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liberal | Definition of liberal in English by Oxford …

adjective

1Willing to respect or accept behaviour or opinions different from one’s own; open to new ideas.

liberal views towards divorce

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Synonyms

unbiased, unprejudiced, prejudice-free, accepting, non-partisan, neutral, non-aligned, non-judgemental, non-discriminatory, anti-discrimination, objective, disinterested, dispassionate, detached

liberal citizenship laws

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Synonyms

tolerant, unprejudiced, unbigoted, broad-minded, open-minded, enlightened, forbearing

a liberal democratic state

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Synonyms

progressive, advanced, modern, forward-looking, forward-thinking, progressivist, go-ahead, enlightened, reformist, radical

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Example sentences

2attributive (of education) concerned with broadening a person’s general knowledge and experience, rather than with technical or professional training.

the provision of liberal adult education

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3(especially of an interpretation of a law) broadly construed or understood; not strictly literal.

they could have given the 1968 Act a more liberal interpretation

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Synonyms

flexible, broad, loose, rough, non-restrictive, free, general, non-literal, non-specific, not literal, not strict, not close

4Given, used, or occurring in generous amounts.

liberal amounts of wine had been consumed

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Synonyms

abundant, copious, ample, plentiful, generous, lavish, luxuriant, profuse, considerable, prolific, rich

Sam was too liberal with the wine

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Synonyms

generous, magnanimous, open-handed, unsparing, unstinting, ungrudging, lavish, free, munificent, bountiful, beneficent, benevolent, big-hearted, kind-hearted, kind, philanthropic, charitable, altruistic, unselfish

1A person of liberal views.

a concern among liberals about the relation of the citizen to the state

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Example sentences

Middle English: via Old French from Latin liberalis, from liber free (man). The original sense was suitable for a free man, hence suitable for a gentleman (one not tied to a trade), surviving in liberal arts. Another early sense generous (compare with liberal (sense 4 of the adjective)) gave rise to an obsolete meaning free from restraint, leading to liberal (sense 1 of the adjective) (late 18th century).

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liberal | Definition of liberal in English by Oxford …

liberal – Wiktionary

English[edit]Etymology[edit]

The adjective is from Old French liberal, from Latin lberlis (befitting a freeman), from lber (free); it is attested since the 14th century. The noun is first attested in the 1800s.

liberal (comparative more liberal, superlative most liberal)

He had a full education studying the liberal arts.

He was liberal with his compliments.

Add a liberal sprinkling of salt.

Her parents had liberal ideas about child-rearing.

Terms derived from liberal

pertaining to the arts the study of which is considered worthy of a free man

generous, willing to give unsparingly

ample, abundant, generous in quantity

obsolete: unrestrained, licentious

widely open to new ideas, willing to depart from established opinions, conventions etc.

open to political or social reforms

Translations to be checked

liberal (plural liberals)

one with liberal views, supporting individual liberty

one who favors individual voting rights, human and civil rights, individual gun rights and laissez-faire markets

From Latin lberlis (befitting a freeman), from lber (free).

liberal (masculine and feminine plural liberals)

From Latin lberlis (befitting a freeman), from lber (free).

liberal (comparative liberaler, superlative am liberalsten)

Positive forms of liberal

Comparative forms of liberal

Superlative forms of liberal

From Latin lberlis (befitting a freeman), from lber (free).

liberalm (oblique and nominative feminine singular liberale)

From Latin lberlis (befitting a freeman), from lber (free).

liberalm, f (plural liberais, comparable)

liberal m, f (plural liberais)

In Brazil, the political sense of “liberal” is used to describe supporters of economic freedom, like classical liberals.

From lberlan.

librlm (Cyrillic spelling )

From Latin lberlis (befitting a freeman), from lber (free).

liberal (plural liberales)

liberalm, f (plural liberales)

From Latin lberlis (befitting a freeman), from lber (free).

liberal (comparative liberalare, superlative liberalast)

liberalc

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liberal – Wiktionary

liberal – Dictionary Definition : Vocabulary.com

A liberal is someone on the left wing of politics the opposite of a conservative. Also, a liberal attitude toward anything means more tolerance for change.

