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Monthly Archives: November 2014
Now the GOP Must Choose: Mass Surveillance or Privacy?
Posted: November 7, 2014 at 7:49 am
Before May, Congress has no alternative but to endorse or end NSA spying on the phone calls of virtually every American. What is the will of the new party in charge?
Toby Melville/Reuters
The Patriot Act substantially expires in May 2015.
When the new Congress takes up its reauthorization, mere months after convening, they'll be forced to decide what to do about Section 215 of the law, the provision cited by the NSA to justify logging most every telephone call made by Americans.
With Republicans controlling both the Senate and the House, the GOP faces a stark choice. Is a party that purports to favor constitutional conservatism and limited government going to ratify mass surveillance that makes a mockery of the Fourth Amendment? Will Mitch McConnell endorse a policy wherein the Obama administration logs and stores every telephone number dialed or received by Roger Ailes of Fox News, Wayne LaPierre of the NRA, the Koch brothers, the head of every pro-life organization in America, and every member of the Tea Party? Is the GOP House going to sacrifice the privacy of all its constituents to NSA spying that embodies the generalized warrants so abhorrent to the founders?
The issue divides elected Republicans. Senator Rand Paul and Rep. Justin Amash are among those wary of tracking the phone calls of millions of innocent people. Senator Richard Burr favors doing it. Republicans pondering a run for president in 2016 will be trying to figure out how mass surveillance will play in that campaign.
Many would rather not take any stand before May, as if governingthe very job citizens are paying them to dois some sort of trap. But their preferences don't matter.
This fight cannot be avoided.
Nor is it the only one that touches on surveillance. The dubiously named USA Freedom Act began as an effort to reform the NSA and has since been weakened. The NSA and FBI engages in lots of questionable surveillance besides the phone dragnet. Republicans will now run the Senate and House intelligence committees.
Rather than urging the GOP to avoid "the governing trap," National Review and other outlets purportedly dedicated to constitutional conservatism ought to be demanding that Republicans use their newfound power to rein in our surveillance bureaucracy, for anyone with a healthy mistrust of government should see how easily its staggering power, exercised in secret, could be ruinous to liberty. A limited government movement that does not demand oversight and reform, now that its party has regained power, is a farce. To endorse the national surveillance bureaucracy as it now stands is tantamount to declaring oneself a trusting statist.
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IT Security TV Show 4 November 2014 – iPhone Users Forfeit Fifth Amendment – Video
Posted: at 7:49 am
IT Security TV Show 4 November 2014 - iPhone Users Forfeit Fifth Amendment
http://www.secpoint.com/news IT Security News show 4th November 2014 Many Security Topics covered Pirate Bay founder Gottfrid Svartholm Found Guilty in Hacki...
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Is taking the fifth amendment a bad idea? – Video
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Is taking the fifth amendment a bad idea?
By: Jeffrey Weiner
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Is taking the fifth amendment a bad idea? - Video
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Virginia state trial court ruling on the Fifth Amendment …
Posted: at 7:49 am
Last week, there was a lot of press coverage about a Virginia court ruling on how the Fifth Amendment applies to bypassing a smart phone passcode. The ruling hasnt been available before today, but here it is: Commonwealth v. Baust, via Marcia Hofmann. Its a short opinion, just five pages, so its a quick read. Unfortunately, though, the opinion doesnt address the really important issue raised by compelled decryption: Whether the government can force the defendant to enter in the passcode. Its not the courts fault that the opinion didnt reach that, to be clear. The government never asked for an order compelling the defendant to do that, so the court didnt decide it. Heres a quick rundown of the facts, the law, and my reaction.
The defendant has been charged with assaulting a woman. There is reason to believe that the defendant videotaped the assault and that there is a copy of the video on the defendants passcode-protected smart phone. The state wants the defendant to be ordered either to disclose his passcode so the police can enter in the passcode to unlock the phone themselves, or else to give up his fingerprint to unlock the phone directly using the phones fingerprint sensor.
The court reaches a split ruling. First, there is no Fifth Amendment problem with forcing the defendant to provide his fingerprint. Second, the defendant cannot be forced to tell the government his passcode because that would be forcing the defendant to disclose the contents of his own mind. Most importantly, the court rules that the foregone conclusion doctrine doesnt apply because the police dont know the passcode:
Contrary to the Commonwealths assertion, the password is not a foregone conclusion because it is not known outside of Defendants mind. Unlike a document or tangible thing, such as an unencrypted copy of the footage itself, if the password was a foregone conclusion, the Commonwealth would not need to compel Defendant to produce it because they would already know it.
