{"id":204722,"date":"2017-07-10T20:08:03","date_gmt":"2017-07-11T00:08:03","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/why-myanmars-suu-kyi-has-failed-on-media-freedom-the-diplomat\/"},"modified":"2017-07-10T20:08:03","modified_gmt":"2017-07-11T00:08:03","slug":"why-myanmars-suu-kyi-has-failed-on-media-freedom-the-diplomat","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/freedom\/why-myanmars-suu-kyi-has-failed-on-media-freedom-the-diplomat\/","title":{"rendered":"Why Myanmar&#8217;s Suu Kyi Has Failed on Media Freedom &#8211; The Diplomat"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><p>    The current governments approach    looks eerily familiar.  <\/p>\n<p>      By Joshua Kurlantzick      for The      Diplomat    <\/p>\n<p>      July 11, 2017    <\/p>\n<p>    The National League for Democracy (NLD)-led government in    Myanmar has now been in office for more than a year, with Aung    San Suu Kyi as de facto head of government. Suu Kyi certainly    wields sizable influence. In fact, Suu Kyi has often been    criticized, by commentators and members of her own party, for    keeping too tight-fisted control of actions by the government,    so much so that NLD members of parliament seemingly have little    to do.  <\/p>\n<p>    To be sure, on some policy areas, Suu Kyi does not have the    level of control that leaders of other, more established    democracies enjoy. The military remains an extraordinarily    powerful actor in Myanmar, and one apparently capable of    operating, in outlying areas at least, without even clearing    policy through the Cabinet. The military retains its percentage    of seats in parliament, essential control over its budget, and    its strong resistance to any constitutional change. Proponents    of constitutional change that might reduce the formal powers of    the armed forces, like former NLD lawyer U Ko Ni, have been    murdered.  <\/p>\n<p>    Nonetheless, there are areas of policy over which Suu Kyi    should enjoy significant influence, and freedom of the press is    one of them. Suu Kyi was a longtime opposition leader, at a    time (mostly) when Myanmars media was tightly controlled, the    security forces regularly detained reporters, and state media    outlets used their pages to mock and condemn her. She could use    her bully pulpit to promote independent media, greater freedoms    for journalists working throughout Myanmar, and an end to media    monopolies. She could step in strongly if journalists were    detained, and call for greater transparency in government    transparency that might actually work in her favor, since a    more vibrant Myanmar press could well expose abuses by the    armed forces and, indirectly, apply pressure for constitutional    change.  <\/p>\n<p>    But Suu Kyi has not taken this approach. Instead, over the past    year, press freedom in Myanmar seems to have regressed. In some    respects, press freedom in Myanmar now seems more restrictive    than it was in the final years of the former Thein Sein    government. The Suu Kyi government has not tried to change    existing laws that are major barriers to a free press. The    Committee to Protect JournalistsShawn    Crispin notes:  <\/p>\n<p>    Chief among those laws is section 66(d) of the    Telecommunications Law, a broad provision that carries    potential three-year prison terms for cases of defamation over    communications networks. While the law was used only    occasionally against journalists under military rule,    politicians, military officials, and even Buddhist monks are    increasingly using it now to stifle online and social media    criticism.  <\/p>\n<p>    The Myanmar chapter of the PEN press freedom group has    estimated that over 55 cases have been filed, under this law,    just in the year since Suu Kyis government came into office.    Meanwhile, late last month three journalists were arrested in    Shan State, under a different Unlawful Association law. These    reporters included one fromThe Irrawaddy; they    had been covering one of the countrys ethnic insurgencies as    well as allegations of abuses by the state security forces.    The return of a climate of fear is very    disturbing,wroteThe    Irrawaddys editor-in-chief, Aung Zaw, after the    publications reporter was arrested.  <\/p>\n<p>    As with the rising toll of defamation cases, Suu Kyi has said    nothing about the arrests in Shan State. A spokesperson for her    partytold    the New York Times, For media personnel, press    freedom is a key need For us, peace, national development and    economic development are the priority, and then democracy and    human rights, including press freedom.  <\/p>\n<p>    Meanwhile, Suu Kyis government has enacted other restrictions    on press access. It has made it nearly impossible for    journalists to cover parts of Rakhine State in the west. The    Suu Kyi government also recentlyrefused    to provide visasto UN investigators tasked with    analyzing the situation in Rakhine State and allegations of    abuse by Myanmar security forces in Rakhine State. In some    ways, the Suu Kyi government is looking more and more like its    predecessors.  <\/p>\n<p>    Joshua Kurlantzick is senior fellow for Southeast Asia at    the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR). This originally    appeared over at CFRs Asia Unbound     here and is republished here with kind permission.  <\/p>\n<p><!-- Auto Generated --><\/p>\n<p>See the rest here: <\/p>\n<p><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\" href=\"http:\/\/thediplomat.com\/2017\/07\/why-myanmars-suu-kyi-has-failed-on-media-freedom\/\" title=\"Why Myanmar's Suu Kyi Has Failed on Media Freedom - The Diplomat\">Why Myanmar's Suu Kyi Has Failed on Media Freedom - The Diplomat<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p> The current governments approach looks eerily familiar.  <a href=\"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/freedom\/why-myanmars-suu-kyi-has-failed-on-media-freedom-the-diplomat\/\">Continue reading <span class=\"meta-nav\">&rarr;<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":8,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[187727],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-204722","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-freedom"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/204722"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/8"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=204722"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/204722\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=204722"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=204722"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=204722"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}