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Transhumanism News
Mother Nature: A History of Mothers, Infants, and Natural Selection
by Sarah Blaffer Hrdy
This is not merely a review of Mother Nature but rather a philosophical
discourse using what we know about primate evolution to speculate on the means
of a new eugenics' program. That is, what do we know about Mother Nature
that will facilitate improving on our species' future. This book is unique in
that Hrdy brings a dispassionate wealth of information about who we are, without
qualification or moral sidebars. She states flatly what we were, how
it makes us what we are, and lays out the absurdities of our current
debates regarding abortion, feminism, family values, the sanctity of life, sexual
promiscuity, equality, aggression, and a myriad of other human misconceptions
about what life should be.
She begins: "Long ago a wise
friend, evolutionary biologist George Williams, warned me that natural selection
is an impersonal 'process for the maximization of short-sighted selfishness,'
something far worse than moral indifference. Darwin was of the same mind:
'maternal love or maternal hatred, though the latter fortunately is most rare,
is all the same to the inexorable principle of natural selection.' Natural selection
is primarily about differential reproduction, which simply means that some individuals
leave more offspring than others. Once we understand that natural selection
has neither morals nor values, a concept like Mother Nature ceases to
be shorthand for romanticized Natural Laws that are more nearly wishful thinking
than objective observation of creatures in the world around us."
This book, by looking primarily at
the female side of evolution, reveals how males and females as far back as 1.7
million years ago, were closer in size indicating that we were starting to form
the lifestyle that is still with us today, characterized by a division of labor
between male hunters and female gatherers. Hrdy states: "Body and mind,
for better or worse, we passed through the Pleistocene crucible. As is frequently
noted, our ancestors lived as hunters and gatherers for 99 percent of the time
the genus Homo has been on Earth. This is why I rely so heavily in this
book on evidence from parents who still lived as hunter-gatherers when they
were first studied by anthropologists. Nevertheless, there are important respects
in which a fixation with the Pleistocene is limiting. Many traits that affect
infant survival and women's reproductive success are far older than the Pleistocene,
and some are more recent. . . . Some nonhuman primates, especially other widespread
weedy and very adaptable species (like savanna baboons or langur monkeys)
are very variable indeed, living in multi-male groups one place, harems
in another, aggressive in one locale, peaceful someplace else. All primates
are social. . . . In mammals, natural selection will almost always have its
greatest impact on the vulnerable life phases: in utero, during infancy, and
just post-weaning. Assuming twenty-five years per generation, there have been
about four hundred generations from the start of the Neolithic until now. This
represents four hundred opportunities for natural selection to act. A selective
differential of just 2 percent can boost a gene from rarity to near fixation
(that is, from a genetic frequency of less than 2 percent to more than 98 percent)
in ten thousand years or less. Theoretically, changes in humankind's biological
and social environments since the Neolithic should be reflected in the genome
of modern humans, and many are."
The above eclectic quotes illustrate
how we are not a set of predictable modules of behavior, but rather we are made
up of a tool chest of possible desires and actions based on our evolutionary
past. That is, sociobiology does not look at any specific extant tribe of hunter-gatherers,
or any particular pattern of mammalian or primate behavior in determining what
makes humans tick. What is done, is mathematical models or algorithms are devised
that include all species based on universal models of reproduction and natural
selection. Then human behavior is studied and the results are tested against
these universal models. Under different ecological niches, humans will vary
the way they behave. For example, motherhood is also extremely flexible as Hrdy
notes: "Every human mother's response to her infant is influenced by a
composite of biological responses of mammalian, primate, and human origin. These
include endocrinal priming during pregnancy; physical changes (including changes
in the brain) during and after birth; the complex feedback loops of lactation;
and the cognitive mechanisms that enhance the likelihood of recognizing and
learning to prefer kin."
It has always been assumed somehow,
that men (and some women) in the eugenics movement, can blame women for not
producing more children. The dreaded decline of birth rates in advanced industrialized
societies is laid at the feet of selfish women, who are not doing their share
to produce more children. It has always been assumed, that it was their job
to have as many children as possible. But what has been ignored is that as flexible
strategizers, humans take many paths to fulfill their desires, there is not
one template for all to follow. In the eugenics' movement, we had better
understand these various desires and human actions under different ecological
conditions if we are to promote our program, not on the backs of women, but
by a commitment of everyone involved equally.
Hrdy states: "Wherever women
have both control over their reproductive opportunities and a chance to better
themselves, women opt for well-being and economic security over having more
children. For many, leaving children every day while they work is a matter of
survival, the only way mothers can support their families, or the only way they
can secure a decent future for offspring. . . . (A big difference between modern
industrial societies and people who live by foraging is that children who must
not only be fed but clothed and educated become more costly with age, not less.)
. . . . At first their choices [to have fewer children] appear counter to evolutionary
expectations, until we recall that mothers evolved not to produce as many children
as they could but to trade off quantity for quality, or to achieve a secure
status, and in that way increase the chance that at least a few offspring
will survive and prosper. This is why a closer look at what late-twentieth-century
women are doing reveals behavior that is not so much unnatural as behavior
that is in conflict with conventional expectations --- all the myths and superstitions
about what women are supposed to want. . . . Real-life mothers
were just as much strategic planners and decision-makers, opportunists and deal-makers,
manipulators and allies as they were nurturers."
That is, mothers do not reproduce
for the benefit of the group or tribe; they reproduce only to further their
own children's possibility of survival. And many times, that meant holding off
having children until the time was right, and that included killing any children
that were born at inopportune times. Similar to men who want resources to attract
women, women want status to confer upon their offspring because status is transferable.
So like men, women desire that which may lead them to follow a path that
may end up as an evolutionary dead end. That is, as part of our evolutionary
machinery, the desire for status to provide to offspring may end up producing
NO CHILDREN because the desire for status is too great; and the desire for children
not strong enough. That is, once we advanced technologically to be able to have
status, sex and security, without the normal consequences of children, evolution
was turned upside down. Desires no longer drove evolution as it was intended.
While looking at nature to get clues
about human reproduction, Hrdy notes that: "[Some birds,] by optimistically
aiming high, then allowing the strongest in [the] brood to pare it down as needed,
mother birds brought brood size in line with food supply by both what they did
(lay eggs at intervals but begin brooding right away) and what they did not
do (intervene or compensate). . . . Although a mother's interests would often
be identical with those of her brood, this would not always be the case. The
same mother who bravely drove away a predator from her nest would not intervene
to protect the last-hatched chick from a less ferocious but more lethal enemy,
its own older sib. This was a highly discriminating mother, whose commitment
to her young was contingent on circumstances."
She goes into elegant discussions
with regards to how different animal species balance producing offspring in
order to optimize reproductive success. Allowing only the strongest offspring
to survive. Trimming brood size to available resources. Giving up on offspring
altogether, letting them all die in order to start over again under better circumstances.
The number of ways mother nature has of making sure some offspring survive
is truly remarkable. But always, it is not simply quantity that matters but
only that some offspring survive to keep the evolutionary crap shoot going for
another round.
Hrdy explains the much suppressed
phenomena that also explains everything from child neglect and abuse to infanticide:
"To postpone ovulating again for that long [after having her child killed]
would put her at a disadvantage in competition with other mothers who went ahead
and bred with the infanticidal male. Furthermore, the sons of such a mother
would be at a disadvantage in competition with the sons of infanticidal males
who, instead of waiting around for a chance to breed, took matters into their
own hands by eliminating impediments to their breeding."
