Monthly Archives: October 2014

2015 NSA Events – Video

Posted: October 7, 2014 at 6:48 pm


2015 NSA Events
Learn more about the lineup of 2015 events from NSA, including Winter Conference, Media Lab, and Influence 2015.

By: National Speakers Association

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NSA internal watchdog defends agency's privacy practices

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The U.S. National Security Agency takes multiple steps to protect the privacy of the information it collects about U.S. residents under a secretive surveillance program, according to a report from the agencys privacy office.

Surveillance under presidential Executive Order 12333, which dates back to 1981, generally sets the ground rules for the NSAs overseas surveillance. It allows the agency to keep the content of U.S. citizens communications if they are collected incidentally while the agency is targeting overseas communications.

But the surveillance of U.S. residents is conducted with several privacy safeguards in place, ensuring that the NSA collects the right information from the right targets and does not share the collected information inappropriately, according to the NSA Civil Liberties and Privacy Office report, released Tuesday.

NSA safeguards include privacy training for every employee, an oath of office that requires all employees to protect privacy and civil liberties and privacy oversight by six internal organizations, including the office that prepared Tuesdays report.

Consistent communication from NSA leadership on protecting privacy has resulted in a work force that respects the law, understands the rules, complies with the rules, and is encouraged to report problems and concerns, the report said. NSA takes several steps to ensure that each individual who joins its ranks understands from the first day on the job that civil liberties and privacy protection is a priority and a key personal responsibility.

The privacy safeguards inside the agency dont make up for a lack of robust judicial and congressional oversight of the program, the American Civil Liberties Union said. Oversight from both of those branches of government are all but entirely lacking when it comes to surveillance under this order, Patrick Toomey, an ACLU staff attorney, said by email. Rather, these rules can be changed by executive officials unilaterally and in secret, as they have been in the past.

The report doesnt address the privacy issues related to the NSAs separate bulk collection programs, which means it leaves aside some of the NSAs most indiscriminate surveillance programs, Toomey added.

Targeted 12333 surveillance is separate from the so-called bulk collection programs disclosed by former NSA contractor Edward Snowden, including the NSAs collection of most U.S. telephone records and its collection of the online communications of foreigners allegedly connected to terrorism activities.

The NSA has not disclosed how many U.S. communications it has collected under its 12333 program, but a 2007 document released last month by the ACLU, obtained through a Freedom of Information Act request, describes the surveillance program as the primary source of the NSAs foreign intelligence gathering authority.

Its heartening that the NSA has some privacy protections in place, but significant concerns remain, said Robyn Greene, policy counsel at think tank New America Foundations Open Technology Institute.

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Berlin still very upset over NSA scandal

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The organizers did everything they could to ensure a peaceful conference. The two-day event in Berlin hosted by the German Federal Academy for Security Policy - with DW as a media partner - sounded inconspicuous enough. Titled: "Europe's stability - Germany's security," it dealt with the fallout of the financial crisis for European security.

Panelists discussed the ramifications of the financial crisis for political decision making, how to deal with a resurgent Russia as well as the challenges posed by the rapid rise in refugees fleeing to Europe in the wake of events in Syria and Iraq.

Transatlantic relations and US foreign policy cropped up only once in a while on the sidelines of a predominantly European-focused debate. The NSA scandal wasn't brought up at all - that is, until the very last panel of the gathering, where it gave the conference a bitter aftertaste.

Financial crisis - a chance for the betterment of Europe?

Taking a page from Winston Churchill's playbook - "never let a good crisis go to waste" - panelists were asked to debate how the financial crisis could be reconfigured as a chance for the betterment of European integration and the transatlantic alliance.

The panelists, James D. Melville, the US' deputy ambassador to Germany, Roderich Kiesewetter, a member of the Bundestag's Committee on Foreign Affairs for the CDU, and Gregor Gysi, the parliamentary leader of the Left Party in the Bundestag, understandably struggled to find a common thread connecting the financial crisis with the improvement of transatlantic ties and the deepening of the European project.