In dicta, the Court adds that the defendant could not be compelled to hand over a decrypted version of the video believed to be on his phone. Thats true because it is not a foregone conclusion that the video exists or is on the phone. The defendant cant be forced to effectively testify as to that by producing a decrypted version of the video.
This is just a state court trial ruling, not an appellate decision. So its interesting more for its reasoning than its precedential value. With that said, here are some thoughts on the reasoning of the case.
First, the courts ruling on divulging a fingerprint is easy. Theres obviously no Fifth Amendment problem with that. On the governments request for the passcode, the opinion is frustrating because the governments request was poorly framed. In this case, the government doesnt need to know the defendants passcode. It only needs to bypass the passcode gate, either through the fingerprint or by having the passcode entered in by the defendant. If the government couldnt get into the phone with the fingerprint, then, the sensible request would be for an order to have the defendant enter in the code rather than an order disclosing it to the government. But the government didnt ask for that: Instead it asked for an order that the defendant tell them his passcode.
Whats the difference? Having the defendant enter in his passcode would minimize the Fifth Amendment implications of the compelled compliance, as it would not involve disclosing the potentially incriminating evidence of the passcode itself. The passcode itself could be independently incriminating, at least in some cases. Imagine a conspiracy case in which members of the conspiracy use a common passcode. Proof that a suspect used that exact passcode on his own phone would be incriminating evidence, as it could help to show membership in the conspiracy.
Because the passcode itself could be incriminating, the smart way to limit the Fifth Amendment problem is for the government to ask for an order compelling the target to enter in the passcode rather than to divulge it to the police. That way, the government gets the unlocked phone but never gets the passcode. If the defendant has to enter in the passcode rather than tell it to the police, the testimonial aspect of complying would only be admitting knowledge of the passcode, which would very likely be a foregone conclusion in a case where the phone is used heavily by that person. But the government didnt ask for that here, so the court didnt consider how the Fifth Amendment would apply in such circumstances.
Notably, the court does address in dicta whether it would be incriminating for the defendant to hand over the unencrypted video believed to be on the phone. But forcing the defendant to hand over the unencrypted video is quite different from having him enter in the passcode to unlock the phone. Being forced to enter in the passcode to unlock the phone amounts to being forced to say, I know the passcode for this phone. On the other hand, as the court recognized, being forced to produce the unencrypted video amounts to being forced to say much more, such as I admit that the video exists; I admit that this is the video; I know where that video is; and I admit that I know what video youre talking about. Being forced to produce the video raises a host of Fifth Amendment issues that merely entering in the passcode does not.
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Volokh Conspiracy: Magistrate issues arrest warrants for 17 years but is new to probable cause
Posted: at 7:48 am
Heres a remarkable case from the Ohio Supreme Court, State v. Hoffman, involving an unconstitutional arrest warrant. The defendant was arrested for a misdemeanor based on a defective arrest warrant, leading to the discovery of evidence of murder. The remarkable part is why the arrest warrant was defective. For at least 17 years, magistrates in Toledo, Ohio were instructed to issue arrest warrants without ever actually making a probable cause determination. Officers would just say that the suspect had committed an offense, and the magistrates would issue the warrant without ever hearing the factual basis for that conclusion. Heres the testimony of the magistrate who issued the arrest warrant in this case:
Q. And during your 17 years of swearing in criminal complaints with requests for arrest warrants, did you know what probable cause was? A. No. Q. Had you ever made a probable cause determination? A. No. * * * Q. Did any of [your] training include making a probable cause determination? A. No, it did not.
Pretty astonishing, given that the text of the Fourth Amendment says, no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause.
In the new decision, the Supreme Court of Ohio recognizes the flagrant constitutional violation but concludes that the evidence in this case should not be suppressed because of the good-faith exception. An intermediate state case, State v. Overton, had involved a similar warrant, and the Overton court had held in a one-paragraph summary that the warrant had established probable cause. The Ohio Supreme Court concludes in Hoffman that Overton was binding appellate precedent under Davis at the time the warrant was issued in Hoffman, essentially trumping the text of the Fourth Amendment for purposes of the exclusionary rule.
