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Monthly Archives: February 2012
Constitution Check: Does mandated birth control insurance violate religious freedom?
Posted: February 14, 2012 at 2:00 pm
Lyle DennistonIn a continuing series of posts, Lyle Denniston provides responses based on the Constitution and its history to public statements about the meaning of the Constitution and what duties it imposes or rights it protects. Today’s topic: birth control and religious belief.
The statement at issue:
“In imposing this requirement, the federal government has drifted dangerously beyond its constitutional boundaries, encroaching on religious freedom in a manner that affects millions of Americans and harms some of our nation’s most vital institutions.”
–Speaker John Boehner, Ohio Republican, on the floor of the House of Representatives, February 8, commenting on the Obama Administration’s plan to require hospitals and clinics to include insurance coverage for birth control, without an exception for such facilities that are operated by the Roman Catholic Church, which treats contraception as a violation of its beliefs.
We checked the Constitution, and…
For more than four decades, public policymakers have been trying to fashion exemptions from government programs when those would violate the religious views of those taking part in the program. And, while constitutional issues have always been in the background of efforts to write “conscience” exemptions, the constitutional boundaries that Speaker Boehner discussed are not yet as clearly defined as he suggested; the lines are blurred, and might vary depending on the details.
President Obama and his aides are continuing to struggle over ways to avoid violations of religious doctrine (mainly, Roman Catholic dogma) as they move to implement a provision in the new federal health care law requiring health insurance coverage of birth control for employees. They also are developing arguments to use in defending that provision in three lawsuits already challenging it, in cases filed by the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty.
So far, the government has given churches, as such, an exemption, but the regulations do not give an exemption of equal scope to hospitals, colleges, or other social service institutions directly affiliated with a religious organization but not primarily involved in spreading the faith. After a strong political protest came rushing at them, Administration aides began tinkering with a broader exemption, and are still working on its details.
As this controversy unfolds, in the courts if not in the political realm, judges will not find it easy to sort out where the Constitution stands. A split decision by the California Supreme Court in 2004, upholding a state law that does very much what the new federal law requires in mandating birth control coverage, illustrates how judges can and do differ on how to interpret prior Supreme Court rulings that do not deal directly with that issue (Catholic Charities of Sacramento v. Superior Court).
It is settled under the Constitution, of course, that the government may not operate a program that favors one religious faith over another, nor can it carry on a program that is based on hostility to one disfavored faith. The First Amendment guarantees religious neutrality in government action, and it assures religious organizations wide freedom to run their own internal affairs without government intrusion.
But those are broad principles, and the Supreme Court has not spelled out, in a specific case involving a “conscience clause,” just what the Constitution requires, or allows, when a public policy or scheme falls somewhere between the extremes and a religious organization claims its religious freedom has been compromised or violated.
The Justices, though, over the years have decided numerous cases that will now be parsed by lower court judges as they prepare to rule on the constitutionality of the new federal mandate on birth control for employees of religiously affiliated medical and educational facilities.
In chronological order, here are perhaps the most significant rulings that might favor the challenges to that mandate: Watson v. Jones, 1871, government may not second-guess internal tenets of faith or religious discipline; Corporation of Presiding Bishops v. Amos, 1978, allowing government to exempt religious employers from claims of religious bias in workplace policies; Larson v. Valente, 1982, government is forbidden to discriminate against one religious denomination, based on how they raise church revenues; Church of Lukumi Babalu Aye v. Hialeah, government may not ban specific forms of religious practice if that is done out of hostility to the tenets of that faith; Hosanna-Tabor Evangelical Lutheran Church v. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, 2012, government must provide an exception to laws against discrimination for workplace policies involving church ministers or faith leaders.
Also chronologically, here are the key rulings that might favor the birth control mandate: United States v. Lee, 1982, an employer must pay Social Security and unemployment taxes despite a religious objection; Alamo Foundation v. Secretary of Labor, 1985, religious organizations must pay their workers minimum wages despite a religious protest; Employment Division v. Smith, 1990, laws that apply generally and do not single out religious groups may be upheld even if they intrude on religious practices.