There are many meanings for liberal, but they mostly have to do with freedom and openness to change. A teacher with a liberal policy toward attendance is going to be forgiving of missed days. A bank with a liberal attitude toward your money would probably be bad: some things are awful if they’re loose and free. But no one will give you a hard time if you use a liberal amount of catsup on your fries.

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liberal – Dictionary Definition : Vocabulary.com

liberal | Definition of liberal in English by Oxford Dictionaries

adjective

1Willing to respect or accept behaviour or opinions different from one’s own; open to new ideas.

liberal views towards divorce

More example sentences

Synonyms

unbiased, unprejudiced, prejudice-free, accepting, non-partisan, neutral, non-aligned, non-judgemental, non-discriminatory, anti-discrimination, objective, disinterested, dispassionate, detached

liberal citizenship laws

More example sentences

Synonyms

tolerant, unprejudiced, unbigoted, broad-minded, open-minded, enlightened, forbearing

a liberal democratic state

More example sentences

Synonyms

progressive, advanced, modern, forward-looking, forward-thinking, progressivist, go-ahead, enlightened, reformist, radical

More example sentences

Example sentences

2attributive (of education) concerned with broadening a person’s general knowledge and experience, rather than with technical or professional training.

the provision of liberal adult education

More example sentences

3(especially of an interpretation of a law) broadly construed or understood; not strictly literal.

they could have given the 1968 Act a more liberal interpretation

More example sentences

Synonyms

flexible, broad, loose, rough, non-restrictive, free, general, non-literal, non-specific, not literal, not strict, not close

4Given, used, or occurring in generous amounts.

liberal amounts of wine had been consumed

More example sentences

Synonyms

abundant, copious, ample, plentiful, generous, lavish, luxuriant, profuse, considerable, prolific, rich

Sam was too liberal with the wine

More example sentences

Synonyms

generous, magnanimous, open-handed, unsparing, unstinting, ungrudging, lavish, free, munificent, bountiful, beneficent, benevolent, big-hearted, kind-hearted, kind, philanthropic, charitable, altruistic, unselfish

1A person of liberal views.

a concern among liberals about the relation of the citizen to the state

More example sentences

Example sentences

Middle English: via Old French from Latin liberalis, from liber free (man). The original sense was suitable for a free man, hence suitable for a gentleman (one not tied to a trade), surviving in liberal arts. Another early sense generous (compare with liberal (sense 4 of the adjective)) gave rise to an obsolete meaning free from restraint, leading to liberal (sense 1 of the adjective) (late 18th century).

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liberal | Definition of liberal in English by Oxford Dictionaries

Liberal | Definition of Liberal by Merriam-Webster

b archaic : of or befitting a man of free birth

b capitalized : of or constituting a political party advocating or associated with the principles of political liberalism; especially : of or constituting a political party in the United Kingdom associated with ideals of individual especially economic freedom, greater individual participation in government, and constitutional, political, and administrative reforms designed to secure these objectives

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Liberal | Definition of Liberal by Merriam-Webster

Liberal | Definition of Liberal by Merriam-Webster

b archaic : of or befitting a man of free birth

b capitalized : of or constituting a political party advocating or associated with the principles of political liberalism; especially : of or constituting a political party in the United Kingdom associated with ideals of individual especially economic freedom, greater individual participation in government, and constitutional, political, and administrative reforms designed to secure these objectives

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Liberal | Definition of Liberal by Merriam-Webster

liberal – Dictionary Definition : Vocabulary.com

A liberal is someone on the left wing of politics the opposite of a conservative. Also, a liberal attitude toward anything means more tolerance for change.

There are many meanings for liberal, but they mostly have to do with freedom and openness to change. A teacher with a liberal policy toward attendance is going to be forgiving of missed days. A bank with a liberal attitude toward your money would probably be bad: some things are awful if they’re loose and free. But no one will give you a hard time if you use a liberal amount of catsup on your fries.