That is, it is to a primate mother's
advantage once their child is killed by an infanticidal male to mate with that
male, because her sons will inherit the savagery that will make her sons reproductively
successful. This is similar to human women who prefer violent males who may
protect them, only to have the males turn their violence on them. But if such
violent males are reproductively successful, the abused mother still rears more
dominant male types who will also be reproductively successful. So humans also
play this odd game of being attracted to a mate that may be personally harmful
but reproductively successful in the long run.
Fortunately, for humans, as we become
more intelligent there seems to be a dissipation of this violent nature. A bar
fight between some steel workers in the local pub would not seem to them or
their mates to be unusual, but it would be very unusual at a bar where university
professors congregate. So is this desire by women to want dominant males cultural
or genetic? Still both, but we are flexible strategizers. Moral rules or ethos
change with the ecology, and behavior changes to take advantage of the situation.
The expected behavior is different for academics. They are just as brutal, but
they use words rather than fists in their quest to show their dominance. And
women are capable of rationalizing that having smart and aggressive male offspring
has more value now than having a mate that can keep her safe from predators.
Hrdy also brings a new perspective
to the promiscuity of some women. Our male dominated society, like those before
us, maintains the double standard of macho men and the sluts. Men want their
women to be faithful, while desiring the freedom themselves to have as many
sexual liaisons that they can get away with. She states: "By casting wide
the web of possible paternity, mothers could increase the prospects of future
survival of offspring, since males almost never attack infants carried by females
that, in the biblical sense of the word, they have known. Males use past
relations with the mother as a cue to attack or tolerate her infant."
Essentially then, when women ---
like their primate sisters --- stray to copulate with other males, even those
in neighboring troops in very dangerous liaisons at the territorial borders;
she is buying insurance. And there are many variations on this theme for women.
No matter how perfect or secure a women thinks her relationship is with her
mate, things could change in the future. Women, unlike men, are not looking
for sex for its own sake necessarily, but are hedging their bets for the future.
This may not be done on the conscious level but again is part of the natural
desires that were once reproductively successful. Women are looking for mate
replacements, looking for protection, spreading out the possible paternity interests
for the children she has, etc. That is, there are many reasons why women will
take chances to stray from the male that is her soul mate at present. Nothing
is for certain.
Rushton, in his book "Race,
Evolution and Behavior" goes into great detail on this very theme of promiscuity.
Though he could have gathered data on many different groups of people or races,
he breaks his study into just Asians, Blacks, and Caucasians. He shows that
the reproductive strategies of the three are on a continuum from very high promiscuity
with low investment parenting for Blacks to very low promiscuity with high investment
parenting for [Eastern] Asians. Whites are between the two extremes. Apparently,
many of these innate racial differences are due to the environmental pressures
put on different population groups during the Wurm glaciation about 10,000 years
ago that selected for high intelligence and high investment parenting, along
with numerous other behavioral traits.
This book is filled with interesting
observations, and I will highlight one as a sidebar. Hrdy states that: "Let's
say that females really are choosing more symmetrical partners. Are they after
better genes in potential fathers, or after protectors and providers who are
bigger and in better condition? The trouble is, we can't yet tease genetic effects
apart from developmental happenstance. For example, recently discovered correlations
between degree of fluctuating asymmetries and performance on IQ tests can be
explained either by better genes for the relevant abilities inherited from one
or both parents, or by favorable conditions early in life --- a healthier environment
for physical development inside the mother's womb." This line of reasoning
is possibly one way of helping us understand if Blacks are genetically low on
average intelligence, or if there is some environmental component. If Blacks
do suffer from environmental stress, then they should show more asymmetries.
To my knowledge, this hypothesis has not been tested.
I stated above that female status
was important, but it may be detrimental now for humans. Returning to this theme,
Hrdy states: "Goodall did not immediately grasp, however, was why female
rank was so important. We now know that, given the opportunity, a more
dominant female chimp will kill and eat babies born to other females. Over the
decades that records were kept at Gombe, at least four, possibly as many as
ten, newborn infants were killed, by females. When Goodall reported the first
two cases of infant killing and cannibalism by another mother in 1977, the so-called
crimes of a female named Passion, she, like most people, assumed that the female
killing these infants must be deranged. . . .Nevertheless, chimpanzees breed
so slowly that it was 1997 before Goodall and zoologist Anne Pusey had collected
enough data to show a statistically significant correlation between female rank
and a mother's ability to keep her infants alive. . . .Mother chimps like Flo,
then, were not simply doting nurturers but entrepreneurial dynasts as well.
A female's quest for status --- her ambition, if you will --- has become inseparable
from her ability to keep her offspring and grand-offspring alive. Far from conflicting
with maternity, such a female's ambitious tendencies are part and parcel of
maternal success. . . . With the support of their mothers and other matrilineal
kin, daughters born to high-ranking baboon females rise in the hierarchy and,
in turn, pass on the advantages of their acquired rank (along with such perks
as early reproductive maturity, and greater offspring survival) to daughters.
The female baboon, like most social mammals, introduces her baby into the network
of social relationships she has forged. Daughters who grow up surrounded by
high-ranking kin give birth at an earlier age to offspring more likely to survive.
Since baboon daughters inherit their rank from their mother, these social advantages
are transmitted across generations as maternal effects, and the reproductive
advantages accumulate through time in her matriline. But this strange bias in
production of progeny only made sense in the light of variation between females."
What these studies show, and we can
see the same behavior in mothers today, is that the number of children is correlated
with status. In some environments, where status may not be available to be provided
to children, and where birth control is not available or condoned, parents will
opt or accept large families, even if many of the children will die. Now, under
current economic conditions, some people from cultures that are struggling find
that even they can have large families and that most of the children will live.
Under such circumstances, we have reproduction that is much higher than what
would be expected during our primitive past.
At the other extreme, modern moms
who can taste success and status, will naturally focus on gaining the status
and the good life and may postpone having children, and in many instances not
have any children at all. Hrdy notes that smart, aggressive, status seeking
women --- now that having children is not necessary when having sex --- are
deferring children for later in life or not at all. That is, the desire for
status, to be transferred to offspring, is now not necessarily the outcome nature
was aiming for. That reproductive algorithm has been subverted by birth control.
Likewise, women who already have money and status (most likely inherited) have
more children on average. They are secure at an early age, have the status desired,
and turn to raising the children to pass on their genes and their wealth or
status.
What we need to understand then,
is that we are no longer bounded by evolutionary rules, but we still have the
desires. Women still desire status, but no longer have to bear children when
having sex. Men are still promiscuous and they desire fame, fortune, and power
because these qualities attract more women to have sex with, and at one time
resulted in having more offspring. Now this is no longer true. So our desires
have not changed much, but technology has changed the evolutionary outcomes
of our behavior.
So is eugenics doomed? Not at all,
we just need to reformulate how we reach our goals. First, it does not necessarily
matter if population group 'A', that is in a dysgenic decline, produces more
children than population group 'B', that is highly eugenic. If the eugenic group
is within national sovereign or even ethnic cultural borders, and is secure
from penetration from outside groups, what does it matter how many other people
there are? Theoretically then, eugenics is not about getting one group
to out produce another group. Within the group that is climbing the evolutionary
ladder, it is only required that each generation produce more quality children.
That is, gifted children are selected over the others through prenatal testing,
screening, looking at the genetic quality of the future parents, sterilizing
those offspring of low intelligence who managed to get through the eugenic filter,
etc. Within the eugenic group then, and with an understanding of Mother Nature
and the absence of any natural moral state or rules, we can do anything within
what humans have a desire to do.