In the 2004 Catholic Charities decision by California’s Supreme Court upholding a birth control mandate, it took the majority and dissent a total of 80 pages to sort through those, and other, Supreme Court precedents. It involved considerable judicial labor.
Lyle Denniston is the National Constitution Center’s Adviser on Constitutional Literacy. He has reported on the Supreme Court for 54 years, currently covering it for SCOTUSblog, an online clearinghouse of information about the Supreme Court’s work.
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Mobile freedom: iPhone by day, iPad by night
Posted: at 2:00 pm
Zite found that users of its iPhone app spend far more time reading articles during the day than do their iPad owner counterparts.
(Credit: Screenshot by CNET)
When Zite's Mike Klaas examines usage data for his company's news aggregation app, something very interesting pops out: he can pretty much paint a picture of how his users are spending their days.
The upshot? People use Zite on their iPhones pretty much any time they have a few spare minutes during the workday and when they're in bed late at night. But in the evening, they settle in on their iPads for longer, more relaxed stretches of time.
The data are very clear on this, and it's a lesson that other news aggregators with both iPad and iPhone versions are also learning and that anyone working on apps for the two devices would be wise to heed.
In looking deep into usage data showing how and when people use Zite on the two devices, Klaas and his team can tell a lot about users' actions simply from the peaks and valleys in the graphs.
This graph, from Zite, shows when its users pull out the app on the iPhone and iPad.
(Credit: Zite)
"I was surprised at how clearly the various phases of the day--morning, lunch time, and supper time--fell out of the day," said Klaas, Zite's director of technology. "It's almost like a story of what a user is doing as they move from one part of their day to another."
Mealtimes definitely seem to be a key indicator of when users' iPhones come out of their pockets. Looking at a graph that compares usage of Zite's iPhone and iPad versions, it's very easy to identify the iPhone bumps at breakfast, lunch, and dinner time. By contrast, while there are similar bumps reflected in the data on iPad usage, they are smaller in the morning and at lunch and much smoother in the evening.
Zite launched its iPad app last spring, and it quickly became a hit. The New York Times, for example, named it one of the best iPad apps of 2011. Then, in December, the company--which was bought by CNN last summer--put out its iPhone version.
The same week that Zite came out for iPhone, Flipboard, already one of the most popular iPad apps of all time, did the same. And now, with two months of data to look at, those companies, and others, are making it clear that when designing an app for both smartphones and tablets, it's crucial to make sure that the different versions accommodate short bursts of usage on iPhone, and more in-depth sessions on iPad.
Starbucks moment
The best way to consider how someone uses Zite, Flipboard, or other similar apps on the iPhone might be to think about when small windows of attention open up during the work day.
Flipboard's Cover Stories feature has been a hit on the company's iPhone app.
(Credit: Screenshot by CNET)
According to Flipboard spokesperson Marci McCue, that company's iPhone version is ideally used when, say, someone wants a quick check of what's going on while standing in line for coffee. That's why one of the most popular features on Flipboard's iPhone version is Cover Stories, a set of continuously updated set of articles and photos coming in through Flipboard users' social networks.
"Cover Stories have been an incredibly popular section for the iPhone," McCue said, "because it does have that one-hit notion of, What do I need to check in on right now in like at Starbucks."
Prior to its release of an iPhone version, Flipboard was used to seeing usage peaks in the morning and evening, with big dropoffs during the workday. Since the iPhone version release, one of the most visible impacts has been that "we've seen usage flatten out from the peaks to being more consistent throughout the day," McCue said.
At Zite, the results have been very much the same. Although the iPad is still the dominant device among users of the service, the iPhone is quickly gaining ground--and it is dominating the workday as Zite users with Apple's smart phone find that almost any free time is a good opportunity to load up the app and check in on the latest news.