More here:

liberal – Dictionary Definition : Vocabulary.com

liberal | Definition of liberal in English by Oxford Dictionaries

adjective

1Willing to respect or accept behaviour or opinions different from one’s own; open to new ideas.

liberal views towards divorce

More example sentences

Synonyms

unbiased, unprejudiced, prejudice-free, accepting, non-partisan, neutral, non-aligned, non-judgemental, non-discriminatory, anti-discrimination, objective, disinterested, dispassionate, detached

liberal citizenship laws

More example sentences

Synonyms

tolerant, unprejudiced, unbigoted, broad-minded, open-minded, enlightened, forbearing

a liberal democratic state

More example sentences

Synonyms

progressive, advanced, modern, forward-looking, forward-thinking, progressivist, go-ahead, enlightened, reformist, radical

More example sentences

Example sentences

2attributive (of education) concerned with broadening a person’s general knowledge and experience, rather than with technical or professional training.

the provision of liberal adult education

More example sentences

3(especially of an interpretation of a law) broadly construed or understood; not strictly literal.

they could have given the 1968 Act a more liberal interpretation

More example sentences

Synonyms

flexible, broad, loose, rough, non-restrictive, free, general, non-literal, non-specific, not literal, not strict, not close

4Given, used, or occurring in generous amounts.

liberal amounts of wine had been consumed

More example sentences

Synonyms

abundant, copious, ample, plentiful, generous, lavish, luxuriant, profuse, considerable, prolific, rich

Sam was too liberal with the wine

More example sentences

Synonyms

generous, magnanimous, open-handed, unsparing, unstinting, ungrudging, lavish, free, munificent, bountiful, beneficent, benevolent, big-hearted, kind-hearted, kind, philanthropic, charitable, altruistic, unselfish

1A person of liberal views.

a concern among liberals about the relation of the citizen to the state

More example sentences

Example sentences

Middle English: via Old French from Latin liberalis, from liber free (man). The original sense was suitable for a free man, hence suitable for a gentleman (one not tied to a trade), surviving in liberal arts. Another early sense generous (compare with liberal (sense 4 of the adjective)) gave rise to an obsolete meaning free from restraint, leading to liberal (sense 1 of the adjective) (late 18th century).

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liberal | Definition of liberal in English by Oxford Dictionaries

Conservative vs Liberal – Difference and Comparison | Diffen

Social Issues

In terms of views on social issues, conservatives oppose gay marriage, abortion and embryonic stem cell research. Liberals on the other hand, are more left-leaning and generally supportive of the right of gay people to get married and women’s right to choose to have an abortion, as ruled by the U.S. Supreme Court in Roe v Wade.

With regard to the right to bear arms, conservatives support this right as it applies to all US citizens, whereas liberals oppose civilian gun ownership – or at the very least, demand that restrictions be places such as background checks on people who want to buy guns, requiring guns to be registered etc.

The different schools of economic thought found among conservatives and liberals are closely related to America’s anti-federalist and federalist history, with conservatives desiring little to no government intervention in economic affairs and liberals desiring greater regulation.

Economic conservatives believe that the private sector can provide most services more efficiently than the government can. They also believe that government regulation is bad for businesses, usually has unintended consequences, and should be minimal. With many conservatives believing in “trickle-down” economics, they favor a small government that collects fewer taxes and spends less.

In contrast, liberals believe many citizens rely on government services for healthcare, unemployment insurance, health and safety regulations, and so on. As such, liberals often favor a larger government that taxes more and spends more to provide services to its citizens.

See Also: Comparing Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump’s Tax Plans

Some good examples of this policy split are the Environmental Protection Agency, which liberals think is vital and some conservatives want to abolish or scale down, and the Medicare and Medicaid programs, which liberals want to expand and conservatives believe should be partially or completely privatized through a voucher system connected to private health insurers.

In the early part of the twentieth century, liberals – especially those in Britain – were those who stood for laissez fair capitalism. In more recent times, however, the nomenclature seems to have reversed. The exception to this is found in Australia, where the mainstream conservative party is called the Liberal Party and the mainstream non-conservative party is called the Labour Party.

Political liberals believe that parties motivated by self-interest are willing to behave in ways that are harmful to society unless government is prepared- and empowered to constrain them. They believe regulation is necessitated when individuals-, corporations-, and industries demonstrate a willingness to pursue financial gain at an intolerable cost to society–and grow too powerful to be constrained by other social institutions. Liberals believe in systematic protections against hazardous workplaces, unsafe consumer products, and environmental pollution. They remain wary of the corruption- and historic abuses–particularly the oppression of political minorities–that have taken place in the absence of oversight for state- and local authorities. Liberals value educators and put their trust in science. They believe the public welfare is promoted by cultivating a widely-tolerant and -permissive society.

