{"id":85591,"date":"2013-10-11T04:40:20","date_gmt":"2013-10-11T08:40:20","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.designerchildren.com\/scotus-for-law-students-sponsored-by-bloomberg-law-buffer-zones-and-free-speech\/"},"modified":"2013-10-11T04:40:20","modified_gmt":"2013-10-11T08:40:20","slug":"scotus-for-law-students-sponsored-by-bloomberg-law-buffer-zones-and-free-speech","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/free-speech\/scotus-for-law-students-sponsored-by-bloomberg-law-buffer-zones-and-free-speech\/","title":{"rendered":"SCOTUS for law students (sponsored by Bloomberg Law): Buffer zones and free speech"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><p>    Tough free speech cases seem to have become a hallmark of the    Roberts Court. This Term may be no exception, as the Justices    consider whether a Massachusetts law creating a buffer zone to    keep protesters away from abortion clinic entrance sidewalks is    constitutional.  <\/p>\n<p>    Recall that the Roberts Court has already wrestled with a    federal ban on animal crush videos, a state law restricting    sale of violent video games, issues related to protests at the    funerals of deceased military service members, and a federal    prohibition on false claims about military honors. In each of    these controversial cases, the Court protected the free speech    interests from regulation.  <\/p>\n<p>    Now add to the list the case of        McCullen v. Coakley, which pits a states interest    in protecting women who want access to abortion clinics against    the interests of anti-abortion protesters who want to be able    to counsel and hand literature to women approaching clinics.  <\/p>\n<p>    The case should be of interest to law students who are studying    free speech and free expression, as well as to those studying    constitutional law, reproductive rights, and gender    jurisprudence.  <\/p>\n<p>    The Court will not actually rule on the right to abortion in    the case. State laws restricting access to abortion are    proliferating, and a Supreme Court test reconsidering the scope    of that right looms in the Courts future. Instead, the    Massachusetts case involves a tension between the desire of    anti-abortion protesters to speak with women who are    approaching reproductive health clinics and the desire of the    patients to be left alone.  <\/p>\n<p>    It is important to understand the regulatory landscape to    follow the issues in the case. Since 1994, federal law has    protected access to abortion clinics against threats,    intimidation, or violent interference with women seeking    reproductive services. But a sizeable handful of states and    cities choose to provide additional protection that goes beyond    what federal law provides to help facilitate access to clinics.  <\/p>\n<p>    Massachusetts is one such state. From 2000 to 2007,    Massachusetts had a law that prohibited anti-abortion    protesters from approaching with six feet of anyone walking or    driving in a radius of eighteen feet from the entrance of an    abortion clinic. Massachusetts said the law was justified by    the need to cope with violence, intimidation, and harassment at    abortion clinics. But abortion protesters challenged the law,    asserting that it interfered with their right to free speech    and expression protected by the First Amendment. The U.S. Court    of Appeals for the First Circuit upheld the law.  <\/p>\n<p>    The 2000 law was patterned after a Colorado law that the    Supreme Court upheld that same year in the case of     Hill v. Colorado. By a vote of six to    three, the Justices ruled that the Colorado law did not    discriminate on the basis of viewpoint, was narrowly drawn,    left open other means of expression, and was neither too vague    nor overbroad, thus passing the basic tests required by the    First Amendment. Of the nine Justices who took part in the    Colorado case in 2000, only five remain on the Court: Justices    Ginsberg and Breyer, who voted to uphold the law, and    dissenters Justices Scalia, Kennedy, and Thomas.  <\/p>\n<p>    Massachusetts amended its law in 2007 to create a    thirty-five-foot buffer zone, which means that no one may    protest or approach potential patients within that area    surrounding either the front door of a clinic or the driveway    into the clinic parking lot. Anti-abortion activists are free    to protest outside the thirty-five-foot zone or to wait until    after regular clinic hours. The state said the amendment was    necessary because there was still harassment going on outside    clinics. The state said the six-foot floating buffer in the old    law was hard to enforce, and public safety required a larger,    fixed no-protest zone.  <\/p>\n<p>    The law was challenged by anti-abortion protesters who maintain    that they want to peacefully hand out literature and talk to    women who are approaching abortion clinics. They hope to make    the women understand that there are alternatives to abortion    and that they can help them understand their options. The    thirty-five-foot buffer zone pushes them into the street or    outer edge of the sidewalk or beyond entry driveways, they    complained.  <\/p>\n<p><!-- Auto Generated --><\/p>\n<p>Read the rest here:<br \/>\n<a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.scotusblog.com\/2013\/10\/scotus-for-law-students-sponsored-by-bloomberg-law-buffer-zones-and-free-speech\/\" title=\"SCOTUS for law students (sponsored by Bloomberg Law): Buffer zones and free speech\">SCOTUS for law students (sponsored by Bloomberg Law): Buffer zones and free speech<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p> Tough free speech cases seem to have become a hallmark of the Roberts Court. This Term may be no exception, as the Justices consider whether a Massachusetts law creating a buffer zone to keep protesters away from abortion clinic entrance sidewalks is constitutional.  <a href=\"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/free-speech\/scotus-for-law-students-sponsored-by-bloomberg-law-buffer-zones-and-free-speech\/\">Continue reading <span class=\"meta-nav\">&rarr;<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[162384],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-85591","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-free-speech"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/85591"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=85591"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/85591\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=85591"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=85591"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=85591"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}