Once they get home, though, the iPad takes over. "There's a huge surge in the evening, as people relax [with their iPads] on the couch," Klaas said. "For us, that's the busiest time during the whole week...when the evening of the West Coast and the East Coast intersect."
Zite has been able to identify specific usage bumps around mealtimes.
(Credit: Zite)
Yet, while Zite learned that its iPhone users like shorter bites of the app than do their iPad counterparts, Klaas said that one surprise to emerge from the data was the gap in session length between the two versions. While he had expected that iPad users would spend far more time with Zite than those on iPhones, it turns out that iPad sessions average just 20 percent longer.
'Personal prime time'
For its part, Flud, another news reader with both iPad and iPhone versions, has also seen what appears to be a daytime/nighttime division between the two devices.
Flud founder Bobby Ghoshal said the number of average articles users read per session dropped since the company's iPhone app came out. But that's a good thing for Flud, said Ghoshal, because it reflects the fact that many iPhone owners are using the app during the day to bookmark articles they want to read later and then returning at night to read them on iPads. And as a result, sessions per user is on the rise, he said.
Ultimately, the dominance of the iPhone during the day makes a lot of sense. After all, the workday is filled with small moments of what Read It Later, a service that helps people identify and save articles to read when it's more convenient, calls "whitespace." It is during these moments between tasks and locations that people reach for their phone," Read It Later wrote in a blog post last month. "These are perfect times to knock an item or two off of your reading list."
This chart showcases iPad usage by Read It Now users in the evening, a period that the company calls 'Personal primetime.'
(Credit: Read It Now)
But iPad users clearly want to save their reading for what Read It Later calls "personal prime time," the hours between dinner and bedtime. "Work is done, dinner is resting in your belly, and there is nothing left to do but put your feet up and relax," the blog post continued.
So what does it all mean?
Mobile devices allow us to read what we want when we can. With the iPhone, it's easier than ever to blast through a couple of articles on the bus, or while waiting for coffee. The iPad, on the other hand, offers a compelling experience of sitting back on the couch and catching up. As Read It Later put it, "Readers want to consume content in a comfortable place, on their own time, and mobile devices are making it possible for readers to take control."
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Liberty 911 talk draws crowd
Posted: at 2:00 pm
LIBERTY - A standing-room only crowd packed Monday's trustees meeting to make their voices heard regarding the possible loss of their 911 dispatch center.
Citing financial concerns, trustees are considering closing the township's dispatch center and moving its operations to the county's center in Howland.
''Our taxpayers and voters should have a final say in this like they did last time,'' said Michael Janovick, Liberty police sergeant and OPBA representative.
''The people of Liberty want to vote on this,'' said Carol Faustino, resident and president of the Liberty Historical Society. ''If they vote it down, it's the people's choice.''
Also in the crowd was state Sen. Capri Cafaro, a Liberty resident, who stood to voice her opinions as a member of the community.
''As a Liberty resident, this is not the kind of thing we should be looking at,'' she said. ''Please, don't take the right away from the people of this community. Let them decide.''
A levy to maintain the township's dispatch was approved by voters in 2008. It remains in effect through 2012, but trustees argue that the rising cost of running it has outgrown the levy.
''In 2008, we passed a one-and-a-quarter mill levy,'' said trustee Stan Nudell. ''That millage isn't bringing in enough. If you want to continue this levy we will have to increase it to 1.5 mills.''
Nudell explained that if the township went with Trumbull County, it would cost approximately $42,000 per year, a significant savings of the almost $300,000 it costs to run the dispatch now.
According to Nudell, it cost about $298,000 in 2011 to run the 911 center, while only taking in $270,000.
Not everyone in attendance was arguing for the continuation of the center, however.
''What are we doing here? We're broke,'' said resident Ed Palumbo. ''We've got an opportunity to save some money. We've got an opportunity to move forward.''
The trustees also reiterated several times that nothing had been or was being decided.