Political conservatives believe commercial regulation does more harm than good–unnecessarily usurping political freedoms, potentially stifling transformative innovations, and typically leading to further regulatory interference. They endorse the contraction of governmental involvement in non-commercial aspects of society as well, calling upon the private sector to assume their activities. Conservatives call for the devolution of powers to the states, and believe locally-tailored solutions are more appropriate to local circumstances. They promulgate individual responsibility, and believe a strong society is made up of citizens who can stand on their own. Conservatives value the armed forces and place their emphasis on faith. Conservatives believe in the importance of stability, and promote law and order to protect the status quo.

Liberals believe in universal access to health care–they believe personal health should be in no way dependent upon one’s financial resources, and support government intervention to sever that link. Political conservatives prefer no government sponsorship of health care; they prefer all industries to be private, favour deregulation of commerce, and advocate a reduced role for government in all aspects of society–they believe government should be in no way involved in one’s healthcare purchasing decisions.

Jonathan Haidt, a University of Virginia psychology professor, has examined the values of liberals and conservatives through paired moral attributes: harm/care, fairnesss/reciprocity, ingroup/loyalty, authority/respect, purity/sanctity. He outlines the psychological differences in the following TED talk:

Haidt has also written a book, The Righteous Mind, based on his studies conducted over several years on liberal and conservative subjects. Nicholas Kristof, an avowed liberal, offered an unbiased review of the book and cited some interesting findings such as:

Liberals should not be confused with libertarians. Libertarians believe that the role of the government should be extremely limited, especially in the economic sphere. They believe that governments are prone to corruption and inefficiencies and that the private sector in a free market can achieve better outcomes than government bureaucracies, because they make better decisions on resource allocation. Liberals, on the other hand, favor more government involvement because they believe there are several areas where the private sector — especially if left unregulated — needs checks and balances to ensure consumer protection.

The primary focus of libertarians is the maximization of liberty for all citizens, regardless of race, class, or socio-economic position.

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Conservative vs Liberal – Difference and Comparison | Diffen

Liberal (politics) – definition of Liberal (politics) by The …

(redirected from Liberal (politics))Also found in: Thesaurus, Legal, Financial, Encyclopedia.liberalism (lbr–lzm, lbr-)n.

1. The state or quality of being liberal.

a. A political theory founded on the natural goodness of humans and the autonomy of the individual and favoring civil and political liberties, government by law with the consent of the governed, and protection from arbitrary authority.

b. often Liberalism The tenets or policies of a Liberal party.

3. An economic theory in favor of laissez-faire, the free market, and the gold standard.

a. A 19th-century Protestant movement that favored free intellectual inquiry, stressed the ethical and humanitarian content of Christianity, and de-emphasized dogmatic theology.

b. A 19th-century Roman Catholic movement that favored political democracy and ecclesiastical reform but was theologically orthodox.

liberalist n.

liberalistic (-lstk) adj.

1. (Government, Politics & Diplomacy) liberal opinions, practices, or politics

2. (Protestantism) a movement in modern Protestantism that rejects biblical authority

liberalist n, adj

liberalistic adj

n.

1. the quality or state of being liberal, as in behavior or attitude.

2. a political and social philosophy advocating individual freedom, representational forms of government, progress and reform, and protection of civil liberties.

3. (sometimes cap.) the principles and practices of a liberal party in politics.

[181020]

liberalist, n., adj.

lib`eralistic, adj.

1. a political or social philosophy advocating the f reedom of the individual, parliamentary legislatures, governmental assurances of civil liberties and individual rights, and nonviolent modification of institutions to permit continued individual and social progress.2. the principles and practice of a liberal political party. liberalist, n., adj. liberalistic, adj.

a movement in modern Protestantism that emphasizes freedom from tradition and authority, the adjustment of religious beliefs to scientific conceptions, and the spiritual and ethical content of Christianity. liberalist, n., adj. liberalistic, adj.

