{"id":194644,"date":"2017-05-23T23:21:37","date_gmt":"2017-05-24T03:21:37","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/libertarian-legal-scholars-reject-trump-judicial-nominees-views-reason-blog\/"},"modified":"2017-05-23T23:21:37","modified_gmt":"2017-05-24T03:21:37","slug":"libertarian-legal-scholars-reject-trump-judicial-nominees-views-reason-blog","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/libertarian\/libertarian-legal-scholars-reject-trump-judicial-nominees-views-reason-blog\/","title":{"rendered":"Libertarian Legal Scholars Reject Trump Judicial Nominee&#8217;s Views &#8230; &#8211; Reason (blog)"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><p>    Gage Skidmore \/    Flickr.comOne of President Donald Trump's federal    court nominees favors an interpretation of the 14th Amendment    that libertarian legal scholars have roundly rejected.  <\/p>\n<p>    Kevin Newsom, the former Alabama solicitor general     recently nominated by President Trump to the U.S. Court of    Appeals for the 11th Circuit, is the author of a January 2000    article in the Yale Law Journal in which he argues    that the Supreme Court's     1873 decision in The Slaughter-House Cases    correctly held that the Privileges or Immunities Clause of the    14th Amendment offers zero protection for economic liberty.    That view is hotly contested by libertarian constitutional    experts.  <\/p>\n<p>    At issue in The Slaughter-House Cases was a Louisiana    statute that granted a private corporation a lucrative 25-year    monopoly to operate a central slaughterhouse for the city of    New Orleans. A group of local butchers challenged the law in    federal court, arguing that the monopoly was a special-interest    boondoggle that served no legitimate health or safety purpose    and violated their fundamental rights to earn a living free    from unnecessary government control. According to the butchers,    the right to economic liberty was one of the privileges and    immunities of U.S. citizenship recently secured against state    abuse by the 1868 ratification of the 14th Amendment, which    reads in part, \"No State shall make or enforce any law which    shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the    United States.\"  <\/p>\n<p>    From the standpoint of constitutional text and history, the    butchers had a strong argument. The debates over the framing    and ratification of the 14th Amendment make it clear that the    provision was originally understood to protect economic    liberty. Indeed, according to the principal author of the    Privileges or Immunities Clause, Republican Congressman John    Bingham of Ohio, \"the provisions of the Constitution    guaranteeing rights, privileges, and immunities to citizens of    the United States\" includes \"the constitutional liberty...to    work in an honest calling and contribute by your toil in some    sort to the support of yourself, to the support of your    fellowmen, and to be secure in the enjoyment of the fruits of    your toil.\"  <\/p>\n<p>    But the Supreme Court saw things differently. Adopting a    posture of judicial deference, the Court ruled 5-4 in favor of    the state legislature and effectively eliminated the Privileges    or Immunities Clause from the Constitution. According to the    majority opinion of Justice Samuel Miller, the Court had no    business acting as \"a perpetual censor upon all legislation of    the States.\" To rule otherwise, he said, would \"fetter and    degrade the State governments.\" The Privileges or Immunities    Clause basically offered no real protection at all, Miller    insisted, except for a handful of mostly inconsequential    federal rights, such as the right to access federal waterways.    Slaughter-House rendered the clause toothless against    virtually all state action.  <\/p>\n<p>    Because Slaughter-House was the first case in which    the Supreme Court interpreted the meaning of the new 14th    Amendment, the ruling had a transformative impact on the future    course of American law. Its significance cannot be easily    overstated.  <\/p>\n<p>    Today, a growing number of constitutional originalists,    particularly those associated with the libertarian wing of the    conservative legal movement, have concluded that    Slaughter-House was wrong the day it was decided and    therefore deserves to be confined or even overruled by the    Supreme Court.  <\/p>\n<p>    For example, according to Clint Bolick, the Institute for    Justice co-founder who currently serves as an Arizona Supreme    Court justice, Slaughter-House is \"one of the worst    decisions in American law.\" In Bolick's view, the ruling    eviscerated \"one of the most sacred and central rights of    Americans: economic liberty, the right to pursue a business or    occupation free from arbitrary or excessive government    regulation.\" Georgetown law professor Randy Barnett, one of the    most influential originalist scholars at work today, has    likewise concluded that Slaughter-House \"ignored the    original meaning\" of the 14th Amendment.  <\/p>\n<p>    To be sure, Slaughter-House has had its defenders,    particularly among the school of legal conservatives who favor    a more deferential judiciary. For example, the late Robert    Bork, who famously maintained that, \"in wide areas of life,    majorities are entitled to rule, if they wish, simply because    they are majorities,\" insisted that Slaughter-House    represented a \"sound judicial instinct\" and should be applauded    as \"a narrow victory for judicial moderation.\" Along similar    lines, Ken Blackwell of the Family Research Council, writing    with Ken Klukowski of the American Civil Rights Union, has    argued that \"what's so important about    [Slaughter-House] is that there's nothing in the    Constitution about such an economic right.\" If the case is ever    overturned, the two have argued, \"activist\" judges might \"use    the Privileges or Immunities Clause to challenge state and    local labor laws, commercial laws, and business regulations    around the country.\"  <\/p>\n<p>    Kevin Newsom, Trump's nominee for the 11th Circuit, falls in    the Bork-Blackwell-Klukowski camp. In the Yale Law    Journal, Newsom praised the Slaughter-House    majority opinion for its \"judicial restraint\" and for its    opposition to \"the constitutionalization of laissez-faire    economic theory.\" When it comes to the \"economic rights claimed    by the butchers\" in Slaughter-House, Newsom    maintained, the Court was right to conclude that \"the 14th    Amendment did not safeguard [them] against state interference.\"  <\/p>\n<p>    Newsom's views on the 14th Amendment thus put him directly at    odds with the flourishing camp of libertarian-minded lawyers,    judges, and scholars whose     influence on the conservative legal movement has been        on the upswing in recent years.  <\/p>\n<p>    It remains to be seen if this clash of constitutional visions    will play any role in Newsom's confirmation hearings before the    Senate Judiciary Committee.  <\/p>\n<p><!-- Auto Generated --><\/p>\n<p>Read more here:<\/p>\n<p><a target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\" href=\"http:\/\/reason.com\/blog\/2017\/05\/22\/libertarian-legal-scholars-reject-trump\" title=\"Libertarian Legal Scholars Reject Trump Judicial Nominee's Views ... - Reason (blog)\">Libertarian Legal Scholars Reject Trump Judicial Nominee's Views ... - Reason (blog)<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p> Gage Skidmore \/ Flickr.comOne of President Donald Trump's federal court nominees favors an interpretation of the 14th Amendment that libertarian legal scholars have roundly rejected. Kevin Newsom, the former Alabama solicitor general recently nominated by President Trump to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit, is the author of a January 2000 article in the Yale Law Journal in which he argues that the Supreme Court's 1873 decision in The Slaughter-House Cases correctly held that the Privileges or Immunities Clause of the 14th Amendment offers zero protection for economic liberty <a href=\"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/libertarian\/libertarian-legal-scholars-reject-trump-judicial-nominees-views-reason-blog\/\">Continue reading <span class=\"meta-nav\">&rarr;<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[187826],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-194644","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-libertarian"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/194644"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=194644"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/194644\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=194644"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=194644"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=194644"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}