But what if women just stop having
children? Well, since a eugenic program is a joint responsibility then women
should not have to carry any more of the load than men. For example, breeding
farms could be set up in environmentally friendly facilities, and guest breeders
(like guest workers) could be paid for bearing the children. In a resource rich,
nationalistic culture lacking a draining welfare state, the cost would not be
prohibitive. Later, I will discuss attachment theory, and my understanding
according to Hrdy that bonding between children and adults occurs in humans
after birth, and is independent of biological considerations.
Furthermore, Hrdy states: "It
is widely assumed that competitiveness, status-striving, and ambition, qualities
that are essential for success in demanding careers, are incompatible with being
a good mother, who is expected to be selfless and nurturing. 'There is
no getting around the fact that ambition is not a maternal trait. Motherhood
and ambition are still largely seen as opposing forces,' states Shari Thurer,
a prominent contemporary psychologist. Sociologists can document at length the
'cultural contradictions' produced by women combining motherhood with jobs in
the American workplace."
So again, with a modern eugenics'
program, why not decouple childrearing with motherhood. That is, for those eugenically
conscious mothers, provide the genetic code and the resources, and leave the
childbearing to those who can be paid for it, and the childrearing to those
who are competent, enjoy doing it, and prefer it to other careers. Think of
the possibilities! Sending children to nurseries where they are nurtured and
protected by caring alloparents, the biological parents will be able to look
in on them via the Internet, and the richness that could be provided such as
teaching the children in a multilingual setting so that developmentally they
will be able to master easily several languages by enhancing the language centers
in the brain at an early age.
Again, Hrdy states: "Because
we are primates, adoption and the rearing of genetically unrelated babies come
easily. Unlike herd-dwelling ungulates, we do not have a critical period minutes
after birth when a mother must imprint on her baby's smell and bond with it
then or never. If we were sheep, we would not have to worry about babies getting
mixed up, switched at birth in maternity wards. But we are primates, and primate
females in the right frame of mind find all babies fascinating and attractive.
For such females, the most important ingredient for eliciting love is not the
molecules producing a particular scent, or genetic relatedness, but physical
proximity over time. . . . Engaging in nurturing behaviors, in turn, seems to
make the pituitary secrete more prolactin. (As Eliot put it, 'Our deeds determine
us, as much as we determine our deeds.')"
What Hrdy shows in numerous examples
that explains the human bonding mechanisms between a mother and child (or alloparent
and child) is that first, the child has there own needs for safety, security,
etc. The child is essentially a parasite that is demanding a life support system,
and many newborn features are made to attract adult adoration, and much of newborn
behavior is meant to manipulate those capable of giving care to do so at any
cost. This hormonal feedback system works on proximity models between the mother
and child or allomother and child. That is, the same neurological bonding mechanism
are capable of being triggered whether the caretaker is the mother or not. A
child removed from the mother right after birth, should not be missed by the
mother. A child given to a surrogate mother, can bond with the child just as
much as the natural mother. So humans have evolved to have a great deal of flexibility
in the degree of commitment a mother is forced to make to a child. More on this
later when infanticide is discussed.
The child is brought into what it
and the mother innately senses emotionally to be a hostile environment, even
if that is no longer the situation today. Hrdy states: "According to this
third hypothesis, which might be termed the vestigial lactational aggression
hypothesis, postpartum depression is an endocrinological by-product or leftover
from an intense intolerance of others that was once adaptive among mothers who
might need to protect infants from either predators or conspecific members of
their same species [infanticide]. The root of her depression derives not from
the mother's suppressed desire to abandon her infant, but from a fierce compulsion
to protect it that fills her with hostility toward others. The worse off she
is, or the more potentially threatened the mother feels, the more defensive
she should be. Even women with no particular depression undergo a postpartum
decline in positive feelings toward husbands in the couple of months
immediately after birth, which seems very odd --- except as an artifact of lactational
aggression."
And our changing world even accounts
for teen pregnancies, but not as a moral decline as many conservatives would
like to have us believe, or liberal interventionists would like us to solve
with socialistic policies. Hrdy states: "Since the Neolithic, and especially
in the past several centuries, better-nourished girls have begun to mature earlier,
and are capable of conceiving earlier than ever before in human existence ---
closer to twelve than twenty. In the United States in 1996, a half-million babies
were born to girls between ages fifteen and nineteen, 11,000 to girls fourteen
and under --- the highest rate of teenage births of any industrialized country.
People refer to this as the problem of teenage pregnancy, yet it is more
nearly a problem of failed contraception, an undermining of evolved safeguards
that under conditions more typical of human existence protected very young girls
from inopportune conceptions. Any adolescent girl living under foraging conditions
who found herself in the unusual situation of being plump enough to trigger
ovulation in her early teens would almost certainly be in an unusually productive
habitat. She also --- and this is important --- would have to be surrounded
by well-disposed adults helping to provision her. In modern societies, however,
adolescents can be terribly disadvantaged, lack all manner of social and economic
support, yet still be so hypernourished that they reach menarche at twelve and
conceive by fifteen. The amount of fat a girl has on board has become a dangerously
misleading signal telling this young mammal that it is a good time to go ahead
and reproduce, when it is anything but. In the United States today early
childbearing and large numbers of closely spaced births are the two greatest
risk factors for child abuse and infanticide. . . . Even fed the same diet of
high-fat, high-carbohydrate Big Mac equivalents, daughters of mothers born in
the warmer climes of southeastern Europe reach menarche earlier on average than
daughters whose ancestors came from northwestern Europe. Just why this is so
(cold winters? taller bodies? greater likelihood of famine?) is not known. Nevertheless,
recent European migrants to Australia, all currently living in the same environment,
start to menstruate at different ages depending on whether their mothers came
from southern or northern Europe --- strong evidence that some genetic component
influences age of menarche."
Note that again, Hrdy supports Rushton's
massive research. She may be familiar with Rushton's work --- I would be surprised
if she is not aware of it --- but it may not be politically correct for her
to mention it. Hrdy, like many in the sociobiological field often times completely
ignore racial differences in their works. But she does seem at several times
to concur with Rushton on his conclusions with regards to racial differences
in intelligence and reproductive behavior. For instance, she states that, "Ethnographic
information for different human societies (these data all referring to the same
species) similarly suggests that paternal care is most intensive where monogamously
mated men have a high certainty of paternity." Again, this is reflective
of the lack of paternal care among Blacks where the race is more promiscuous
versus the Asians at the other extreme with high investment parenting and low
levels of promiscuity. And again she notes, "When, however, children are
susceptible to sudden, unpredictable demise, it should not be surprising that
men go to great lengths to sire as many [children] as possible, in the hopes
that some will by chance survive." This reproductive strategy was more
prevalent in Africa according to Rushton, while again the other extreme of Asians
was to take very good care of fewer offspring through planning, monogamous commitment,
using an evolved higher intelligence.
Hrdy also explains why so many cultures
are now male dominated, with women looked upon as mere chattel and female infants
often discarded as worthless. She states that "Matrilineal descent systems
disappear as soon as farming becomes intensive, when plows, livestock, and paid
employment are introduced, and irrigation systems built. But the possibility
of mother-centered lifestyles is latent, and always there, reinvented all the
time when resources become unpredictable, adult male mortality rates go up,
or whenever it becomes imprudent for a mother to rely on protection or provisioning
from a single man. . . . Of 8,000 abortions performed at a clinic in India,
7,997 eliminated fetuses parents had been told would be daughters. (Typically,
mothers being tested already had one or more daughters.) . . . . [In other cultures]
unwanted daughters may be dispatched either the traditional way (by smearing
opium on the mother's nipples or by poisoning with plant extracts) or the modern
way --- denying a daughter breast milk, so that she dies of unavoidable (and
unprosecutable) natural causes. . . . 'Daughters are no better than crows'
observes a Tibetan proverb. Variations on this theme can be heard throughout
northern India. 'Their parents feed them and when they get their wings, they
fly away.' Daughters, people complain, leave at marriage; resources devoted
to rearing them are lost to the patriline. With them depart substantial dowries,
enriching their husbands' families while impoverishing their own. Parents dread
the prospect of marrying off several daughters almost (but not quite) as much
as they dread potential disgrace should a daughter fail to marry into a family
of appropriate status, or be seduced and left pregnant but unmarried. . . .
