsuits against public participation) legislation, which allows for judges to award damages to defendants and force plaintiffs to pay for their legal costs. As Handman stated at the April hearing, This suit is a classic example of a well-financed company using a defamation suit to basically censor their critics. In short, a classic SLAPP action.

Wootens ruling on whether the case will go to trialor if not, whether he will impose anti-SLAPP penalties on the plaintiffsis expected sometime in the next few months. Rest assured that the stakes are high for everyone involved, from the lowly freelance investigative reporters to the mighty Brooklyn Democratic Party boss.

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Travel Ban Case Could Harm First Amendment Law | National Review – National Review

Posted: at 2:55 pm

The Becket Fund for Religious Liberty has sent a brief to the Supreme Court in the travel-ban casebut unlike most of the many briefs in that case, it takes no position on whether the Court should uphold or nullify the ban. Its goal, rather, is to make sure that the court refrains from distorting the meaning of the Constitutions prohibition on religious establishments in the process of deciding the case.

Beckets argument is that the Court should decide the case under the free-exercise clause rather than the no-establishment clause of the First Amendment. If the ban unconstitutionally targets Muslims, that is, it impinges on their right to practice their religion. It doesnt establish Christianity (or non-Islam) as the state religion.

It seems like a pretty obvious point, but since some courts have gotten the issue wrong Becket spells it out in some detail. The executive order doesnt create an establishment because it does not place the state in control of any churchs doctrine or personnel, doesnt compel attendance of any church, doesnt provide financial support of any kind to any church, and doesnt put any church in charge of important public functions.

The Becket lawyers are not just concerned that the Court might apply the establishment clause to the case; theyre also concerned that they will apply the clause using the Lemon test. Under that test, developed in a 1971 case striking down state aid to religious schools, judges must decide whether a governmental policy has a legitimate secular purpose and whether it involves excessive government entanglement with religionboth, conservative lawyers have usually contended, highly subjective judgments. The Court has moved away from Lemon but lower courts considering the case have applied it.

As long ago as 1993, Justice Antonin Scalia likened the Lemon test to some ghoul in a late-night horror movie that repeatedly sits up in its grave and shuffles abroad after being repeatedly killed and buried. Becket wants the ghoul killed and buried for good. But theres a chance that the passions this case has called forth will bring it back once more.

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SEC may be Looking for Ways to Regulate the Cryptocurrency ICO Market – The Merkle

Posted: at 2:53 pm

It was only a matter of time until regulators caught up with cryptocurrency ICOs. These coin offerings have gone unregulated for quite some time now, while raising millions in funding. Anyone buying into these token sales in the US is according to the law buying securities, which require special licenses from the company holding the ICO. With US regulators aiming to venture into the cryptocurrency ICO world, things could get quite interesting moving forward.

Various aspects of cryptocurrency will never be subject to traditional regulation. Virtually all of these projects are decentralized, with no single entity responsible for issuing the coins or controlling the majority of funds circulating on the network. The only entity regulators can go after are the third-party service providers found within the world of cryptocurrency. Wallet providers, exchanges, and investment schemes are bound to see more attention from US regulators moving forward.

Which brings us to cryptocurrency ICOs, the modern-day crowdfunding efforts without regulation or oversight. Everyone in the cryptocurrency world knows how ICOs are growing in popularity and seemingly raise more money than ever before. Projects raising over US$10m in funding are slowly becoming the norm rather than an exception right now. However, there are a lot of legal questions regarding the ICOs and how the tokens are distributed.

It is believed the SEC is currently taking a very close look at any cryptocurrency ICO on the agenda. This does not bode well for most of the projects out there, as very few of these teams have someone with the necessary legal knowledge on board. It is only normal US regulators want to pay close attention to what is going on in this regard, as ICOs can be seen as a way to launder money, in their opinion. A group of people raising millions of dollars overnight without regulation or oversight is suspicious, regardless of how you want to look at it.

The bigger question on peoples mind is whether or not they buy tokens or securities. According to the US legislation, a cryptocurrency token can quickly turn into a security, which causes all kinds of legal issues. If a security is created voluntarily or by accident it needs to be overseen and regulated by the SEC, regardless of its ties with cryptocurrency or otherwise. This confusion needs to be avoided at all costs, but for now, there are no clear regulatory guidelines whatsoever.

