Daily Archives: April 8, 2015

The Pat and Patti Show … politically incorrect is an understatement #310 – Video

Posted: April 8, 2015 at 5:42 pm


The Pat and Patti Show ... politically incorrect is an understatement #310
To say the duo goes beyond the pale and establish that political correctness is skill they do not possess ... is only offset by the amusement Pat, Patti and Deena exhibit in their bleeping...

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The Pat and Patti Show ... politically incorrect is an understatement #310 - Video

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Drink Drank Punk – Politically Incorrect // Ensayo Chiclana – Video

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Drink Drank Punk - Politically Incorrect // Ensayo Chiclana

By: Juan Donday Rodrguez

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SPONGEBOB | Unnecessary Censorship | Censored Cartoon Parody Bleep Video – Video

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SPONGEBOB | Unnecessary Censorship | Censored Cartoon Parody Bleep Video
This Week in Unnecessary Censorship, The Spongebob Squarepants Movie! Nope, not Sponge Out of Water, the ORIGINAL version =) Censorship tells the wrong story. Subscribe! comment! thanks...

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Kill La Kill Episode 9 – Censorship Comparison – Video

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Kill La Kill Episode 9 - Censorship Comparison
If I can, I might do these for KLK #39;s episodes......since there are some "naughty" scenes coming up.

By: ToonamiOPED2

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Governments who want to ban smoking from films should butt out

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Martin Ruetschi/Keystone/Redux

These should be salad days for anti-smoking crusaders. New data show only 15 per cent of Canadians currently smoke, and just 11 per cent on a daily basis. These are the lowest rates ever recorded; as recently as 1999, smokers made up a quarter of the population. The decline is even more pronounced among teenaged Canadians, suggesting this downward trend will continue well into the future. Despite such success, however, tobacco-control advocates seem perpetually unsatisfiedto the extent theyre now pushing measures that threaten the limits of good science, artistic freedom and civil society.

Smoking is obviously a significant health risk. While adults may choose to take it up in full knowledge of its dangers and costs, we properly restrict adolescents from making a similar choice. But how far should this effort go? The conference, Silencing Big Tobacco on the Big Screen, held in Toronto earlier this month, garnered considerable attention for its proposal that all movies featuring characters who smoke should be rated 18A (those under 18 need adult accompaniment). Impressionable young moviegoers would thus be shielded from the sight of such Hollywood role models as Cruella de Vil, the cigarette-wielding, dog-napping villain of the Disney movie 101 Dalmatians, and Gandalf, the pipe-puffing wizard from The Lord of the Rings and The Hobbit movies.

Public health groups claim, with scientific certainty, that movie censorship will prevent teens from taking up the habit. U.S. research argues that 37 per cent of all teenaged smokers do so because theyve been influenced by movies. Building on this, a study released last year by the Ontario Tobacco Research Unit obsessively toted up every glimpse of tobacco smoke across a decades worth of top-grossing films and declared that 4,237 residents of the province will die prematurely as a result of tobacco imagery in movies. Despite such exactitude, however, these claims are complicated by important questions of causality. Does the sight of a smoker in a movie seduce innocent teenagers into a lifetime of cigarette use, or do teenagers predisposed to rebellious behaviour simply prefer movies that show smoking, not to mention plenty of other equally risky activities? While anti-smoking researchers insist that their studies carefully isolate the effect of smoking on young viewers, teasing out such a nuance is simply not feasible, as Simon Chapman, editor emeritus of the academic journal Tobacco Control, has pointed out. Chapman strongly chastises the censorship movement for its crude reductionism and questionable precision in ignoring the near-perfect correlation between smoking and other dangerous activities in movies. The only solution to this statistical obstacle, he notes, would be to conjure a genre of movies full of smoking but lacking car chases, violence, guns, drugs, alcohol, sex, nudity, profanity and abuse of authority. Good luck with that.

The proof arising from this data is often underwhelming, as well. One of the most frequently referenced studies claiming to prove a link between cinematic smoking and youth behaviour surveyed 2,603 adolescents over 2 years. Only six became new regular smokers. Most of the subjects mustered as evidence of the power of movie-induced smoking took just a few puffs of a cigarette over the entire period. Its hardly a smoking gun. As the study itself reveals, parental behaviour exerts far more influence on adolescent tobacco use than personal taste in movies.

And, even setting aside serious defects of science, does anyone really think slapping an 18A rating on a movie will prevent unaccompanied teenagers from seeing the forbidden act of smoking? The tidal wave of pornography available for free on the Internet suggests not.

Then again, the end game is not to hide teenaged eyes from smoking in movies, but to eliminate it entirely. Faced with proposed ratings guidelines, advocates hope Hollywood will eventually remove cigarettes from all (or nearly all) of its movies to ensure the widest possible audience for its product. The campaign thus seeks control over the content of a popular art form through government regulation and coercion. Forcing the movie industry to deliver state-sanctioned religious or moral instruction would be immediately repulsive to Canadian society. Why should such a thing be acceptable in the name of promoting anti-smoking policy?

