{"id":67620,"date":"2016-03-29T03:40:55","date_gmt":"2016-03-29T07:40:55","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/liberty-and-property-libertarianism-org\/"},"modified":"2016-03-29T03:40:55","modified_gmt":"2016-03-29T07:40:55","slug":"liberty-and-property-libertarianism-org","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/transhuman-news-blog\/libertarianism\/liberty-and-property-libertarianism-org\/","title":{"rendered":"Liberty and Property | Libertarianism.org"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><p>    February 4, 2013 columns  <\/p>\n<p>      Zwolinksi argues that libertarians are right to support      private property, but also that private property is more      complicated than we sometimes think.    <\/p>\n<p>    Libertarians care about justice. And justice, I have    argued     inpreviousposts,    is incompatible with the goal of maximizing    freedom. But this means that freedom and justice can    sometimes come into conflict. It means that, not always but    sometimes, fulfilling the demands of justice will require    limiting freedom. Sometimes we have to choose.  <\/p>\n<p>    An especially vivid and significant example of this conflict    can be seen in the relationship between freedom and property.    In this post, I will explain the nature of that conflict. In    the next, I will say how I think libertarians ought to respond    to it. To anticipate, though, my thesis is that although    property rights entail significant restrictions on freedom,    those restrictions are nevertheless justifiable in light of the    many moral benefits that property institutions bring including,    notably, benefits in the form of countervailing    enhancements of freedom.  <\/p>\n<p>    Libertarians are virtually defined by their commitment to both    liberty and rights of private property. Some libertarians, such    as     Jan Narveson, even go so far as to equate the twoarguing    that liberty really just is property.  <\/p>\n<p>    I think that there are plenty of good reasons to be    enthusiastic about both liberty and property. And, indeed,    there are plenty of good reasons to believe that liberty and    property are very closely related.  <\/p>\n<p>    But we shouldnt allow the freedom-enhancing power of private    property to blind us to its costsor even to the fact that some    of those costs are measured in the currency of freedom itself.    That property has the power to limit freedom as well as to    protect it shouldnt be surprising, really. After all, imposing    limits on others freedom is part of the point of    private property. The Hobbesian state of nature is a state of    war precisely because and to the extent that each individual    has the liberty to do anything which, in his own judgment and    reason, he shall conceive to be the aptest means to the    preservation of his own lifeeven if that thing is the crop you    just harvested or your body itself. The freedom of each person    to do anything he wishes is a recipe for a life that is    solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short. Peace, prosperity,    and stability are only achieved when each individual agrees to    lay down some of this unlimited liberty and to respect the    rights of others.  <\/p>\n<p>    I suspect that most libertarians will have no serious problems    with what I have said so far. My freedom to steal your bread    and punch you in the face is, anyway, a pretty unattractive    kind of freedom from a moral point of view. So if private    property simply places limits on that kind of freedom,    thats a feature, not a bug.  <\/p>\n<p>    But not every liberty suppressed by property is so easily    written off. Private property limits not just the freedom of    thieves and aggressors, but of innocent individuals seeking    nothing other than to make an honest way in the world.    Consider, in this vein,     what Herbert Spencer had to say in his Social    Statics about private property in land. For Spencer, the    equal freedom of all entails an equal right of each person to    use the earth for the satisfaction of his wants. But what if    land can be legitimately appropriated as private property?  <\/p>\n<p>      [I]f one portion of the earths surface may justly become the      possession of an individual, and may be held by him for his      sole use and benefit, as a thing to which he has an exclusive      right, then other portions of the earths surface may be so      held; and eventually the whole of the earths surface may be      so held; and our planet may thus lapse altogether into      private hands. Observe now the dilemma to which this leads.      Supposing the entire habitable globe to be so enclosed, it      follows that if the landowners have a valid right to its      surface, all who are not landowners, have no right at all to      its surface. Hence, such can exist on the earth by sufferance      only. They are all trespassers. Save by the permission of the      lords of the soil, they can have no room for the soles of      their feet. Nay, should the others think fit to deny them a      resting-place, these landless men might equitably be expelled      from the earth altogether.    <\/p>\n<p>    A property right in land is a right to control access to that    land. It is a right to say No. But if all land is privately    owned, and all landowners have a right to say No to all    non-landowners, then non-landowners are not equally free with    landowners. They exist in a state of dependence. Like feudal    serfs or the most abject slaves, they live only by the consent    of those in command.  <\/p>\n<p>    For Spencer, this was a reason to reject private property in    land altogether. So, too, for the later Marxist philosopher    G.A. Cohen, who argued in strikingly similar terms that lack of    property in general, and lack of money in particular,    constituted a serious form of unfreedom. According to    Cohen, to lack money is to be liable to continual    interference by others. A woman who wants to take the train to    visit her sister in Glasgow but cannot afford the ticket will    be physically prevented from boarding the train, or physically    ejected from it once her lack of a ticket is discovered. She    thus lacks the freedom to take the train, just as much as she    would if men with guns patrolled the station on orders from the    government and prevented her from taking it.  <\/p>\n<p>    In fact, men with guns do patrol the station on orders    from the government to prevent the woman from boarding. They    are called the police. And in enforcing the property rights of    the owners of the train, they necessarily restrict the freedom    of non-owners.  <\/p>\n<p>    Now, the thing to note about Cohens argument, and Spencers    for that matter, is that it is based on a perfectly ordinary    understanding of what freedom is. Cohen is not arguing that the    poor lack     positive freedom or     real freedom or any other adjectival form of freedom of    novel origin and dubious merit. He is arguing that they lack    precisely the kind of negative freedom that libertarians    purport to be concerned withfreedom from liability to physical    interference by other human beings.  <\/p>\n<p>    Being poor isnt like being crippled or sick, in other words.    These, Cohen concedes, might plausibly be construed as a mere    physical inability to exercise ones freedom, not a lack of    freedom itself. But poverty is different. A crippling    disability would limit your ability to do what you want even if    you were alone on a desert island. Disabilities are natural    facts, and the restrictions they impose are physical, not    social in nature. But lack of money would be no obstacle to a    solitary man on a desert island. And this is because money is    an essentially social device. It derives its value from a    system of norms that are socially recognized and socially    enforced. And without that enforcementwithout the fact that    behind money and property institutions more generally there are    men with guns standing ready to enforce the claims they    representmoney would be nothing.  <\/p>\n<p>    Libertarians, as George Smith     recently noted, have generally responded to this argument    by insisting that real freedom is not absence of interference    per se but rather absence of interference with ones    rights. Ive     criticized that response before and will say more about it    in my next post. I will also say what I think the proper    libertarian response is, and what its limits are.  <\/p>\n<p>              Matt Zwolinski is Associate Professor of Philosophy              at the University of San Diego, and co-director              ofUSDs              Institute for Law and Philosophy. He has              publishednumerous              articles at the intersection of politics, law,              economics, with a special focus on issues of              exploitation and political libertarianism. He is the              editor of               Arguing About Political Philosophy              (Routledge, 2009), and is currently writing two              books: Exploitation, Capitalism, and the              State and, with John Tomasi, Libertarianism:              A Bleeding Heart History. The latter is under              contract with Princeton University Press. Matt              Zwolinski is the founder of and a regular contributor              to the blog Bleeding              Heart Libertarians.            <\/p>\n<p><!-- Auto Generated --><\/p>\n<p>Here is the original post:<br \/>\n<a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.libertarianism.org\/blog\/liberty-property\" title=\"Liberty and Property | Libertarianism.org\">Liberty and Property | Libertarianism.org<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p> February 4, 2013 columns Zwolinksi argues that libertarians are right to support private property, but also that private property is more complicated than we sometimes think. Libertarians care about justice. And justice, I have argued inpreviousposts, is incompatible with the goal of maximizing freedom <a href=\"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/transhuman-news-blog\/libertarianism\/liberty-and-property-libertarianism-org\/\">Continue reading <span class=\"meta-nav\">&rarr;<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[17],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-67620","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-libertarianism"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/67620"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=67620"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/67620\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=67620"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=67620"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=67620"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}