{"id":210753,"date":"2017-08-09T05:08:03","date_gmt":"2017-08-09T09:08:03","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/kenyan-elections-why-it-is-important-wion\/"},"modified":"2017-08-09T05:08:03","modified_gmt":"2017-08-09T09:08:03","slug":"kenyan-elections-why-it-is-important-wion","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/zeitgeist-movement\/kenyan-elections-why-it-is-important-wion\/","title":{"rendered":"Kenyan elections: Why it is important &#8211; WION"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><p>    There are eight candidates for the presidency in Kenyas 2017    election. Of these, two are the main contenders; Uhuru Muigai    Kenyatta and Raila Amolo Odinga. This is a replica of the 2013    polls where the two presidential candidates were the dominant    opponents.  <\/p>\n<p>    The running mate configuration has not changed either, with    both retaining their previous partners. William Ruto for    Kenyatta and Kalonzo Musyoka for Odinga. The only thing that    has changed is their party identities.  <\/p>\n<p>    Kenyattas 2013 Jubilee coalition is now the     Jubilee Party, comprising most of the constituent parties    that had been part of the coalition. The 2013 Jubilee formation    was an alliance between parties loyal to the president, and his    deputy William Ruto.  <\/p>\n<p>    For its part Odingas camp underwent a     coalition overhaul, morphing from the Coalition for Reforms    and Democracy to the National Super Alliance. The coalition    brings together several parties, both old and new, led by the    Orange Democratic Movement, Odingas longtime party.  <\/p>\n<p>    Latest polls have indicated that the two candidates are    neck-and-neck. Both have factors working for and against them.  <\/p>\n<p>    Uhuru Kenyatta  <\/p>\n<p>    A few things are in Kenyattas favor. At 55 years of age, he is    a young president who represents generational change. Kenyatta    also comes from one of the wealthiest families in Kenya. Forbes    Magazine ranks him as the     26th richest person in Africa, with an estimated fortune of    $500 million. This means that hes been able to contribute    financially to a vibrant campaign.  <\/p>\n<p>    As the incumbent, some would also argue that he has had        access to state resources and agencies to facilitate his    re-election. Incumbency has also allowed him to drive his    campaign on the steam of his development record and flagship    projects in infrastructure, the energy sector and public    service delivery.  <\/p>\n<p>    In terms of voting blocs, Kenyatta has the support of Kenyas    two     most populous ethnic groupings: the Gikuyu, Embu and Meru    (GEMA) and the Kalenjin.     The registered voters in the GEMA grouping are    approximately 5,588,389, in the Kalenjin are 2,324,559.  <\/p>\n<p>    Combined, thats 7,912,948 votes, which is equivalent to 40 per    cent of the electorate. Thats a formidable start when you    consider that presidential strongholds have historically    recorded a higher    voter turnout during elections.  <\/p>\n<p>    On the other hand, Kenyattas four-year tenure has been riddled    with corruption allegations, including the     Eurobond and     National Youth Service scandals.  <\/p>\n<p>    His     admitted inability to rein in corruption in his government    has worked against him. Additionally, his government is also    accused of     ethnic exclusion.  <\/p>\n<p>    The Jubilee presidency is seen as a two-man show. This has    contributed to the perception that Jubilee is not ethnically    representative.  <\/p>\n<p>    Raila Odinga  <\/p>\n<p>    Odinga has many things going for him. High up on the list are    his charisma and strong political mobilisation skills.    Historically, Odinga has always been a formidable opposition    politician;     not being an incumbent has enabled him to galvanise    effectively.  <\/p>\n<p>    Odinga enjoys wider ethnic support compared to President    Kenyatta, comprising among others the Kamba, Luhya, Luo and    Maasai tribes. These communities comprise over a third of the    voting population. But the disadvantage is their historically    lower    record of voter turnout.  <\/p>\n<p>    At 72 years of age, Odinga represents the older generation of    Kenyan leaders who joined politics in the 1970s and 80s. And    this being his fourth    attempt at the presidency, theres lethargy among some of    his supporters.  <\/p>\n<p>    Hes viewed by some as power hungry and untrustworthy,    especially because of his alleged association with Kenyas        1982 coup. His calls for     mass action after the contentious 2007 election, during a    period that saw the displacement and death of thousands of    Kenyans, also contributed to this perception.  <\/p>\n<p>    Also to his disadvantage is an association with past corruption    scandals during his     term as prime minister, including the     maize and Kazi Kwa Vijana     youth programme scandals.  <\/p>\n<p>    The main political formations  <\/p>\n<p>    There are two main formations in the 2017 election - the    Jubilee Party and the National Super Alliance.  <\/p>\n<p>    The Jubilee Party, formed in September 2016, followed a merger    between the National Alliance and the United Republican Party    representing two ethnic communities - the Kikuyu and the    Kalenjin. The Jubilee Party also has the support of other    political parties including the Kenya African National Union,    NARC Kenya, the Labour Party and the Democratic Party amongst    others.  <\/p>\n<p>    The National Super Alliance is a coalition of political parties    formed in April 2017. Its leading lights are Odingas Orange    Democratic Movement, the Wiper Democratic Movement led by    Kalonzo Musyoka, the Amani National Congress led by Musalia    Mudavadi, Ford Kenya led by Moses Wetangula and Isaac Rutos    Chama Cha Mashinani. The coalition brings together the Luo,    Kamba and Luhya ethnic groups, and a section of the Kalenjin    community.  <\/p>\n<p>    In this election cycle, party manifestos have become    increasingly important. This explains the Jubilee    administrations scramble to complete promises    outlined in its 2013 document.  <\/p>\n<p>    The Jubilee Party has made even more promises in its recently    launched manifesto. Three that have caught the public attention    include the creation of 1.3 million jobs a year, free public    secondary education and the expansion of Kenyas food    production capacity.  <\/p>\n<p>    The National Super Alliances promises are more political. They include a    constitutional amendment to provide for a hybrid executive    system to foster national cohesion. Two other notable promises    are to lower the cost of rent by enforcing the Rent Restriction    Act and to implement free secondary education.  <\/p>\n<p>    Strengths and weaknesses  <\/p>\n<p>    The strengths of the Jubilee Party lie mainly in its incumbency    and its development track record over the last four-and-a-half    years. But the party has been weakened by divisions within its    ranks. These were amplified during the campaign as    disagreements broke out over the leadership of campaign teams.    The ruling party is also handicapped to the extent that its    not as ethnically diverse as its competitor.  <\/p>\n<p>    The National Super Alliances main strength lies in its ethnic    diversity. Its five    principals represent different ethnic communities.  <\/p>\n<p>    The super alliance also creatively captures the zeitgeist of a    section of the electorate, with some of its campaign slogans    such as -vindu vichenjanga (things are    a-changing in the Luhya dialect) making their way into popular    use. It is riding on the euphoric wave that usually accompanies    the hope of regime change.  <\/p>\n<p>    One of its weaknesses, however, includes a perceived    predilection to violence because the opposition has previously    resorted to mass action. In 2016 for example, it organised a        series of protests to mobilise for the removal of key    members of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries commission,    the body responsible for organising the general election.  <\/p>\n<p>    Another weakness is its close association with allegedly        corrupt financiers.  <\/p>\n<p>    Key concerns  <\/p>\n<p>    There is a perception that historically, the presidency has    been the preserve of     two ethnic groups  the Kikuyu and the Kalenjin. This    feeling of disenfranchisement has become a key campaign issue.  <\/p>\n<p>    There are, however, some     non-tribal issues that have taken the foreground. These    include corruption, economic and social stability, lower cost    of living and improved security.  <\/p>\n<p>    This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the        original article.  <\/p>\n<p><!-- Auto Generated --><\/p>\n<p>Go here to read the rest: <\/p>\n<p><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\" href=\"https:\/\/www.wionews.com\/world\/kenyan-elections-why-it-is-important-18708\" title=\"Kenyan elections: Why it is important - WION\">Kenyan elections: Why it is important - WION<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p> There are eight candidates for the presidency in Kenyas 2017 election.  <a href=\"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/zeitgeist-movement\/kenyan-elections-why-it-is-important-wion\/\">Continue reading <span class=\"meta-nav\">&rarr;<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":7,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[187735],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-210753","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-zeitgeist-movement"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/210753"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/7"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=210753"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/210753\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=210753"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=210753"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=210753"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}