''The trustees felt it necessary at this time to see if there was some way of saving money,'' Nudell said. ''No decisions have been reached. We will continue negotiations and we are willing to listen and hear what you want.''
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Liberty residents debate 911 dispatch
Posted: at 2:00 pm
LIBERTY, Ohio- Liberty Township trustees say eliminating their own 911 call center will save residents big money, but the police union and some local citizens gathered to say you can't put a price on safety.
People came to speak out against efforts to get rid of the local 911 dispatch center at Monday night's trustee meeting.
Most of them told trustees to put the issue on the November ballot.
"We've had excellent, excellent response. I say it's only fair we as taxpayers be able to give this to us to make the decision. we're not talking about roads we're talking about people's lives," said one resident.
Ray Buhala, a police union representative says the move would be devastating.
"All the crime that we deal with comes from youngstown so it makes sense to have dispatchers familiar with what goes on in youngstown they keep us abreast of what's going on as afar as crime that may be coming into liberty or critical incidents we need to respond to," Buhala said.
Trustees say it's a matter of money.
They say, right now, a levy dedicated to Liberty's 911 center brings in $270,000 a year but it's costs $298,000 to run it and those costs continue to rise.
The county would charge just $42,400 a year for 911 services.
"That millage is not bringing in enough that's why your trustees are looking at what we can do to save you the taxpayers money," said Trustee Stan Nudell. "If the Trumbull County 911 center is safe for 26 other communities i sure hope it would be safe for us also."
Trustees say there would be no difference from where a 911 phone call comes into in relation to response time.
They say they will continue to negotiate with the county.
Police say they are gathering petitions to put the issue on the November ballot.
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Dr.Nick feat. Monarch and Mr. Hk (of Free Speech Syndicate) -"Been Too Long" – Video
Posted: at 1:58 pm
13-02-2012 01:02 Dr.Nick Feat Monarch and Mr.HK (of Free Speech Syndicate) track recorded on 2/12/12 at SEM studio prod. by Russell Rock
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Dr.Nick feat. Monarch and Mr. Hk (of Free Speech Syndicate) -"Been Too Long" - Video
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ACLJ Fighting for Your Rights – Video
Posted: at 1:58 pm
13-02-2012 13:45 The ACLJ is an advocate for your religious liberties, free speech and constitutional rights.
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ACLJ Fighting for Your Rights - Video
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From ‘water buffalo’ to BDS, Penn faces free speech questions
Posted: at 1:58 pm
Underlying the heated political discussion surrounding the Boycott, Divestments and Sanctions conference last weekend was an issue that has long been intertwined with the University’s history: the First Amendment.
However, the BDS conference is not the first time that controversial speakers brought to campus by student groups have caused tension and debate over freedom of speech.
From student protests during the Vietnam War era to various racially charged disputes, Penn is no stranger to questions of what types of speech it will protect — and where, if ever, it should draw the line.
BDS and beyond
In the weeks leading up to BDS, students and faculty debated the administration’s policy to allow the conference on campus.
In a Feb. 2 Daily Pennsylvanian guest column, Penn President Amy Gutmann and Board of Trustees Chair David Cohen wrote that, while the University disagreed with the positions espoused by BDS, “we recognize and respect their right to open expression.”
Penn Friends of Israel President and College sophomore Noah Feit said he was pleased that Penn allowed BDS to take place on campus.
“It sends a clear message that we’re open for free speech, and I hope it will extend to everyone,” he said.
While Feit disagrees with the political message behind BDS, he added that he does not think it should have been censored.
“It’s an issue that’s really important and deserves to be debated in the academic setting,” PennBDS member and College freshman Clarissa O’Conor added. “There was no hate speech whatsoever on the part of the organizers or the people who attended the conference.”
Others, however, have said that Penn should not have allowed the BDS conference to take place.
“Allowing such rhetoric on campus amounts to an implicit, if not an explicit, endorsement of BDS,” 1958 Wharton graduate Eugene Jaffe wrote in an email.