Lately, it has become popular for tobacco opponents to talk of de-normalizing cigarette use. New rules in Ontario and elsewhere, for example, have banned smoking outdoors in parks and sports fieldswhere second-hand smoke poses no legitimate health threat to othersto control what is considered normal, everyday behaviour. Plans to censor movies are similarly offensive, in that they also seek to limit what may be seen in public space. Disseminating information on the hazards of smoking remains an important function for the field of public health. But it is the not job of government to decide what normal looks like.

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Rand Paul Announces Presidential Bid for 2016 Election – Video

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Rand Paul Announces Presidential Bid for 2016 Election
Rand Paul officially announced Tuesday morning that he will be running for president in the 2016 election. The Kentucky senator #39;s site also says he #39;s running to "restore liberty and prosperity...

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Ron Paul and Bill Clinton Pose Challenges for Hillary and …

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Rand Paul and Hillary Clinton discover that their greatest assets may also be their greatest liabilities.

Rand Paul and Hillary Clinton don't have a lot in common, and what they do have, both sides might like to downplay. But the wrangling ahead of Paul's formal declaration that he's running for president shows one interesting parallel between the twothe way they're handling their respective minences grises, Bill Clinton and Ron Paul. Both men are being treated a little like crazy uncles in the atticthe type everyone knows about but doesn't acknowledgeand a little like wise gurus essential to victory.

In both cases, candidates seek to extend the reach of political dynasties. In both cases, the current candidates largely owe their prominence to earlier dynasts, and understand the fundamental political genius they bring to the table. But the current candidates (and perhaps more importantly, their advisers) also know that these founders like to talk and are liable to say something embarrassing and damaging, making managing them as essential as it is challenging.

In the case of Ron Paul, that meant that the retired U.S. representative and three-time presidential candidate was present at the Galt House Hotel for his son's big speech, but he didn't have a speaking part. That's likely to set the tone for the rest of the campaign, according to a report in The New York TimesRon Paul isn't going to do much appearing in public.

The 2016 Presidential Race: A Cheat Sheet

But Rand Paul also can't completely disown him. Sure, he's his father, but he's also the fount of the political movement that has propelled the Kentucky senator into the race. Even as Rand Paul has built his own political identity and showed his own considerable political chopshe's probably a more talented politician than his fatherhe relies on the grassroots operation his father built over the course of many years. His need for the credibility his father offers with libertarians will only grow more acute as he edges toward the Republican mainstream to compete in the primary, adopts more hawkish stands on defense and foreign intervention, and risks alienating more dogmatic libertarians.

The refusal to compromise that made Ron Paul so beloved of that crew also often got him into trouble with the broader public. Paul pere says what he thinks, even when he seems to be thinking very little. He's recently embarrassed his son with off-the-reservation comments about Russia's invasion of Ukraine and the Ebola outbreak. Going further back, things get worselike the racist newsletter published under Ron Paul's name.

The Times' account of how Rand Paul's team is handling Ron Paul recalls another story in the Gray Lady two weeks agoabout how Hillary Clinton's team is approaching the challenge of dealing with Bill Clinton. A few caveats are in order: Clinton is a more talented and successful politician than Ron Paul, one of the most talented of the post-war era. He also can't hold a candle to Paul's fringe beliefs, and he's never published racist newsletters. But that doesn't mean he's not just as challenging for his wife's campaign to handle.

Hillary Clinton has had a long and successful career in public service on the national stage, from the Senate to the State Department, but she doesn't have the natural volubility of many politicians, and it's tough to imagine her getting to the national stage without a boost from Bill Clinton's experience. He remains shockingly popular, especially among voters who remember the late '90s. He is also widely acknowledged as one of the sharpest political minds of his generation, with an ability to pore over maps and polling data and synthesize it like few others. Those are both assets any campaign would want.

How to marshal those skills without also pulling in his downsides, though? Bill Clinton proved to be a big liability in 2008most notably when the man once hailed as "the first black president" incurred the wrath of black voters for criticizing Barack Obama and likening Obama's victory in the South Carolina primary to Jesse Jackson's wins there in the 1980s. Even his charisma and popularity can prove problematic, offering an unflattering contrast with the candidate herself. Last fall, when Hillary Clinton made her big return to Iowa, Bill won nearly as many headlines for his own speech and a gregarious gaggle with reporters.

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Like Father, Like Son? Not Exactly When It Comes To Rand And Ron Paul

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Ron Paul doesn't figure to be a major part of his son Rand's presidential campaign despite Ron's having run in the last two presidential elections. Ed Reinke/AP hide caption

Ron Paul doesn't figure to be a major part of his son Rand's presidential campaign despite Ron's having run in the last two presidential elections.