Gysi asked why the US wouldn't sign a no-spy Agreement with Berlin

As a result, each panelist focused on a certain point. Gysi repeatedly lamented the failure of the UN Security Council to fulfill its role as the world's decisive political body. As a consequence, he suggested the US, China and Russia should be locked up in a single room and be forced to stay in there until they had solved the world's problems.

Kiesewetter and Melville's comments were more realistic. Kiesewetter urged that with all the debate about a larger international role for Germany and calls to beef up the country's military forces, Germany must first define its strategic interests and have a public debate about the issue.

Melville reiterated two truisms often stated by the Obama administration. One: that not even the United States can solve the world's problems alone; and two: that in global politics, Germany punches below its weight, with Washington supporting a stronger role for Berlin on the international stage.

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Berlin still very upset over NSA scandal

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Batavia teacher previously involved in Fifth Amendment dispute retires

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BATAVIA With no public comment, Batavia School Board members on Monday unanimously approved the retirement of Batavia High School social studies teacher John Dryden, who made local and national headlines last year when he instructed his students that they had the Fifth Amendment right not to incriminate themselves before answering an in-class survey about emotional and at-risk behavior.

We thank him for his 22 years of service, said Steve Pearce, assistant superintendent of human resources for Batavia School District 101, during the meeting.

Dryden contacted District 101 officials Wednesday about wanting to retire. Wednesday was his last day with the district.

On Friday, he formally submitted his retirement letter, Pearce said.

The District 101 board voted in May 2013 to issue a written warning of improper conduct to Dryden for his actions.

Before the board issued the notice, then-Batavia School Superintendent Jack Barshinger docked Dryden a days pay.

Jon Gaspar was the sole board member to vote no. The notice warned Dryden not to provide legal advice to students, among other things.

On Monday, Pearce said he could not discuss whether Dryden had broken any conditions of the warning.

Dryden was not at Mondays meeting, and efforts to reach him have not been successful.

Batavia School Board President Cathy Dremel said she was surprised by Dryden choosing to retire.

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Supreme Court Starts Term with Fourth Amendment Case

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Washington, DC - infoZine - Scripps Howard Foundation Wire - Nicholas Heien was arrested in 2009 after being stopped for a broken brake light. During the traffic stop, he consented to a search of his car that yielded a bag of cocaine. He pleaded guilty and was sentenced to 10 to 12 months in jail.

Why isnt the consent the end of this case? Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg asked.

The simple answer, according to Jeffrey Fisher, who represented Heien, is the fruit of the poisonous tree doctrine, which says evidence discovered through an illegal search must be excluded in a trial.

But Robert Montgomery, who argued on behalf of North Carolina, pointed out the states laws can easily be misinterpreted, and officers need to be able to use their discretion when they are out on as call or at a traffic stop.

Because of the conflicting laws, Montgomery argued, offices need to be able to exercise their judgment.

Still, Fisher said the search was illegal under the most relevant law, and therefore Heiens consent was irrelevant.

The constitutional problem is the admission of this evidence, Justice Antonin Scalia said. And it seems to me whether its properly admitted because the Fourth Amendment wasnt violated or whether its properly admitted because the remedy for that violation is not exclusion of the evidence; you lose either way, dont you?

The question came down to a definition what is unreasonable, which Justice Sonia Sotomayor asked.

Well, it would be unreasonable if there was plain language of the statute that no one could reach a different interpretation about at all if it was plain, Montgomery said, or if there was a definite decision by an appellate court, it would be unreasonable for an officer to interpret it in his own way.

Roberts called the definition broad, and he said giving officers such a scope would be troubling.

