{"id":202822,"date":"2017-06-30T17:50:28","date_gmt":"2017-06-30T21:50:28","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/after-one-year-duterte-veers-ever-more-to-the-right-rappler\/"},"modified":"2017-06-30T17:50:28","modified_gmt":"2017-06-30T21:50:28","slug":"after-one-year-duterte-veers-ever-more-to-the-right-rappler","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/socio-economic-collapse\/after-one-year-duterte-veers-ever-more-to-the-right-rappler\/","title":{"rendered":"After one year, Duterte veers ever more to the right &#8211; Rappler"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><p>  President Rodrigo Duterte is proving to be a hindrance to the  country's most urgent political and socio-economic reforms<\/p>\n<p>              Published 8:30 PM, June 30, 2017            <\/p>\n<p>              Updated 11:04 PM, June 30, 2017            <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>    After a year in office, the first self-proclaimed Leftist and    Socialist president of the Philippines has become more rightist    and fascist than ever.  <\/p>\n<p>    Swept to office last year on the promise of sweeping changes,    President Rodrigo Duterte and his government are proving to be    a hindrance to the country's most urgent political and    socio-economic reforms.  <\/p>\n<p>    Worse, with the recent declaration of martial law and    suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus in    Mindanao and possibly elsewhere, he is threatening to bring the    country back to the Marcosian days of martial rule.  <\/p>\n<p>    Human rights catastrophe  <\/p>\n<p>    If there is any accomplishment that President Duterte can    rightly claim his own, it's the deaths of more than 8,000    suspected drug users and pushers at the hands of the police,    police assets and police-backed vigilante death squads. This    was his campaign promise, and he is doing it with flair.  <\/p>\n<p>    The unbelievable frequency and impunity by which these    extrajudicial killings (i.e. summary executions at the hands of    state security forces) are committed have become the hallmark    of his war on drugs. It is targeted mainly at the poor, who    neither have the clout nor the resources to defend themselves    from such an onslaught by the very government that is supposed    to protect their rights.  <\/p>\n<p>    The drug-related killings have earned widespread condemnation    from human rights advocates here and abroad. And by comparing    himself to Hitler, Duterte has singlehandedly cemented his    image on the world stage as a proponent of genocide and mass    murder.  <\/p>\n<p>    Just like the EJKs of petty criminals in Davao City when he was    then mayor, the killings due to the drug war cannot be directly    attributed to President Duterte. He has never pulled the    trigger or ordered the killing of specific individuals.  <\/p>\n<p>    But by giving his men the go-ahead to shoot drug suspects,    repeatedly condoning the killings and assuring those involved    of protection and even a presidential pardon, and with    authorities under him failing or refusing to investigate or    prosecute numerous cases of EJKs, then he becomes accountable.  <\/p>\n<p>    It's not only the poor drug users and pushers that get killed.    In the last year, human rights groups have documented at least    55 extrajudicial killings of peasants and indigenous peoples    suspected of being members or sympathizers of the New People's    Army (NPA). Almost all victims were involved in land disputes    involving large plantations or in campaigns to stop large-scale    mining in their communities. Independent investigations almost    always point to government soldiers or members of    military-backed paramilitary groups as perpetrators.  <\/p>\n<p>    Whether drug related or counterinsurgency related, whether one    or 8,000, such killings target the poor and are utterly    condemnable. It represents the darkest side of the Duterte    presidency.  <\/p>\n<p>    Peace talks on the brink  <\/p>\n<\/p>\n<p>    In contrast, the resumption of the peace talks between the    government and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines    (NDFP) can be considered the Duterte presidency's silver    lining. His appointment of 3 NDFP nominees to his cabinet, the    release of NDFP consultants involved in the negotiations, and    his commitment to honor all previously signed agreements    between the two parties have established much confidence and    goodwill in the talks.  <\/p>\n<p>    The peace talks with the NDFP are key to his campaign promise    of bringing peace to the whole country. The talks are meant to    address the root causes of the 50-year old armed conflict. It's    agenda includes the entire gamut of economic, social, cultural,    political and constitutional reforms. Moreover, Duterte's    background as a Kabataang Makabayan activist and claims of    being a leftist and socialist endears him well to the NDFP.  <\/p>\n<p>    There have been four rounds of formal talks in the last year,    the most number of any administration. Major gains have been    achieved in forging a substatial agreement on social and    economic reforms, including a consensus on free land    distribution as the key principle in agrarian reform. Drafts    have been exchanged on political and constitutional reforms,    and discussions started on the eventual cessation of    hostilities and disposition of forces.  <\/p>\n<p>    Unfortunately, Duterte's insistence, on the prodding of his    military and defense officials, on a bilateral ceasefire prior    to any substantial agreement has snagged the talks. At this    stage in the negotiations where no substantial agreement has    yet been signed, the NDFP considers such a bilateral ceasefire    agreeement as a virtual document of surrender and capitulation.  <\/p>\n<p>    As in previous regimes, the Armed Forces of the Philippines    (AFP) want the rebels to enter into a ceasefire but insists on    its right to operate in NPA strongholds and areas where the    rebels operate. The rebels know that this is to their    disadvantage and so insists that the talks proceed even as both    sides fight it out in the battlefield.  <\/p>\n<p>    In previous negotiations, substantial agreements between the    two parties  like the Comprehensive Agreement on the Respect    for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL)    and the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees    (JASIG)  were negotiated and signed despite the absence of a    ceasefire.  <\/p>\n<p>    As a compromise, the NDFP has agreed to entering such a    ceasefire simultaneous with the signing of an agreement on    social and economic reforms, hopefully within the year. But the    security cluster led by former generals National Security    Adviser Hermogenes Esperon and Defense Sec. Delfin Lorenzana is    against this. This was what basically caused the collapse of    the 5th round of negotiations scheduled last May.  <\/p>\n<p>    But it is the issue of martial law that has put the peace talks    in a most precarious situation. On the day that martial law was    declared in Mindanao, Sec. Lorenzana identified the NPA as    among the targets. This compelled the Communist Party to order    the NPA to fight back through intensified offensives. Later,    after the 5th round of talks had collapsed, Duterte said that    he would order the arrest of NDFP consultants and negotiators.  <\/p>\n<p>    Although Lorenzana has recalled his statement and military    officials insist that martial law is intended only to address    the threat of ISIS-inspired groups, the National Interfaith    Humanitarian Mission held in Mindanao last June 13-17 reported    that under martial law, military operations and aerial bombings    have increased in NPA strongholds and mass bases in the island.  <\/p>\n<p>    If martial law is extended and leads to massive human rights    violations and the curtailment of civil and political rights,    and if Duterte makes good his threat to arrest the NDFP    officials, the talks might just reach a dead end.     Rappler.com  <\/p>\n<p>    Teddy Casio served as the party-list representative of    Bayan Muna for 3 terms, from 2004 to 2013. Prior to his stint    in Congress, he was secretary-general of the Bagong Alyansang    Makabayan and a columnist for BusinessWorld.  <\/p>\n<p><!-- Auto Generated --><\/p>\n<p>Read the original post:<\/p>\n<p><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\" href=\"http:\/\/www.rappler.com\/thought-leaders\/174364-duterte-rightist-one-year\" title=\"After one year, Duterte veers ever more to the right - Rappler\">After one year, Duterte veers ever more to the right - Rappler<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p> President Rodrigo Duterte is proving to be a hindrance to the country's most urgent political and socio-economic reforms Published 8:30 PM, June 30, 2017 Updated 11:04 PM, June 30, 2017 After a year in office, the first self-proclaimed Leftist and Socialist president of the Philippines has become more rightist and fascist than ever. Swept to office last year on the promise of sweeping changes, President Rodrigo Duterte and his government are proving to be a hindrance to the country's most urgent political and socio-economic reforms. Worse, with the recent declaration of martial law and suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus in Mindanao and possibly elsewhere, he is threatening to bring the country back to the Marcosian days of martial rule <a href=\"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/socio-economic-collapse\/after-one-year-duterte-veers-ever-more-to-the-right-rappler\/\">Continue reading <span class=\"meta-nav\">&rarr;<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[187835],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-202822","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-socio-economic-collapse"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/202822"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=202822"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/202822\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=202822"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=202822"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=202822"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}