Looking back, previous Penn administrations have also had to address outcry over events dealing with free speech and sensitive topics.
In 1988, for example, Nation of Islam leader Louis Farrakhan — who is known for his radically anti-Semitic views — was invited to speak at Penn by 10 campus groups.
“Many people harshly criticized the administration for allowing him to come on campus and preach hate speech,” University Archives and Records Center Director Mark Frazier Lloyd said.
Soon before the speech took place, Sheldon Hackney — who was Penn’s president at the time of the Farrakhan visit — told The New York Times that “I’m hoping it will be an occasion for some educational discussions of race relations on campus. But it could be confrontational and arouse a lot of emotion in which nothing constructive can take place.”
Racial controversy also came to the fore of discussion at Penn during the 1993 “water buffalo incident.”
In the incident, Eden Jacobowitz, a freshman at the time, was charged with racial harassment under Penn’s Code of Conduct for shouting, “Shut up, you water buffalo!” at a group of black sorority sisters who were making noise outside his room in a high-rise College House. The charges — which were later dropped by the women and the Office of Student Conduct — brought Penn’s racial and sexual harassment speech policies under fire, according to Lloyd.
The incident “marked the beginning of an awareness of speech codes on campus and its impact on students … In the years since then, Penn has done a really good job of reforming its policies to be protective of student speech,” said Samantha Harris, director of legal and public advocacy for the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education, a nonprofit organization that defends students’ free expression rights.
However, Penn’s free expression policy was once again brought into question in 2006, when the OSC brought charges against an undergraduate who took photos of two students having sex against a high-rise dormitory window. Although the charges were later dropped, the University drew criticism for its handling of the case from FIRE and The Chronicle of Higher Education.
How Penn stacks up
Despite these past disputes, Penn today is considered a leader among universities in promoting freedom of speech and expression.
Penn currently has a “green light” ranking from FIRE. Receiving this highest possible ranking indicates that Penn’s written policies have been found to promote unrestricted free speech.
“Although private schools are not bound by the First Amendment the way state schools are, private universities are required to uphold the promises they make to their students,” Harris said.
Harris added that many universities routinely violate their speech codes, citing the recent firing of a Harvard University professor who expressed controversial views about Muslims in an Indian newspaper as an example of free speech restrictions at peer institutions.
“Academic freedom is fundamental to the central value of a university, and academic freedom demands that universities protect freedom of inquiry and freedom of speech,” Gutmann said. “The university must be a place of unfettered debate and the free exchange of ideas.”
Last year, FIRE named Penn one of the seven best colleges and universities in the country for freedom of speech. Among other Ivy League schools, only Dartmouth College also made the list.
A legacy of activism
As Penn’s speech codes have evolved over the years, so have the causes that Penn students have chosen to speak out about.
In the 1960s and 1970s, students and faculty organized anti-war rallies on College Green and protested local issues like the construction of Meyerson Hall and the University City Science Center. More recently, campus activism has taken form in the Occupy movement — through OccupyPenn’s teach-ins outside Van Pelt Library, as well as Occupy Philadelphia’s demonstrations inside Huntsman Hall on Oct. 21.
The issue of race relations has also continued to play a role in campus discourse, with last year’s silent protest against racism on College Green as the latest in a history of race-based discussions.
For History professor and FIRE co-founder Alan Kors, Penn has come a long way in its protection of freedom of speech over the decades.
“As long as Penn continues to protect freedom of expression with no double standards, which I believe it is currently doing, we all can and should live with speech we find wrong or wicked, to which the best response is further speech, legal protest and both intellectual and moral witness,” he wrote in an email. “A university should be a place that encourages debate.”
INTERACTIVE TIMELINE: Free speech at Penn
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From ‘water buffalo’ to BDS, Penn faces free speech questions
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India Ink: From Tamil Film, a Landmark Case on Free Speech
Posted: at 1:58 pm
On several occasions already, in what is still a very new year, various arms of the Indian state have recused themselves from their duty of protecting free speech, citing the threat of violence as fair justification. The Rajasthan police have been accused of inventing a plot to kill Salman Rushdie, in order to prevent the disruptions to public order that were promised by some Muslim organizations upon Mr. Rushdie’s visit to the Jaipur Literature Festival.