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Feds Hacked Silk Road Without a Warrant? Perfectly Legal, Prosecutors Argue

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With only a month until the scheduled trial of Ross Ulbricht, the alleged creator of the Silk Road drug site, Ulbrichts defense lawyers have zeroed in on the argument that the U.S. government illegally hacked the billion-dollar black market site to expose the location of its hidden server. The prosecutions latest rebuttal to that argument takes an unexpected tack: they claim that even if the FBI did hack the Silk Road without a warrantand prosecutors are careful not to admit they didthat intrusion would be a perfectly law-abiding act of criminal investigation.

On Monday evening the prosecutors submitted the latest in a series of combative court filings from the two sides of the Silk Road case that have clashed over Ulbrichts Fourth Amendment right to privacy. The governments new argument responds to an affidavit from an expert witness, tech lawyer Joshua Horowitz, brought in by Ulbrichts defense to poke holes in the FBIs story of how it located the Silk Road server. In a letter filed last week, Horowitz called out inconsistencies in the FBIs account of stumbling across the Silk Roads IP address while innocently entering miscellaneous data into its login page. He testified that the FBIs actions instead sounded more like common hacker intrusion techniques. Ulbrichts defense has called for an evidentiary hearing to cross examine the FBI about the operation.

In the governments rebuttal, however, Ulbrichts prosecutors dont directly contest Horowitz description of the FBIs investigation, though they do criticize his testimony in passing as factually and analytically flawed in a number of respects. Instead, they obliquely argue that the foreign location of the sites server and its reputation as a criminal haven mean that Ulbrichts Fourth Amendment protections against unreasonable searches dont apply, even if the FBI did use hacking techniques to penetrate the Silk Road, and did so without a warrant.

Even if the FBI had somehow hacked into the [Silk Road] Server in order to identify its IP address, such an investigative measure would not have run afoul of the Fourth Amendment, the prosecutors new memo reads. Given that the SR Server was hosting a blatantly criminal website, it would have been reasonable for the FBI to hack into it in order to search it, as any such hack would simply have constituted a search of foreign property known to contain criminal evidence, for which a warrant was not necessary.

The Silk Road server in question, after all, was located not in the United States but in a data center near Reykjavik, Iceland. And though Ulbricht is an American citizen, the prosecutors argue that the servers location abroad made it fair game for remote intrusion. Because the SR Server was located outside the United States, the Fourth Amendment would not have required a warrant to search the server, whether for its IP address or otherwise, the prosecutions filing reads.

In a footnote, the memo adds another strike against Ulbrichts Fourth Amendment protections: The Silk Road was not only hosted in a foreign data center, but also rented from a third-party web hosting service. And because Ulbricht allegedly violated the companys terms of service by using its computers to deal in narcotics and other contraband, that company was exempted from any obligation to protect his privacy.

Finally, prosecutors argue that for the 30-year-old Texan to claim privacy protections for Silk Roads server, he would have to declare that it belonged to hima tricky Catch-22. Ulbricht hasnt claimed personal possession of that computers data, as doing so would almost certainly incriminate him. But because he hasnt he cant claim that his privacy was violated when it was searched, according to the prosecutors reasoning. Because Ulbricht has not submitted any affidavit alleging that he had any possessory interest in the SR Serverlet alone one that would give him a reasonable expectation of privacyhis motion should be denied, reads the prosecutors filing.

Early Tuesday, Judge Katherine Forrest ordered Ulbrichts defense to decide within the day whether it will argue that Ulbricht did have an expectation of privacy for the Silk Road server, as well as all his other seized computers and online accounts. Shes given him until the end of the day Wednesday to make that argument Ulbrichts defense didnt immediately respond to a request for comment.

The pre-trial motion over which Ulbrichts defense lawyers and the prosecution have been sparring for the last two months doesnt directly seek to have the central narcotics conspiracy and money laundering charges against Ulbricht dismissed. Instead, his lawyers have sought to prove that the evidence gathered by law enforcement is tainted. If the initial pinpointing of Silk Roads server was illegal, they argue, practically all the evidence from the resulting investigation could be rendered inadmissible.