. In one of the few studies of its kind, Mead Caine of the Population Council
of New York quantified the value of labor provided by sons as compared with
daughters in Bangladesh. By ten to thirteen years of age, a boy is a net producer.
By age fifteen a son has repaid his parents for what it cost them to rear him,
and by age twenty-one repaid them for one sister as well. . . . Daughters, by
contrast, though they work early and hard, leave home before they repay parental
outlays."
These brief quotes in Mother Nature
highlight why women are so devalued in many societies, and why the understanding
of these evolutionary principles can be used to reverse that condition completely.
In a modern technological society, and especially in one that is eugenically
centered, women will again be of extreme importance. And not because they will
be kept barefoot and pregnant, but because they can contribute equally to resource
accumulation that is paramount in a eugenic's societies establishment and continuation.
It seems to me, that as people become more intelligent, they are less likely
to settle for simply having children to satisfy them. Instead, those who are
interested in children will be more akin to child psychologists in their preferred
roles as alloparents. That is, in a world of specialization, women will no longer
need to choose between their traditional roles and a modern one where responsibilities
are shared. Note that in many respects, we are going back to the hunter-gatherer
society where shared responsibilities are essential. Mothers could not afford
to stay in camp and take care of children, they had to gather food and were
an important source for providing food.
With regards to community members'
contributions, Hrdy has a lot of interesting research that I will summarize
briefly. She notes that traditionally, adolescents do not contribute very much
in the way of help in hunter-gatherer cultures, and that same pattern is seen
in adolescents everywhere. Then she explains that older women become increasingly
productive as the years go buy. She then states that, "[T]he capacity of
humans to evaluate contributions of family members, and to adjust their tolerance
accordingly, has to be included in any attempt to model the evolution of postreproductive
longevity through kin selection. Without such flexibility, the burden imposed
may often have been greater than a family could sustain."
What she describes is how treatment
of the old changes in different ecological niches. In some tribal cultures,
the tribal assassin basically eliminates the old when they no longer can produce.
So every member of some tribes knew, at some point in their aging life, there
might be a swift blow to the head and it was over. And yet, there was no attempt
to change this practice, because it had a powerful evolutionary advantage for
the group.
Likewise, in a eugenic society, we
need to address how to care for the old when they become unproductive. In order
to allocate precious resources towards future generations, those whose time
has passed must be morally committed not to selfishly drain enormous sums of
money to sustain their lives for only a brief period of time. It has been estimated
that 90% of the total medical costs in the United States are allocated to the
elderly in the final months of their lives, trying to keep them alive. What
a dreadful waste of money. But how do we address it ethically without appearing
as monstrous, even though other cultures have been able to do so without guilt?
It seems to me that the more intelligent
people become, the more they will be able to deal with the concepts of death.
It is part of our nature to fear death and to try and hang onto life as long
as possible, it is built into our evolutionary algorithms. And humans are rather
unique in the fact that women live on long after they are no longer reproductive.
Hrdy explains that this is because they are capable as acting as alloparents
and are therefore contributing to the group's reproductive success. So what
is to be done? As medical technology advances, we may be able to keep people
alive long after they have anything to live for.
In a eugenic society where creativity,
learning, building, evolving and caring about the future makes up the ethos
it seems to me that the whole concept of work will have to change. No longer
will we go to work with the intention of retiring as early as possible to lie
around and take it easy. I have to believe that motivated, intelligent people
want more out of life than this. That means, as we become more advanced as a
society, the goal will be to keep everyone healthy and productive as long as
possible and to retire only when the energy to contribute is no longer there
--- the will is gone.
Finally, after retiring for those
last years, we must come to grips with the unliving. Those who are terminally
ill, or have extremely debilitating conditions where they are alive but have
no mind left, must be allowed to depart gracefully and with dignity. This transition
must all be made part of the eugenic ethos, where everyone agrees what is to
be done when the rational mind is no longer capable of making decisions. Simply,
it would be a matter of a contract. If a person had independent resources to
pay for their care to the very last moment possible, so be it. But for the rest,
the extension of life would be incorporated into living wills and voluntary
programs of selected health care. That is, turning our backs on socialism, I
could opt to put a great deal of my money into a health plan that would keep
me alive no matter what, or I could take a more valuable approach for me and
dictate that when these conditions are met, I will be allowed to die without
pain. That is, once the contract is set in place, the state cannot step in at
the last minute because someone pleads they were wrong about how they would
feel at the very end about how they used their resources. This may appear to
be a libertarian approach to health care, except that it conforms to the more
communitarian ethos of eugenics. That is, the contractual mechanism is the same,
but the purpose and intent is not. The eugenics society is interested in preserving
resources to be allocated for its program, not just for private wealth.
To listen to the current debate about
abortion, you would think that human morality has never varied and we have always
cherished life. But the opposite is the norm. Humans have evolved to prune their
brood size after birth, as a mechanism for survival. It has only been in the
last few decades that with the introduction of birth control and the medical
advances in safe abortions that mothers have abandoned older means of disposing
of unwanted children, such as: starvation, abandonment, poisoning, burying them
alive, etc. These were the tried and true means of disposing of the unwanted
children that happened to come along when men had their way with women to their
satisfaction, and women had to submit for the various reasons including survival
of themselves and their offspring.[1]
A sample of
these practices have been compiled by Hrdy: "These early Christian parents,
much like the barbarians Darwin and various anthropologists described,
abandoned rather than killed their unwanted infants. The deeper Boswell delved,
the clearer it became that very nearly the majority of women living in Rome
during the first three centuries of the Christian era who had reared more than
one child had also abandoned at least one. He found himself looking at rates
of abandonment of around 20 to 40 percent of children born. If Romans gave to
crippled beggars it was because everyone is afraid he might say no to his
Own child. . . . Some significant portion of those who survived were being
sold as slaves and prostitutes --- which is what they were doing in brothels
in the first place. . . . Although the best known [home for abandoned children],
the Innocenti was just one, the largest, of sixteen such foundling homes in
the Grand Duchy of Tuscany. Three centuries after it opened, mortality rates
were still appalling. Of 15,000 babies left at the Innocenti between 1755 and
1773, two-thirds died before reaching their first birthday. The very tangible
results were the imperial foundling homes in Moscow and St. Petersburg, intended
to qualify Russia as a player in the mid-eighteenth-century European Enlightenment.