Ron Paul stood off to the side Tuesday as his son Rand announced he was running for president.

There was no speaking role for the elder Paul, 79. There was no ceremonial passing of the torch of "liberty."

There wasn't even a hearty thank you or nod to the father's raucous presidential campaigns that laid the groundwork for the son's launch.

"I never could have done any of this without the help of my parents who are here today," Rand Paul said in Louisville, Ky., in the only section of his speech that made allusion to his father. "I'd like you to join me in thanking my mom and dad for all their help and support through the years."

Help and support with politics? Not so much.

Ron Paul looks on as Rand, a Kentucky senator, arrives for the announcement of his presidential campaign. Carolyn Kaster/AP hide caption

Ron Paul looks on as Rand, a Kentucky senator, arrives for the announcement of his presidential campaign.

"With my parents' help," he continued, "I was able to make it through long years of medical training to finally become an eye surgeon."

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Presidential candidate Ron Paul's response to abortion questions: Go ask Wasserman Schultz

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As he grew increasingly irritated with being asked about his position on abortion Wednesday, Republican presidential candidate Rand Paul finally told questioners: Go ask Debbie Wasserman Schultz "if she's OK with killing a 7-pound baby that's just not born yet."

Wasserman Schultz, the Weston congresswoman, is chairwoman of the Democratic National Committee.

In an interview with The Associated Press on Wednesday, Paul would not say where, in his view, a pregnant woman's rights begin and those of the fetus end. The Kentucky U.S. senator wouldn't say what exceptions, if any, should be made if the procedure were to be banned.

In the past, Paul has supported legislation that would ban abortion except in cases of rape or incest or to save the mother's life. At other times, he has backed bills seeking a broader abortion ban without those exceptions.

Paul grew testy when pressed in the interview on the question of exceptions. "I gave you about a five-minute answer. Put in my five-minute answer," he said.

Later in the day, Paul was asked about the interview at a New Hampshire campaign stop. "Why don't we ask the DNC: Is it OK to kill a 7-pound baby in the uterus?" he said.

"You go back and go ask Debbie Wasserman Schultz if she's OK with killing a 7-pound baby that's just not born yet," Paul said. "Ask her when life begins, and ask Debbie when she's willing to protect life. When you get an answer from Debbie, come back to me."

Wasserman Schultz responded in a statement issued by the Democratic Party.

"Here's an answer: I support letting women and their doctors make this decision without government getting involved. Period. End of story. Now your turn, Senator Paul. We know you want to allow government officials like yourself to make this decision for women but do you stand by your opposition to any exceptions, even when it comes to rape, incest, or life of the mother? Or do we just have different definitions of 'personal liberty'? And I'd appreciate it if you could respond without 'shushing' me."

Her final comment is a reference to Paul's comment during a February interview with Kelly Evans of CNBC. She asked a follow up question while he was still talking, prompting him to say, "Shhh. Calm down a bit here, Kelly. Let me answer the question."

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Sen. Paul Enters the Race & the Totalitarian Itch of Libertarianism

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Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky announced his candidacy for the presidency yesterday in a hotel ballroom in Louisville. The hotel was aptly named: The Galt Hotel. Presumably, the name is merely fortuitous as the hotel predates Ayn Rands writing Atlas Shrugged in which her libertarian hero is named John Galt. Pauls candidacy will be a test of the power of libertarian ideas to persuade in America in the early twenty-first century and, just so, is a test for the truths of Catholic Social Teaching which could scarcely be in greater opposition to those libertarian ideas as was manifest at a conference at Boston College in which I participated on Monday.

Dan Balz, of the Washington Post, is an acute observer of politics, but his analysis of Sen. Pauls candidacy in this mornings Post suffered from his repeating a lazy meme. He wrote: Pauls announcement was a reminder of why he often has been called the most interesting politician in the country, with a libertarian message that seemed to sweep across the ideological spectrum and that challenged the establishment of both parties. Libertarianism is many things, but interesting is not one of them.

At the conference at Boston College, entitled, Why Libertarianism Isnt Liberal, the first keynote speaker, Princeton Professor and political philosopher Alan Ryan, took issue with the title of the conference. For him, libertarianism is to liberalism as heresy is to orthodoxy, a truth run amok. They focus so exclusively on property rights, they end up neglecting other important liberal values and insights. He identified quite rightly one of the challenges Sen. Paul will face in his candidacy, the libertarian schizophrenia about whether the movement is a saving remnant, a view held by Ayn Rand and Murray Rothbard, or are they a natural third party, a view held by David Boaz at the CATO Institute, the leading libertarian think tank, and the Koch Brothers who have pledged some $800 million to test the proposition in the next two years. Professor Ryan also pointed out that Paul, like all libertarians, will have a hard time answering questions about market failure, which the nation and world experienced in 2008, leading a bewildered Alan Greenspan, longtime Secretary-Treasurer of the Ayn Rand Society in Washington, to admit he could not explain how the economic meltdown happened. The libertarian insistence on property rights as the only useful lens for evaluating public policy is similarly ill-suited to pressing concerns, such as environmental degradation. Much of the pollution in San Francisco, Ryan pointed out, originates in China and it is difficult to see how an assertion of property rights could resolve that problem for those coughing on polluted air in the City by the Bay.

