{"id":1123135,"date":"2024-03-18T11:33:22","date_gmt":"2024-03-18T15:33:22","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/uncategorized\/supreme-court-defines-when-its-illegal-for-public-officials-to-block-social-media-critics-the-verge\/"},"modified":"2024-03-18T11:33:22","modified_gmt":"2024-03-18T15:33:22","slug":"supreme-court-defines-when-its-illegal-for-public-officials-to-block-social-media-critics-the-verge","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/first-amendment-2\/supreme-court-defines-when-its-illegal-for-public-officials-to-block-social-media-critics-the-verge\/","title":{"rendered":"Supreme Court defines when it&#8217;s illegal for public officials to block social media critics &#8211; The Verge"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><p>    In an opinion    signed by Justice Amy Coney Barrett, the Supreme Court    established a test to determine when a public official can be    considered to be engaging in state action in blocking someone    from their social media account. The official must have both    (1) possessed actual authority to speak on the States behalf    on a particular matter, and (2) purported to exercise that    authority when speaking in the relevant social-media posts.  <\/p>\n<p>    The court issued a unanimous decision in     Lindke v. Freed, a case about whether Port Huron,    Michigan city manager James Freed violated the First Amendment    by     blocking and deleting comments on his Facebook page from    resident Kevin Lindke, who critiqued Freeds pandemic policies.    The test creates a new way to determine if an official can be    held liable for violating a citizens First Amendment rights    through actions on their social media pages.  <\/p>\n<p>    But its not enough for a social media page to simply belong to    a public official. Barrett wrote, The distinction between    private conduct and state action turns on substance, not    labels: Private parties can act with the authority of the    State, and state officials have private lives and their own    constitutional rightsincluding the First Amendment right to    speak about their jobs and exercise editorial control over    speech and speakers on their personal platforms.  <\/p>\n<p>      The distinction between private conduct and state action      turns on substance, not labels    <\/p>\n<p>    Barrett suggested that simple disclaimers could make a    difference in the determination. Here, if Freeds account had    carried a labele.g., this is the personal page of James R.    Freedhe would be entitled to a heavy presumption that all of    his posts were personal, the ruling says, but Freeds page    was not designated either personal or official.  <\/p>\n<p>    Katie Fallow, senior counsel of the Knight First Amendment    Institute at Columbia University said in a statement the court    was right to hold that public officials cant immunize    themselves from First Amendment liability merely by using their    personal accounts to conduct official business.  <\/p>\n<p>    But, Fallow added, We are disappointed, though, that the Court    did not adopt the more practical test used by the majority of    the courts of appeals, which appropriately balanced the free    speech interests of public officials with those of the people    who want to speak to them on their social media accounts. We    hope that in implementing the new test crafted by the Supreme    Court today, the courts will be mindful of the importance of    protecting speech and dissent in these digital public forums.  <\/p>\n<p>    The    Knight Institute challenged former President Donald Trump    in 2017 over blocking users from his @realDonaldTrump Twitter    account. They argued his account was a public forum where    people could not be excluded for their views, and the lower    courts agreed. In 2021, when Trump was no longer in office, the    Supreme Court ordered the lower court to vacate a ruling    against Trump and dismiss    it as moot.  <\/p>\n<p>    Dhillon Law Group partner GaryLawkowskisaid in an    emailed statement about the new ruling that the biggest impact    of this opinion may not be the formal test set forth in its    holdingrather, its language buried in the opinion that    effectively creates a safe harbor for public officials who    place disclaimers on their social media accounts, providing an    easy way for public officials to stay on the personal side of    the law going forward.  <\/p>\n<p>    The justices vacated and remanded the case back to the lower    court.  <\/p>\n<p><!-- Auto Generated --><\/p>\n<p>Go here to see the original:<br \/>\n<a target=\"_blank\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theverge.com\/2024\/3\/15\/24101983\/supreme-court-public-officials-block-critics-social-media-lindke-v-freed\" title=\"Supreme Court defines when it's illegal for public officials to block social media critics - The Verge\" rel=\"noopener\">Supreme Court defines when it's illegal for public officials to block social media critics - The Verge<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p> In an opinion signed by Justice Amy Coney Barrett, the Supreme Court established a test to determine when a public official can be considered to be engaging in state action in blocking someone from their social media account. The official must have both (1) possessed actual authority to speak on the States behalf on a particular matter, and (2) purported to exercise that authority when speaking in the relevant social-media posts. The court issued a unanimous decision in Lindke v <a href=\"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/first-amendment-2\/supreme-court-defines-when-its-illegal-for-public-officials-to-block-social-media-critics-the-verge\/\">Continue reading <span class=\"meta-nav\">&rarr;<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[94877],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1123135","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-first-amendment-2"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1123135"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1123135"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1123135\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1123135"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1123135"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.euvolution.com\/prometheism-transhumanism-posthumanism\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1123135"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}