The doors of these grand repositories were formally opened in 1764. Both the
St Petersburg and Moscow foundling homes were soon admitting a steady stream
of ill-fated applicants. Of the 523 children admitted during the first year,
81 percent died. There followed two years of improved survival prospects, culminating
in the catastrophe of 1767. Ninety-nine percent of 1,089 infants admitted that
year failed to survive to the next. . . . A fine plan in principle, but the
administrators failed to foresee the number of parents who would seize the chance
to delegate care of their children to others. By providing payments to wet nurses,
the state foundling homes also created financial incentives for the torgovki,
women peddlers who scoured the countryside for abandoned babies to deposit at
the foundling homes. These babies were then transported from the foundling homes
back to the countryside, where they generated pitiful stipends for peasant
women. Many of these wet nurses kept the passbooks guaranteeing payment
and passed their charges on to even more poorly paid --- and not necessarily
lactating --- women. Even more desperate were the unmarried women who managed
to secure for themselves skimpy sinecures by getting pregnant, depositing their
own baby at a foundling home, and then qualifying to wet-nurse a foundling for
pay. A tiny, lucky percentage of the hired wet nurses (if anyone in this tragic
network can be called lucky) managed to bribe a foundling-home employee to assign
them their own infants. In the words of historian David Ransel, the state's
well-intentioned plan for caring for infants became a case study in 'unintended
consequences on a massive scale.' . . . Although David Lack's ideas about the
tradeoffs mothers in nature make were by then built into sociobiology, most
social scientists still assumed that in nature, mammal mothers instinctively
and automatically care for every infant they produce. Badinter's reasoning was
simple. If mother love is instinctive, all normal mothers should be loving.
However, if the vast majority of mothers in eighteenth-century France had opted
not to rear their own infants but to delegate their care to inadequate wet nurses
instead, this was more mothers than could reasonably be dismissed as aberrations.
. . . Such maternal love as Badinter could document was often discriminatory
and selective. A wet nurse might be brought in from the outside to nurse an
older son while the younger son was sent far away [to die]. . . . One mother
code-named "Asago" viewed her first three husbands as poor prospects
for long-term support and buried at birth the first six of the ten children
she bore in her lifetime. Yet infants born to women who had managed to forge
stable relationships, or who, having grown older, had decided to proceed with
a family no matter what, were loved and cherished. . . . In 1865, Dr. Mayer
correctly prophesized that 'The whole thing is so revolting to good sense and
morality that in twenty years people will refuse to believe [wet-nursing] ever
happened.' Today, scholars who recall this era tend to follow Dr. Mayer's lead.
'It must have been common knowledge,' writes twentieth-century psychoanalyst
Maria Piers in her book Infanticide, that the wet nurse the parents hired
was 'a professional feeder and a professional killer. . . .' Wet nurses, proclaims
another modern commentator, 'were surrogates upon whom parents could depend
for a swift demise for unwanted children.' . . . But more than conscious pronatalism
was at stake. In France, husbands had an extra incentive to get their babies
to wet nurses. They wanted their conjugal privileges, and the Catholic church
discouraged sex between husbands and nursing mothers, perhaps for the same reasons
so many cultures do. Postpartum sex taboos are found across traditional societies
from North and South America to New Guinea and Africa, presumably as an extra
precaution, a failsafe to guard against a new sibling being born too soon. Ironically,
a custom that originated because it increased infant survival by guaranteeing
longer birth intervals more often had the opposite effect in Catholic countries.
Sending infants out to wet nurses probably led to far more infant deaths than
abbreviated birth intervals due to the occasional impregnation of a nursing
mother. . . . But to interpret variation in the way mothers respond to infants
as meaning that somehow a woman's biology is irrelevant to her emotions, or
that there are no evolved maternal responses, is to misread both the human record
and a vast amount of evidence for other animals."
So there is no doubt that children
have always been expendable, and the only thing mother nature cares about
is that the finest and most viable children survive, and that other children
that cannot help in this regard are better off dead. They have no evolutionary
purpose. Any moral or cultural ethos to the contrary is merely a result of human
desires to live by new and probably dysgenic rules, brought about by excess
resources and a new hyper-altruism that is out of control.
Evolution is a slow process, where
genes change in response to the changing environment. That is, the mechanisms
we have, the tool box of desires and preferences, is now far behind our modern
technological world. In a society of individuals, ruled only by governmental
laws, the free riders no longer need to fear the ostracism that kept members
of the tribe from acting contrary to the benefit of the group. There is no longer
any tribe, and we are headed for globalism where one set of rules applies to
all (theoretically if it was not for rampant egalitarianism that makes some
minority groups more deserving than others). Along with this lack of social
restraint or tribal censorship of destructive behavior, the very people who
were once purged from the tribal group are now the very ones who can prosper
under globalism and socialism. Those people who have no guilt or shame being
on the dole or receiving free benefits. Those who are predators and care little
about anyone else's feelings. The sociopathic types, who think only of themselves
and are proficient at deception, especially when filtered through the political
process or by the media. All of these deviants, once controlled by tribal sanctions
and ostracism, will now be allowed to flourish (see Hierarchy in the Forest:
The Evolution of Egalitarian Behavior by Christopher Boehm, 1999).
A eugenic society therefore must
get back to the moral ethos of reproduction for quality, not just quantity.
We must be willing to allow technology to function in such a way that ancient
rule's of child preference apply to promoting a eugenic, not a dysgenic nation.
Every generation should be more intelligent than the last, and capable of solving
problems that are not blocked by our Neolithic brains, presently unable to process
certain types of data that makes social interaction on national levels so difficult.
That is, our brains are made to operate in tribal units of about 50 people,
and where everyone knew what everyone else was doing and deviants were under
strict social control. That is all gone now, and we are now controlled by media
moguls, politicians, despots, organized crime, corrupt corporations, international
tribunals, religious sects, etc., etc. The tribal ethos is gone forever.
Can we recover? Yes, certainly, as
soon as we can start to increase our average intelligence to catch up with a
new nation-state status. That is, through eugenics we can become once again
a people who can intelligently understand what deceptions are facing each and
every one of us and take appropriate actions. A people that is smart enough
to see through cheap advertising and propagandizing tricks and ploys by those
who want to become dominant over us. Almost everyone wants to subjugate others;
it is part of our nature. So a new overman must be created, one that
is equipped intellectually to recognize and deal with those who wish to harm
him.
So back to infanticide and eugenics.
We really have no choice but to allow our ancient ethos with regards to children
to progress as it has in the past. We have ample data that clearly shows that
children have routinely been tossed aside for the benefit of parents or for
the benefit of offspring that were more viable --- past, present or future.
There is not an innate bond between mothers and their children. The bond
is cultural, hormonal and resource dependent.
Hrdy states, "As with other
mammals, a mother's emotional commitment to her infant can be highly contingent
on ecologically and historically produced circumstances. No one knows how the
underlying mechanisms work. But it is a reasonable guess that such mechanisms
involve thresholds for responding to infant cues. These would be endocrinologically
and neurologically set, possibly during pregnancy and prior to birth, rendering
a mother more or less likely to become engaged by infantile cues as she makes
decisions about how much of herself to invest in her infant. . . . Humans confront
the same posterity problems other animals do, but resolve them differently.
Instead of innate mechanisms that bias production of sons or daughters at conception
(as in wasps), or differential retention of mostly female litters (as in the
coypu), human mothers consciously choose sons and daughters after birth,
in line with parental evaluation of what the repercussions will be for long-term
family goals. The underlying psychology --- although not the outcomes --- are
probably similar when modern American parents make choices about how much money
to spend on toys for their children, or certain medications, like growth hormones."
So contrary to those who think that
evolutionary investigations into our innate natures leads to set patterns of
behavior, we know that we have a great deal of flexibility in our reproductive
choices. We can devise new ethos or community morals that not only tolerate
more eugenically based decisions, such as aborting defective children, but we
can encourage a morality that to do otherwise causes guilt. We see these moral
sanctions everywhere about us. I find it almost impossible to litter, as I was
raised not to do so in pristine Wisconsin. Now in Hispanic California, it would
seem odd to most not to just throw trash on the ground wherever they happen
to be. And the same flexibility is found in the way we view children. A eugenic
society will be one that honors the quality of the child above all else, a future
contributor to the generations that will come after. Any deviation from this
goal of perfection and high intelligence will be seen as vile and anti-social.