I find Hoffman puzzling in two ways. First, I think the scope of the exclusionary rule for a defective warrant is set by United States v. Leon, 468 U.S. 897 (1984), not Davis. Leon lays out the standards for when the good faith exception applies to defective warrants, and it clearly does not apply here: Leon says that the good faith exception only applies if [s]ufficient information [was] presented to the magistrate to allow that official to determine probable cause; his action cannot be a mere ratification of the bare conclusions of others. This case involves exactly that mere ratification that Leon says wont suffice. Given the clarity of Leon on this point, coming straight from the U.S. Supreme Court, it seems strange to me to apply Davis instead based on the conclusory decision in Overton.
Second, even if Leon applies instead of Davis, its not obvious to me that suppression is an available remedy. The problem, it seems to me, is that arrests generally dont require warrants. Unlike searches, they generally require only probable cause. Given that, its not clear to me that a defective arrest warrant makes a difference. If the police have probable cause, they could make the arrest without a warrant. In such circumstances, I dont see how the arrest violates the Fourth Amendment (as compared to the warrant) if the police also obtain a warrant that is defective. Probable cause authorizes the arrest, not the warrant, so a search incident to arrest should be okay. Granted, in Hoffman, its not clear that the police actually had probable cause. It looks like the officers relied mostly on the warrant in the suppression hearing rather than making the case for probable cause directly. Either way, probable cause is the real issue.
Orin Kerr is the Fred C. Stevenson Research Professor at The George Washington University Law School, where he has taught since 2001. He teaches and writes in the area of criminal procedure and computer crime law.
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Volokh Conspiracy: Magistrate issues arrest warrants for 17 years but is new to probable cause
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NRA News Cam & Co | Chris W. Cox Discusses Election Day 2014 – Video
Posted: at 7:48 am
NRA News Cam Co | Chris W. Cox Discusses Election Day 2014
NRA Chief Lobbyist Chris W. Cox notes that gun owners are facing the most well-funded and well-coordinated attack on our Second Amendment rights in history. Gun-control advocate Michael ...
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Fuck: Word Taboo and Protecting Our First Amendment Liberties – Video
Posted: at 7:48 am
Fuck: Word Taboo and Protecting Our First Amendment Liberties
This is a spoken word version of the article: Fuck: Word Taboo and Protecting Our First Amendment Liberties Accent: American Sex of the narrator: He edits wi...
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Fuck: Word Taboo and Protecting Our First Amendment Liberties - Video
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Center For Disease Control/First Amendment Audit – Video
Posted: at 7:48 am
Center For Disease Control/First Amendment Audit
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By: HONORYOUROATH
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bruce bruce first amendment – Video
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bruce bruce first amendment
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Man sues Westminster over his removal from City Council meeting
Posted: at 7:48 am
A man has sued Westminster, claiming his First Amendment rights of free speech were violated when the mayor silenced him during a City Council meeting and had him arrested.
Eric Brandt filed the federal lawsuit Tuesday seeking injunctive relief and compensatory damages and costs, claiming that he has the right to speak about an important public issue: "police abuses."
"Many officers have arrested him due to their personal dislike of him stemming from the fact that wherever he goes in Westminster, he carries a very large, handmade sign that reads: '(Expletive) the cops,' " the lawsuit filed by Denver attorney David Lane says.
On Aug. 11, Brandt began to talk of his concerns about the police during a segment of the meeting in which citizens are given five minutes to speak out.
When Brandt began talking about "police brutality," Mayor Herb Atchison interrupted Brandt and told him to stop talking about police brutality, the lawsuit says.
When Brandt refused to stop speaking about the subject, Atchison ordered Westminster police Officer Paul E. Newton to arrest Brandt.
At that point, Newton arrested Brandt and removed him from the council chambers, the lawsuit says.
Brandt was charged with resisting arrest and obstructing a police officer, which were later dismissed, the lawsuit says.
"He was denied his rights under the First Amendment as he was arrested in retaliation for his protected speech and he was also denied the right to petition his government for redress of grievances," the lawsuit says.
Kirk Mitchell: 303-954-1206, kmitchell@denverpost.com or twitter.com/kirkmitchell, denverpost.com/coldcases
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