In Lucknow, a play satirizing the Uttar Pradesh chief minister Mayawati was banned. In Hyderabad and Pune, police “advised” the organizers of seminars – on Mr. Rushdie and on Kashmir, respectively – to cancel their events. On Twitter, Taslima Nasreen claimed that the “Kolkata police asked Kolkata Book Fair committee to cancel my book release program.” In all these instances, the potential for actual violence was unclear; what was more apparent was the state’s eagerness to choose the easiest way out by simply suspending the exercise of free speech.
Perhaps the most biting legal opinion of such spinelessness came in 1989, in a Supreme Court case called S. Rangarajan vs. P. Jagjivan Ram. Mr. Rangarajan, a film producer in Chennai (then Madras), was fighting for his right to release “Ore Oru Gramathile,” a movie that criticized the caste-based reservation policy in Tamil Nadu’s educational institutions. Members of the Dr. Ambedkar People’s Movement and the Republican Party of India had already embarked upon protests, and the general secretary of the Republican Party had warned that demonstrators “would not hesitate to damage the cinema.” In response, the Tamil Nadu government had stopped the film’s release, fearing “very serious” law and order problems across the state. Professing himself by turns amused, troubled and anguished, Justice K. J. Shetty wrote: “The State cannot plead its inability to handle the hostile audience problem. It is its obligatory duty to prevent it and protect the freedom of expression.”
The plot of “Ore Oru Gramathile” (“In a Single Village”) runs as follows: Shankara Sastry, a Brahmin, procures a fake lower-caste certificate for his daughter Gayathri, worried that she will otherwise not be able to attend university. Gayathri turns out to be a good student and, later, an excellent civil servant, but when she is working on a flood-relief mission in a village named Annavayil, she is recognized and her true caste exposed. In rousing court scenes, Gayathri and her father argue that the reservation policy should be based on economic backwardness and not on caste. Improbably, the case against Gayathri is withdrawn when the people of Annavayil flood the government with petitions demanding that she be restored to her job. (“As usual,” Justice Shetty wrote in his judgment, the film “contains some songs, dance and side attractions to make the film more delectable.”)
S. Rangarajan, the film’s producer, passed away a few years ago. His son Ramesh, as well as Aryama Sundaram and S. Raghunathan, two senior lawyers who worked on the case, helped reconstruct the chain of events that led to Justice Shetty’s landmark judgment.
S. Raghunathan: The movie was based on a script by a poet named Vaali. That was called something else – I don’t quite remember that title now. By that time, S. Rangarajan had been producing films for a number of years. He made “Gauravam,” which was an excellent movie.
Ramesh Rangarajan: My father felt very strongly about [reservation policy]. He saw that some people who got the barest passing mark would get into college, and others who got 90 percent would not. It was a bold movie, and nobody was prepared to make it, so it came to him. He took it as a challenge. In a way, maybe he knew he was going to face this [legal challenge].
S. Raghunathan: At the time, Aryama and I were part of a firm called Natraj, Rao, Raghu & Sundaram. We were partners. S. Rangarajan being my brother-in-law, this case came to us, and Aryama got really deeply involved with it. It was immediately apparent that this could be a landmark case.
Aryama Sundaram: “Ore Oru Gramathile” was clearly a movie on reverse discrimination. It was very hard-hitting, because it criticized the Supreme Court’s upholding of reservation, and it criticized politicians who were using reservation as a method of stirring up passions. It had gone for censorship approval [in August 1987], and first the committee refused the certificate. Then an appellate committee granted it, and a second revising committee [in December 1987] also approved a certificate. At which point, a writ petition was filed in the Madras High Court.