We are a species that is easily indoctrinated, and views can change rapidly
once new paradigms are set in motion, as we see the results of our dysgenics
trends and the decadency of our current welfare state.
In addition, we are learning that
human nature has a natural actuarial component that weighs costs and benefits.
The more intelligent will recognize what will be required to succeed in the
future, and will adopt measures to ensure that offspring will prosper under
new social rules. Women will now join men equally in their contribution to the
tribal goals.
It will take a new commitment by
both men and women to sacrifice their petty differences in what they think ought
to be, to bring forth what humans can be. Hrdy writes, "In humans, whose
infants are so costly, and for whom conscious planning (thanks to the neocortex)
is a factor, maternal investment in offspring is complicated by a range of utterly
new considerations: cultural expectations, gender roles, sentiments like honor
or shame, sex preferences, and the mother's awareness of the future. Such complexities
do not erase more ancient predispositions to nurture. All the systems in this
messy composite are vetted according to costs, benefits, and genetic relatedness
to the infant recipient of altruistic maternal acts."
So how complicated will it be for
us to manipulate genetic frequencies in our offspring to bring forth a new species.
Hrdy notes with regards to abortion, "On what grounds do humans accord
the mother's interests priority over those of her fetus? 'Equal Rights for Unborn
Women' reads the slogan on an anti-choice T-shirt. What to do about seemingly
irreconcilable moralities: the rights of the unborn versus the bondage of the
born? If human DNA is 98 percent identical to that of a chimp or a bonobo, what
is it that makes the information encoded in this DNA human rather than
ape? What is responsible for the transformation of the potential encoded
in human DNA into a being with the unique cognitive and emotional capacities
that make us human and distinguish us from all other animals? Scientists
estimate that a mere 50 or so genes --- out of the vast number of genes that
chimpanzees and humans share in common --- account for the cognitive differences
between the two species; that fractional genomic disparity combined with differences
in several regulatory genes that control the timing of gene expression make
all the difference."
Fifty genes! That is all we have
to follow with regards to frequencies in our children to make sure they are
gifted rather than average or slow. That is, it is the variation of these fifty
genes that are found in different population groups that makes all the difference
between behavioral traits and intelligence. We probably all have the same fifty
genes, but the the variations called alleles make the difference. And
as the Human Genome Project comes to completion, and we can identify the differences
in these fifty genes and test for them in the fetus, along with debilitating
genetic diseases, we will be well on our way to a vigorous quantum leap in having
genetic tools for fetus selection. For example, with fertility drugs, what if
a mother had five embryos to start with and then selected the best one genetically
to bring to term. That alone would bring forth only the top 20% of all randomly
generated children. And again and again, generation after generation, until
the average IQ is raised to the highest level possible by going to fixation.
That is, humans would reach an intellectual height without further enhancing
mutations or genetic alterations. Everyone could be a Hawkings or an Einstein
solving complex mathematical problems, while others would rather do manual labor
because of temperament. But there would be no dishonor or disgrace in either
profession. It would be a matter of preference, not ability.
Dr. Laura, the social-conservative
talk show host guru, who claims to understand both God's moral instructions
to humans and what is best for children, would be quite shocked to find out
that children do not need a biological mother and father. What they need
is safety, security, nourishment, and caring human contact and they are not
particular where or how these needs are met.[2] Attachment theory is important, because any eugenics program
must know how much flexibility there is in various ways of raising children
in new unorthodox manners without causing emotional damage to the children.
There is no point in having children who are bright and creative if they are
emotionally miserable. So what do children need?
Hrdy states that "[M]ore often
than not, securely attached babies do grow into socially secure schoolchildren
who mature into adults who form stable attachments and rear secure children,
while insecure attachments breed more insecure attachments. . . . In ways not
yet understood, 'ghosts in the nursery' interact with inherited temperament
and local customs to generate regional differences in childrearing. Studies
done in northern Germany record surprisingly high proportions of avoidantly
[insecurely] attached infants, while south German and Japanese babies are generally
secure. Even when insecurely attached, they rarely avoid their mothers or exhibit
indifference; rather, they resist by pushing their mothers away. Similarly,
children reared communally in Israeli kibbutzim are almost never classified
as avoidantly attached, so long as they retain sustained contact with their
mothers.
"From the age of six weeks,
kibbutz infants are cared for in small communal groups, nine hours a day, six
days a week. They were visited frequently by their mothers, who came each day
to feed and bathe their babies. Some of these infants were in communal care
during the day but slept at home at night. Of those sleeping at home, 80 percent
were classified according to the Ainsworth procedure as securely attached. But
of those spending the night away from home, only 48 percent were. Boarder babies
were deposited in large communal dormitories, where they were mixed in with
all children under twelve and attended by a couple of custodians. A child waking
in the night would probably not encounter anyone familiar enough to qualify
for what Eliot and Bowlby thought of as 'the meeting eyes of love,' the baby's
primary reassurance that care will continue to be forthcoming. The message is
fairly clear: effects of communal rearing depended on both the quality of the
care itself and on the child's experiences within its own family, in his or
her quest for commitment from caretakers."
So communal living is a viable form
of establishing a eugenics' program where due to productive parents, personal
preferences towards nurturing children versus making money to provide other's
to nurture one's child are all viable means of raising healthy and happy children.
It is a matter of quality of the communal care and a healthy family
experience. And I would have to submit that a parent who wants to work at
some stimulating job and mix that up with some child care is a much healthier
arrangement than forcing parents into roles that make them miserable, with the
children reading that discomfort or anger on a daily basis. Dr. Laura is just
not equipped to judge human behavior with her religious blinders on.
Hrdy adds: "Situating infant
emotions in a tangible world trivializes psychoanalytical preoccupations with
imagined, interior worlds. For infants, the world really is a dangerous place.
By situating the mother (or other primary caretaker) at the center of each developing
infant's universe, Bowlby's theory of attachment stings most smartly where it
pricks the conscience of every mother who is aware of her infant's needs but
who also aspires to a life beyond bondage to them."
The new parent must be able to pursue
higher intellectual interests that may not include an obsessive interest in
child psychology, while some members of the community will gravitate towards
this chosen field. It is a matter of temperament. Everyone should be able to
chose the kind of work they enjoy, and that includes even more physical or social
occupations for those highly intelligent members of the community that don't
aspire to bury their heads in research or books. I would make no attempt to
breed out of people a variety of personality traits, idiosyncrasies, occupational
preferences, or even overt laziness for example. To me, intelligence is the
singular trait that is always a benefit to the individual and to the community.
Such variable traits as ambition, introversion, risk taking, etc. we can eugenically
leave in place until we are much more capable of dealing with our humanness.
We need time for our genomes to catch up with our phenotypes in an exponentially
changing technological world we have created for ourselves.[3]
So what is the relationship between
mother and fetus? Is it one of nurturing the child? Not by a long shot. The
child is 100% genetically similar to itself, but only related to its host ---
the mother --- by 50%. That is, in terms of Dawkin's selfish genes approach
to natural selection, the child as parasite will take from the mother (the host)
as much as it can without killing her in the process. Mother nature is far from
loving but is in a struggle for survival.[4]
So what are the (not always aware
of) objectives of the mother? To bring forth offspring that will carry half
of her genes into the next generation, ad infinitum if possible (we are all
a product of that endless chain of descent from the primal muck). It is not
to just have children because of some abstract goodness in children or sanctity
of life. It is not done for fun or entertainment or some other abstract reason.
Urges and desires were set in place, under millions of years of evolution, to
make sure that some children would survive each generation to carry these selfish
genes blindly on into the future. So motherhood is far from the idealistic
and loving model we have been taught to accept from our current cultural ethos.