Early last month, the government responded to that motion with an affidavit from former FBI agent Christopher Tarbell describing how the Silk Road server was first found. As he described it, a misconfiguration of the anonymity software Tor allowed the sites login page to leak its IP address.

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MSNBC Blames Ebola Outbreak on 2nd Amendment – Video

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MSNBC Blames Ebola Outbreak on 2nd Amendment
MSNBC: Ebola #39;s Worse Because of the Second Amendment. http://www.infowars.com/msnbc-ebolas-worse-because-of-the-second-amendment/ Police in Dallas are searching for a homeless man who rode...

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Religious Liberty, 1st Amendment Rights & Unlawful Searches: A look ahead for the 2014 Supreme Court – Video

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Religious Liberty, 1st Amendment Rights Unlawful Searches: A look ahead for the 2014 Supreme Court
Will the Supreme Court grant religious rights to prison inmates? Does the first amendment freedom of speech protect you from posting violent language on Facebook? Are police subject to the...

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Religious Liberty, 1st Amendment Rights & Unlawful Searches: A look ahead for the 2014 Supreme Court - Video

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INFORMUCATE: FIRST AMENDMENT – Video

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INFORMUCATE: FIRST AMENDMENT
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Twitter Sues the Government for Violating Its First Amendment Rights

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Twitter just sued the federal government over restrictions the government places on how much the company can disclose about surveillance requests it receives.

For months, Twitter has tried to negotiate with the government to expand the kind of information that it and other companies are allowed to disclose. But it failed. Today, Twitter asserts in its suit that preventing the company from telling users how often the government submits national security requests for user data is a violation of the First Amendment.

The move goes a step beyond a challenge filed by Google and other companies last year that also sought permission on First Amendment grounds to disclose how often it receives national security requests for data. In the wake of the Edward Snowden leaks about government spying and the so-called PRISM program, the companies sought to add statistics about national security requests to transparency reports that some of them were already publishing. Up to that point, the reports had revealed only the number of general law enforcement requests for data that the companies received each year, not so-called National Security Letters the companies received for data or other national security requests submitted with a court order from the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act Court.

The companies asserted that without the ability to disclose more details about the data requests they received, the public was left to speculate wildly that they were providing unfettered access to user data or giving the government information in bulk. If the public knew how few requests for data they actually received, they argued, people would be re-assured that this was not the case.

[G]overnment nondisclosure obligations regarding the number of FISA national security requests that Google receives, as well as the number of accounts covered by those requests, fuel that speculation, Googles Chief Legal Officer David Drummond wrote in a letter to the attorney general and FBI. Googles numbers would clearly show that our compliance with these requests falls far short of the claims being made. Google has nothing to hide.

Although the companies won a partial victory in negotiation when the government agreed earlier this year to let them publish broad statistics about national security requests they received, the statistics turned out to be nothing more than a coy tease. They provided no real transparency. The companies were only allowed to publish a range of the requests they received. For example, they were only allowed to disclose that they had received between 0 and 999 national security requests for data. They also had a six-month delay imposed on them, prohibiting them from disclosing certain sets of information, and a two-year delay for disclosing other sets of data.

In August, Google and Microsoft pressed for the right to release more statistics, including a breakdown of the number of requests specifically targeting user content, versus requests seeking metadata.

Twitter was not part of the legal challenges filed by the other companies but engaged in its own battle for more transparency. Last April, the company submitted a draft of the kind of transparency report it sought to make public.

Twitter sought, among other things, to narrow the scope for reporting statistics. Instead of reporting requests in a range of 0 to 999, it wanted to be able to report actual aggregate numbers for the number of NSL and FISA orders it received and to be able to break down, in smaller batches, each type of request. For example, it wanted to be able to report the number of NSLs and FISA orders it received in a range of 1-99.

The Justice Department responded in September that the proposed report contained classified informationwithout specifying which part of the information was classifiedthat could not be publicly released under the current FISA and National Security Letter laws. These statutes come with a gag order preventing service providers from disclosing the data requests they receive.

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