Rest assured it will not take all that long until the SEC will introduce some form of cryptocurrency ICO regulation moving forward. For now, it remains anybodys guess as to what we can expect from such a decision. If ICOs are put on the same level as IPOs, things will look very dire for cryptocurrency companies looking at this mechanism as a way to quickly secure funding. Although the SEC is apparently investigating this matter, it may take years until they come to a conclusion.

Moreover, there is the topic of trading these ICO tokens across cryptocurrency exchanges. A lot of tokens can be traded against fiat currencies, which can pose some new challenges as well once regulation materializes. For the time being, the cryptocurrency ICO sector has nothing to worry about just yet. However, this situation could change at any given moment, and a lot of teams will find themselves in an awkward position because of it.

If you liked this article, follow us on Twitter @themerklenews and make sure to subscribe to our newsletter to receive the latest bitcoin, cryptocurrency, and technology news.

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Don’t Ignore Technical Analysis If You Are Trading Bitcoin – Forbes

Posted: at 2:53 pm


Forbes
Don't Ignore Technical Analysis If You Are Trading Bitcoin
Forbes
Bitcoin tumbles 19%, the most in more than two years, reported Bloomberg news. As a person who uses Elliott Waves, which is a form of technical analysis, I would like to demonstrate to you how traders can benefit enormously by paying attention to ...

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Bitcoin Millionaires And Newton’s Mistake – Forbes

Posted: at 2:53 pm


Forbes
Bitcoin Millionaires And Newton's Mistake
Forbes
Congratulations Bitcoin millionaires. You made your first and perhaps your second million of dollars -- quickly, very quickly. Perhaps in the last six months in the Bitcoin investment trust. Now make sure that you don't lose all that money faster than ...

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Investing In Bitcoin: A Wise Choice? – NPR

Posted: at 2:53 pm

Investing In Bitcoin: A Wise Choice?
NPR
June 16, 20175:05 AM ET. Heard on Morning Edition. Kevin Leahy. The price of bitcoin has been soaring, leading some amateur investors to jump into the virtual currency market. But even enthusiasts are worried the price surge might be a bubble about to ...

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Progress cargo freighter docks with International Space Station – Spaceflight Now

Posted: at 2:50 pm

Credit: NASA TV

A Russian Progress supply ship sailed to an automated docking Friday with the International Space Station two days after departing the Baikonur Cosmodrome in Kazakhstan, delivering approximately three tons of fuel, spare parts and water to the orbiting outpost and its three-person crew.

Docking of the Progress MS-06 cargo craft to the stations Zvezda service module occurred 1137 GMT (7:37 a.m. EDT) after a radar-guided autopilot approach as the vehicles soared 258 miles (415 kilometers) over the Philippine Sea.

Thank you very much for a reliable vehicle, radioed Fyodor Yurchikhin, commander of the stations Expedition 52 crew.

I would say it was more than a gentle touch, more than anything else, Yurchikhin said of the docking.The cargo vehicle is now in a gentle but very firm embrace with the station now.

Hooks closed to create a firm attachment between the space station and the newly-arrived Progress cargo craft, which is set to stay at the research complex until mid-December, when it will detach and head for a destructive re-entry with a load of trash over the South Pacific Ocean.

Yurchikhin will open hatches leading to the Progress spacecraft later Friday.

The stations crew will unpack equipment inside the Progress MS-06 cargo capsules pressurized cabin in the coming weeks, and automated connections will route propellant from the Progress fuel tanks into reservoirs on the Zvezda service module.

The Progress MS-06 supply ship lifted off Wednesday from the Baikonur Cosmodrome in Kazakhstan aboard a Soyuz-2.1a launcher, reaching orbit less than nine minutes after blastoff. The Progress began a series of thruster firings to guide its two-day journey to the space station, culminating in Fridays final approach.

The Progress MS-06 spaceship carries around 6,039 pounds (2.7 metric tons) of cargo and supplies to the International Space Station, according to NASA.

The supplies include 3,069 pounds (1,392 kilograms) of dry cargo inside the ships pressurized compartment, 1,940 pounds (880 kilograms) of fuel to refill the stations propulsion system, 926 pounds (420 kilograms) of potable water, and 104 pounds (47 kilograms) of high-pressure oxygen and air to replenish the research labs breathable atmosphere, a NASA spokesperson said.

Four small satellites launched inside the Progress MS-06 spacecrafts cabin for release by cosmonauts on a spacewalk later this year.

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