Hrdy writes with regards to selection,
"Mothers who tended to be more discriminating about which babies they cared
for fared better. During famine and other crises, selective mothers would be
the only ones who left surviving offspring. If we are to believe the record
from antiquity (and I do), the behavioral response to inopportune births was
to abandon or terminate care. Hence the many human infants who were forced to
rely on the 'kindness of strangers,' as described in chapter 12. Human mothers
are far more likely to abandon their infants than are other primates who give
birth to one baby at a time.
"In terms of maternal infanticide
and abandonment, humans resemble birds and litter-bearing mammals more nearly
than they do other primates. Although utterly unprimatelike, infanticidal mothers
are not in the least unnatural. Because we take maternal love for granted, it
has rarely occurred even to evolutionists to ask the same sort of questions
about humans that we now routinely ask about coots or canaries. What effect
has discriminative maternal solicitude had on the survival equipment of human
infants, the attributes each infant enters the world with, and the signals it
sends?"
So are we stuck with the dysgenic
ethos that we have today? Hopefully not because we dare not slide backwards
with regards to our cognitive capital --- we as a species are barely able as
it is to understand the principles of democracy and constitutional law. Any
reversal in our ability to think could put us once again under the demonic control
of totalitarianism. We as a species would not have the capacity to control the
natural dominance hierarchy of our species.
Look at how our reproductive process
works today. Every child, no matter how genetically flawed, must be cared for
and scarce resources wasted while the gifted children are all but ignored. People
readily adopt babies from the underclass such as crack babies that are not only
innately deficient in intelligence but have been further harmed by fetal addiction.
This cultural altruism is slowly turning humans, by sheer numbers, into caretakers
of what should have never been --- children that would in other times have been
discarded as not viable to the job at hand.
Hrdy states that "In contemporary
Western society, parents are respected and admired for caring for the same infants
that in other societies mothers would be condemned by their neighbors for not
disposing of. Some adopting parents in the West go out of their way to select
the neediest infants, and commit themselves to years of therapy on behalf of
children who will never repay that care in any material sense. Unlike other
animals, humans are able to consciously make choices counter to their self-interest.
Indeed, much of what we consider 'ethical behavior' falls in this category.
"So far as genes and tissue
are concerned, embryo-fetus-baby represents a biological continuum. No distinction
can be other than arbitrary. In this sense, the transition between fetus and
person-hood is no less ambiguous today than it was a hundred thousand years
ago."
So we are in fact now free of what
should be in a Panglossian world of goodness, and can get on with planning,
with great flexibility what we are to become. That doesn't mean however that
we can ignore our desires, but we must understand what they are, how they came
about and why, and develop a eugenic ethos to work within what we are able to
devise in a workable program. That is, unlike Marxism and its flawed understanding
of human nature, eugenics is free to pursue any path, as long as it does not
go against the grain of human nature. We must always ask, at every juncture,
if we put this or that program in place how will human nature try to take advantage
of it (the free-rider problem)? Is it viable? Does it give people a sense of
purpose? Who may rebel against it --- the lazy and incompetent or those who
provide the resources? So how flexible is human nature with regards to motherhood,
the family, etc?
Hrdy observes, "Yet one of the
many ironies in the bonding saga is that even if someone were so rash as to
succumb to the naturalistic fallacy and imagine that what evolved is necessarily
what should be, there is remarkably little in the primate evolutionary record
that turns a female's sex into a pre-charted destiny of full-time stay-at-home
caretaking. Nor is there anything that rules out a mother sharing or delegating
caretaking to others. Female primates have always been dual-career mothers,
forced to compromise between maternal and infant needs. It is precisely for
this reason that primate mothers, including human foragers, have always shared
care of offspring with others --- when it was feasible.
"The politician who proclaims that 'every child from
the moment of conception [should be] protected by law and by love' is merely
mouthing words. Parental emotions cannot be legislated.
"An updated evolutionary perspective
cannot solve such problems, but it can at least focus attention on the real
issues. It is not a matter of 'motherhood versus vocation.' Rather, the question
is: Under what circumstances can a mother safely afford to delegate care to
allomothers? And, additionally: How can allomothers be motivated to care? Obstacles'
mothers face when they seek to go off to forage or to work are real enough,
particularly in environments (workplaces) where infants are not welcome and
mothers lose credibility for considering their needs. These problems have less
to do with an infant's need for exclusive care by its mother than with
values and attitudes in modern workplaces, and the scarcity of reliable and
willing alloparents."
I hope this eclectic look at Mother
Nature dispels the many myths held by both conservatives and liberals about
how the world should be ordered. Both sides suffer an extreme disregard for
empirical data, and rely on emotions or folk psychology to make their arguments.
If one looks at eugenics, it is neither liberal nor conservative. It is future
oriented, with a program for investing more in the genetic capital of our children
than merely palliative fixes for the numerous problems brought about by socialism
or the welfare state, and with no viable answers being put forth by the conservatives.
For example, it may be that crime
is declining to some extent because of abortion. It spares unwanted children
from being born and made miserable and alienated thus leading to crime. It is
the conservatives who want to stop abortion while wanting to put criminals in
jail. And the liberals want us to spend billions of dollars at intervention,
not realizing that their welfare state has allowed millions of poor --- most
of whom are genetically cognitively challenged --- to breed as they like because
the state will provide. And why is this?
Hrdy sums it up well: "Natural
selection, and with it the most powerful and comprehensive theory available
for understanding the basic natures of mothers and infants, was rejected, as
social scientists and feminists took another route. That path, which led away
from science, led them to reject biology altogether and construct alternative
origin stories, their own versions of wishful thinking about socially constructed
men and women, and infants born with more nearly a desire for mothers than a
need."
That is, we are now emerging from
Marxist dogma on the left and religious dogma on the right. Eugenics is empirical,
and unlike the left-right struggle it is grounded in facts, not fantasy. I will
surmise that religious dogma and faith will decline in the future as humans
better understand science and/or are able to fathom their own vulnerabilities
with regards to eventual death --- the two primary driving forces that underpin
blind faith in the supernatural. On the other hand, even as we watch the collapse
of Communism, Marxism is alive and well and is growing by other names. Postmodernism,
socialism, globalism, Boasian anthropology, multiculturalism, anti-nationalism,
etc. All of these movements are grounded in the totalitarian desire to crush
the human desire for self-identity in favor of one human model of how our species
should interact. It is universalism, and it is intolerant of any thought or
speech that violates its dictates with regards to socialist internationalism.
However, all humans are goal-directed towards reproductive success starting
with the genes, the self, the family, the tribe and fellow kin. When we ignore
the driving forces behind our purpose, we will continue to misread what makes
us human --- a combination of ancient algorithms and goals that we must understand
before we can reshape human behavior to our liking, and that too must be allowed
to vary from one group to another. There must never be a singular model of what
we are to become, because then we will have once again slipped back into the
totalitarian nightmare of globalism where only a singular human archetype will
be allowed.
----
Written by Matthew Nuenke, June 2000. (This article can be used without my permission
for distribution, republication, etc.)
NOTES
[1.] Hrdy page 468-70
In modern Western societies, infants are regarded as fully human the moment
they are born, tagged, blood-tested, foot printed, granted citizenship and legal
rights. Mothers are encouraged to bond with their infant almost immediately
and regarded as strange if they do not. It is an efficient and admirable scheme.
It is also, given the full range of human experience, unusual.