S. Raghunathan: There had been a few demonstrations outside the offices of The Hindu [where S. Rangarajan was publisher] by the Dravidar Kazhagam and the Dr. Ambedkar People’s Movement. So this was what the government was pointing to, when it said that there might be law and order problems.
Ramesh Rangarajan: By this time, the distributors of the film had started to worry. A lot of money was stuck. Anybody else, I think, would have just shelved the whole bloody project.
The writ petition was dismissed by a single judge in the Madras High Court, but on appeal, a Division Bench allowed the petition and revoked the censor certificate that had been granted.
Aryama Sundaram: So it came up before the bench, and there were long arguments on it, and on a Thursday, judgment was reserved after hearing these arguments. But in the meantime, the government of India had given the film a national award, in the “Best Film on Social Issues” category. It hadn’t even been released, but we had sent it in.
Ramesh Rangarajan: It won an award! That was the beauty of this whole thing!
S. Raghunathan: I must have watched this film at least four times in that period, including once with the judges in the Division Bench. There was a brilliant performance by Lakshmi [Narayan, the starring actress], I remember.
Aryama Sundaram: The award was supposed to be presented by the president on Monday, in New Delhi. On Friday, at 3 p.m., the bench sent for us and told us that the film was banned for opposing reservation policy and going against the judgments [on reservation] of the Supreme Court. They also said that they were restraining the government from giving this award. It was a very long judgment – a hundred-odd pages – which was in a way a blessing in disguise, because it gave the Supreme Court a chance to reiterate the Constitution’s values of free speech.
Ramesh Rangarajan: I was in my first or second year of college when this was all happening, and I remember my father coming home every day from his office to tell us what had happened in court.
S. Raghunathan: Rangarajan was initially not very worried about this process, but in its later stages, he started to become very tense. I don’t remember him personally appearing in the high court, or even in the Supreme Court. But he never really expected the decision to go against us, I think, because this was such flimsy ground.
Aryama Sundaram: After the Division Bench gave us its judgment, we prepared an overnight appeal to the Supreme Court and filed it on Saturday morning. We got special permission from the Chief Justice of India to have the case listed. It was the first case listed on Monday morning, and the Supreme Court immediately stayed the order as far as the award was concerned.
S. Raghunathan: Ramesh had to rush from the
court to Siri Fort Auditorium to receive the award from the president that Monday.
Aryama Sundaram: Justice Shetty was an excellent judge, and I think the others on that bench were Justices K. N. Singh and Kuldip Singh. They heard really elaborate arguments and saw the film as well, with English subtitles. Then [on March 30, 1989] they upheld the right of the producer to release the film, and they held that freedom of speech could not be suppressed. And I had expected exactly this. I remember there were huge demonstrations outside the Supreme Court on the days of arguments, by people thinking they could influence the court. But fortunately they couldn’t.
S. Rangarajan: There’s no doubt about it: The spirit of that judgment is being violated today [with the Rushdie affair and others].
Aryama Sundaram: Look at this situation today. If people want to suppress somebody saying something, threatening some violence is the line of least resistance. This is exactly what Justice Shetty was talking about. Rangarajan believed in his film, and he felt it had a right to say what it did.
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Freedom School honors MLK
Posted: February 13, 2012 at 11:35 pm
The Pullman community came together Saturday morning to discuss concerns of diversity for the Martin Luther King Jr. Freedom School program.
Upon entering the Talmadge Anderson Heritage House (TAHH), guests were greeted and directed to a breakfast table and encouraged to settle into the neighboring room filled with brightly colored art, all donated to this African-American culture and heritage house.
The Freedom School event was re-scheduled after poor weather prevented it from happening in January.
Barbara Ward, assistant professor of literacy at WSU, said people of all ages attended the three hour program to learn as a community how far the U.S. has come on the journey for social justice. However, she said there is still a lot of work to be done.
Laura Appel, culture and heritage houses coordinator for the diversity education program, agreed with Ward that the journey for social justice is still long.