The other keynoter, Alan Wolfe, delivered a trenchant indictment of libertarianism, root and branch. To him, the movement has more in common with the totalitarianism it ostensibly opposed than with liberalism. Libertarians like to place both Adam Smith and Friedrich von Hayek in their pantheon of heroes, but while both embraced laissez-faire economics, they did so in different circumstances and for different reasons. Smiths free market would liberate individuals from the caprice of an inflexible mercantilism, Wolfe explained. Hayeks free market would chain individuals to a system of rules over which they have no control and cannot, by themselves, fully understand. But, the problems with libertarianism are deeper than a misreading of their heroes. Liberalism raises questions. Libertarians seek answers, and always find the right ones, Wolfe said. Their philosophy is an antidote to the doubt, inconsistency, and vagueness that has always been built-into liberalism. There is nothing tentative, nothing haphazard, nothing weak-kneed about libertarianism.. If you believe in God, respect hierarchy, and venerate tradition you can oppose liberalism by becoming a conservative. If you prefer a social order that hides its authoritarianism behind opaqueness, you become a libertarian.

The other speakers at the conference, approaching the topic from different perspectives, all took libertarianism to the intellectual woodshed. Boston College theologian Mary Jo Iozzio looked at how Americas happy, and largely successful, efforts to make life better for people with disabilities rests on a view of human society that is anathema to libertarians. Providence College theologian Dana Dillon noted the limits of rights as a political lens, asking how much more effective the Churchs opposition to the HHS contraception mandate would have been if Catholic institutions were at the forefront of efforts to provide liberal maternal leave policies, providing day care to employees, and other pro-family provisions. And, Mark Silk of Trinity College, who has happily published his talk, introduced a new phrase into the political lexicon: spiritual libertarianism. More on that tomorrow when I discuss the fallout from the Indiana RFRA fight.

The other panel featured Catholic Universitys Stephen Schneck, who explained in detail why John Locke and James Madison also do not fit into the libertarian pantheon despite their efforts to claim them as their own. Schneck is working on a book on this topic and his talk reflected the careful research and analysis we have come to expect from him. St. Johns University theologian Meghan Clark explained that libertarianism and Catholic Social Teaching are at odds at the root, with radically different conceptions of humankinds creation in the image and likeness of God, the universal destination of goods, and the purpose of government. And Harvards Mary Jo Bane, who described herself as a hopeless pragmatist, noted that liberals and Catholics could draw policy threads from libertarianism on issues like school choice, criminal justice policy and social welfare policy. An expert in these policy areas, Bane is familiar with the way establishment thinking can resist improvements to systems that are not working, and she can be forgiven for seeking allies where she can find them. Nor did she evidence any sympathy for libertarian values or ideas, saying, Both markets and governments can be exploitative and corrupt.

In the end, however, what became obvious in the course of the day is that libertarianism is not very interesting at all. It is little more than an effort to turn selfishness and self-assertion into a political platform. That is not to say it does not strike some deep roots with plausible misreadings of liberalism and specifically Americanism. But, the problems the nation faces, from income inequality to environmental degradation to the rise of Islamicist terrorism, none of these problems can be solved, or the issues even clarified, by someone schooled in libertarian thinking, even a senator speaking at the Galt Hotel. The reporters covering his announcement should have come to our conference at Boston College the previous day. They would not use the word interesting to describe him, more like scary and juvenile. I wish, too, that some of those Catholics who serve as fellow travelers for libertarianism, our friends at the Acton Institute for example, had been there too. They must confront these issues or admit they are undermining Catholic Social Teaching. And, they must confront something else, a point the shone through the varied presentations. There is a totalitarian itch at the heart of libertarianism, an itch that could not be more different from the complex, rich, nuanced understandings that emerge from both liberalism and from Catholic Social Teaching. I will give the last word to Alan Wolfe:

Libertarianism goes out of its way to reduce the complexities of the world to one thing and one thing only, whether it be how we make decisions, what decisions we make, and what our decisions imply for others. The often-noted attraction of libertarianism for young minds is, I believe, a reflection of this. There is something so satisfying when one is young about the Faustian idea that all of reality can be unlocked with one simple key. It is when we grow out of that fantasy and begin to understand just how complex the world actually is that adherents to libertarianism begin to understand the limits of what had once been so appealing to them.

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