More typically (found in 86 percent
of societies in one cross-cultural study), full human identity is postponed
till after some specific postpartum milestone or rite of passage in which the
baby is publicly acknowledged, given a name, receives a soul. The ancient Greek
amphidromia is a classic naming ritual. Alloparents pick up the baby
and carry it around the hearth, then hand the newly named baby back to the parents,
thereafter a full-fledged member of their community. In an Indian village in
Rajasthan, some time after birth neighbors and kin will gather at a "cradling
ceremony" to joyously sing songs and sew clothes for the baby. Hijras
(sexually ambiguous castrated men dressed as women) show up to entertain people
and bless the baby --- especially if it is a boy. Prior to the late nineteenth
century, infanticide would have been sanctioned before the ceremony, but not
after.
Birth rituals may occur right after
birth, or months later. They may be celebrated simply, or with all the fanfare
of a cathedral christening. In the majority of cultures, full rights as a group
member are postponed till after inspection and acceptance of the baby by parents
or alloparents who have committed to rear it. Criteria for acceptance can be
very arbitrary, and open to interpretation. Recall that in some South American
tribes, too much or too little hair is considered a sign of maternal misconduct,
dooming the neonate --- but not necessarily. "This is not a human being,
this child has no hair" Elena Valero was told by other women after she
gave birth among her Yanamamo captors. "Kill him at once," they said,
only to be contradicted by the husband who had taken E1ena. He merely said,
"Let her bring him up, even if he has no hair . . ." and told the
women to go away.
In parts of Africa, South America,
and in the Pacific Islands, babies born with teeth, multiple births, or breech
births can be viewed as "ill omens" that prejudice parental acceptance
of the baby. Such traits are often susceptible to interpretation, as illustrated
by the case of a West African father who demanded that his baby; who was born
with six fingers, be killed. The midwife, however, ridiculed him for misreading
the signs of witchcraft; to her experienced eye, polydactyly signaled prosperity.
Passages to personhood may be viewed
as more gradual. Among the Ayoreo, the critical milestone is relatively late.
No child is considered completely human until he can walk. In other societies,
milestones range from taking food, beginning to smile (around five weeks), laughing
(four to five months), or cutting teeth. Passage through universal developmental
phases hints at the infant's future potential and also attests to how much investment
has gone to getting an infant to this stage. The mere fact that an infant has
survived long enough to pass these milestones further indicates that someone
has taken responsibility for the child.
Grief displayed by bereaved parents
is often greater if the baby dies after naming or after one of these
developmental milestones has been passed, signifying both the emotional bond
that has intensified over time, and also the child's perceived worth. DeVries
was struck by the contrast between how detached, almost nonchalant, Masai mothers
were if an infant succumbed before being named, as compared to the extreme grief
--- screaming, self-mutilation, and chaotic racing about --- exhibited if death
occurred afterward. Apparently, passage through the "second birth"
marks not only a public decision to keep the infant but also a change in the
emotional tone of the relationship between mother and infant.
When United States senator Daniel
Patrick Moynihan declares that he is pro-choice but against late-stage abortion
because it is too much like infanticide, he is restating the anthropologically
obvious. Almost all infanticide in traditional societies occurs right after
birth, and is conceptually identical to late-stage abortion. Neonaticide is
favored over abortion simply because infanticide is safer for the mother. (Although
traditional societies do have ways to induce abortions, such crude methods as
the pregnant woman asking someone to jump on her stomach, they are neither effective
nor anything approaching safe.) The situation is reversed for societies with
Western medicine. Abortion --- especially in early stages of pregnancy --- is
safer for the mother than giving birth is. No one with other options chooses
infanticide.
In no other primate do mothers appear
to distinguish between a new baby and a new baby that will be kept. Nothing
is known about when in the course of hominid evolution such distinctions came
to be emphasized. My own guess is that mothers grew more discriminating as they
were increasingly called upon to simultaneously provide for multiple offspring
of different ages. If this supposition is correct, mothers faced with the prospect
of provisioning a staggered clutch of slow-maturing, highly dependent offspring
would already have been somewhat discriminating prior to the Neolithic. After
it, mothers would have become more fastidious still as settled living brought
with it birth intervals shorter still. Such mothers would have been among the
earliest intellectuals, enlisting natural history, myth, and ritual to explain
anomalies, justify their actions, and reconcile necessity with emotions. Then,
as now, combining survival, maternity, and work confronted mothers with chronically
irreconcilable dilemmas. Emerging belief systems made such dilemmas easier to
bear, as intelligent and increasingly compassionate creatures invented stories
they could live with.
The way a mother thought about her
fetus would have become integrally linked with her view of the world generally.
Practices such as assigning names to individuals came linked to a mother's dawning
awareness of death and history. Increasingly, mothers would be able to imagine
and articulate what the future might hold, including what the impact of a new
birth might be for her other children. To a mother giving birth during this
dawn-time of humanity, it would have been critically important not to regard
a neonate as having equal standing with older children.[return]
[2.] Hrdy --- pg. 414
Prior to five or six months of age, infants smile indiscriminately at
almost anyone. It is as if this is a honeymoon period during which an infant
becomes familiar with its local community, mostly kin. Around six months of
age, however, infants begin to respond quite differently to unfamiliar people.
Novel objects continue to be interesting, but the "visual looming"
of a strange human jolts the infant into vigilance. His pulse rate rises; he
may begin to cry. In the words of developmental psychologist Daniel Freedman:
"Animate strangers are the major source of fear for infants in the second
half of the first year." Strangers strike toddlers as especially fearsome
if they are encountered in a strange place, if they are tall, male, bearded,
or if the infant is used to living among familiar people (rather than, say,
in an orphanage), and is not accustomed to new faces.[return]
[3.] S. B. Hrdy --- pg. 450
When organisms must cope with new situations, all Mother Nature has at hand
are the leftovers in the cupboard. Mutations are rarely any use. This is why
the most rapid adaptations tend to be behavioral rather than physiological.
Individuals use behavior to produce a new phenotype, and subsequently, at a
more leisurely pace, selection for traits that complement and enhance the new
phenotype can be selected for in the conventional Darwinian way.[return]
[4.] S. B. Hrdy --- pg. 432
By 1996, Shirley Tilghman and other molecular geneticists at Princeton undertook
a series of experiments with specially genetically engineered strains of mice
to test Haig's predictions. Ideas that had once seemed little more than wildly
speculative gleams in Haig's eye were correctly predicting fetal growth in mice
depending on which parent's genes were in charge. At a given genetic locus,
experimentally manipulated mouse embryos received either all their genetic instructions
from the father or all from the mother. Untrammeled expression of paternally
imprinted genes produced giant babies, 130 percent of normal size at birth.
Fetuses whose growth factors were monopolized by maternal instructions were
dwarfed down to 6o percent of normal size.
In 1998, the strangest imprinted
gene of all was described --- the mest gene, which is expressed only when it
is inherited from the father, never expressed if inherited from the mother.
Mother mice whose only copy of the mest comes from their mother exhibit deficient
maternal responses and, in particular, fail to eat the placenta after birth,
missing out on that last dose of fetal propaganda.
Haig speculated that some of the
more puzzling inefficiencies of pregnancy, as well as some of its occasional
pathologies, were actually by-products of this long history of conflicting agendas.
No longer upright, the participants lean markedly in one direction or the other,
so that if the tugging ever stops, they topple over.
Obstetricians have long referred
to the placenta as "a ruthless parasitic organ existing solely for the
maintenance and protection of the fetus, perhaps too often to the disregard
of the maternal organism."
In effect, after twelve weeks, the
fetus is in a strong position to command the mother's body to carry on with
the pregnancy. As with any well-organized invasion, the next step is to establish
supply lines.[return]
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