“There is still discrimination in the world,” she said. “These types of events ... give us ways to work through it so that it’s not causing the same problems as it’s caused us in the past.”
The Freedom School program, which originally started in 1964 in Mississippi, was used to help teach African-Americans how to pass voting tests that made it nearly impossible for African-Americans to vote.
Today, the Freedom School is a six-week program across the nation for children of every background. This year the event was resurrected because parents whose older children attended Freedom School in the past wanted their youngsters to learn about King and the civil rights movement, said Felicia Gaskins, vice president of the Office of Equity and Diversity.
The day was split into two groups of adults and children of all ages. While the adults stayed in the TAHH to watch “Mighty Times: The Children’s March” the children scurried to the Native American Cultural House to learn songs and key ideas about King’s ideas on freedom, equality and opportunity.
The cultural houses are fairly new to WSU. What used to be faculty houses are now resources for anyone looking for a unique book to read or a building available for event reservation. The buildings are open to the public and the anyone interested is encouraged to use them, Gaskins said.
A discussion followed the documentary. Members of the audience, many of which were Pullman residents, brought up points such as making sure elementary school children have role models to look up to. The children also performed the songs they learned, as well as a short skit imitating Rosa Parks’ protest on the bus.
Gaskins said events like these are important because racism and prejudice are not dead. She said it is important to understand U.S. history in order to build a positive future.
Appel said after a three-year break from Freedom School, the WSU diversity education program decided to bring it back because of issues plaguing the world in the recent past.
Ward said she was thrilled with Saturday’s turnout.
“I was just so excited to see so many people ... from different parts of the state and also the wonderful age levels,” she said. “I felt like I found a home (in this group).”
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Freedom School honors MLK
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Workers fined for freedom camping
Posted: at 11:35 pm
JARED NICOLL
The number of freedom campers sleeping out illegally in Marlborough peaked over the last month due to wayward vineyard workers and Kiwi holidaymakers, says Marlborough District Council.
Tourists and vineyard workers are drawn to Marlborough over summer, resulting in a rise in the number of people sleeping in vehicles in public places, such as Pollard Park and Oliver Park near central Blenheim, which are not designated camping sites.
The closest designated sites are Collins Memorial Reserve, Koromiko, and Blairich Reserve, Awatere.
Council reserves and amenities officer Robert Hutchinson said the number of campers breaking the rules in the area in January was on par with the same month a year earlier, when 155 people were found freedom camping in Marlborough.
"We see a lot of vineyard workers, but we've been seeing a few Kiwis trying to get a cheap trip too."
Council staff issued the region's first freedom camping infringement notice under the 2011 Freedom Camping Act, a fine of $200, to two French vineyard workers after they were caught camping three times in an undesignated area in mid-January.
"The thing with freedom campers is most of them are just driving through so it shouldn't be a problem.
"We understand the network [between campers] is pretty strong, where they can hide and get away with it. We find the ones that aren't part of the network."
Council reserves ranger Murray Morgan said a bigger effort was being made to educate people about freedom camping rules.
"Around the Blenheim area it's mainly seasonal vineyard workers who camp for one or two nights then move to another spot and there's been a few that have popped up in four or five places.
"It's not as big a problem as it used to be. Most of them are good as gold once you explain things to them."
Council staff handed out pamphlets to campers with information on where they could stay, and contacted contracting businesses who specialised in providing workers to vineyards to encourage them to tell their staff the rules, he said.
Vincon Limited director Ram Kumara said the company organised accommodation for its workers.
"We're an RSE (Recognised Seasonal Employer) and the Department of Labour checks we are meeting the requirements, like ensuring they have a place to stay," Mr Kumara said.
The Recognised Seasonal Employer Work Policy allows for the temporary entry of overseas horticultural and viticulture workers.
Ace Viticulture owner Ashish Sawant said he offered advice to his workers on where to stay and most of them stayed in backpackers or motorhomes.
For information on camping visit the website
- The Marlborough Express
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Workers fined for freedom camping
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