ThesaurusAntonymsRelated WordsSynonymsLegend:

Quotations”By liberalism I don’t mean the creed of any party or any century. I mean a generosity of spirit, a tolerance of others, an attempt to comprehend otherness, a commitment to the rule of law, a high ideal of the worth and dignity of man, a repugnance for authoritarianism and a love of freedom” [Alan Paton Lecture at Yale University]

Translations

liberalizam

liberalismmarknadsliberalismnyliberalism

Want to thank TFD for its existence? Tell a friend about us, add a link to this page, or visit the webmaster’s page for free fun content.

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Liberal (politics) – definition of Liberal (politics) by The …

Dont Believe the Liberal F.B.I. – The New York Times

Intelligence experts say its unlikely that Steeles intelligence formed the sole basis for a warrant, and legally, there was no problem with the F.B.I. using information Steele had gathered, even if Democrats helped fund his work. We already know that it wasnt Steele who sparked the F.B.I.s Russia inquiry, but Trump campaign adviser George Papadopoulos, who, while drinking with an Australian diplomat in May 2016, said that Russia had dirt on Clinton. Nevertheless, Republicans seem to think that if they can show that the F.B.I. cited Steele in seeking a warrant on Page, they can prove that the whole Russia investigation is a partisan frame-up. It doesnt really make sense, but its not necessarily meant to.

On Monday, Republicans on the House Intelligence Committee won a party-line vote to take the highly unusual step of declassifying the Nunes memo for public release. According to a transcript of the meeting where the vote was taken, only two committee members had read the classified underlying intelligence the Nunes memo purports to rely on. Nunes refused to answer a question by Representative Mike Quigley, Democrat of Illinois, about whether any of his staff had worked with the White House in preparing the memo.

Republicans voted down a Democratic motion to have the F.B.I. brief the committee on risks posed by releasing the memo. They also voted down a motion to release a classified 10-page memo written by Representative Adam Schiff, the committees ranking Democrat, and Democratic staffers about the Republican memos errors and distortions. (Unlike most of his colleagues, Schiff had read the underlying intelligence.)

Its worth reading the whole transcript of the meeting; it reveals a process thats half banana republic, half Alice in Wonderland. By the end, Quigley, who is from Chicago, referred to the corruption his city is known for and said: I saw the worst of the worst. They got nothing on you on this one, folks. This is extraordinary.

Now the final decision on whether to block the memo from becoming public lies with the White House. The F.B.I., which has reviewed it, issued a rare public warning against its release, citing grave concerns about material omissions of fact that fundamentally impact the memos accuracy. Nevertheless, reports on Thursday indicated that Trump had decided to allow the memos disclosure.

All this drama might make you think that the memos claims are scandalous. But part of whats so weird and disorientating about this whole episode is that, in a normal political environment, no Republican would want to draw attention to the F.B.I.s reasons for surveilling Page. As The Wall Street Journal reported on Thursday, Page has been on the radar of counterintelligence agents since at least 2013. A 2015 criminal complaint against two suspected Russian spies, Victor Podobnyy and Igor Sporyshev, cited an intercepted conversation about their efforts to recruit a man working as a consultant in New York City. Page has acknowledged that he was the man they were referring to, and admitted to passing documents to the Russians.

According to CNN, Page was the subject of a secret intelligence surveillance warrant in 2014, well before the beginning of Trumps presidential campaign. Despite this, Trump identified Page as one of his key foreign policy advisers in March 2016. Later that year, the F.B.I. received a new secret warrant to monitor Pages communications after he traveled to Russia, where he met with multiple Russian government officials.

Thanks to reporting on the memo, we know that Rosenstein, a Trump appointee, saw fit to apply for this warrants renewal. This suggests that one of the most senior figures in Trumps own Justice Department thought it was credible that Trump had someone on his campaign who had been compromised by Russia. Only in a crazy alternate universe does that exculpate the president.

Unless, that is, you believe that it is illegitimate for intelligence agencies to be watching Trump associates. And to believe that, you have to start with the premise that Trump is innocent and the agencies are corrupt. The controversy around the Nunes memo works to insinuate these assumptions into the public debate. It may also give Trump the very thinnest of pretexts to fire Rosenstein, which would be a first step toward attempting to shut down the Russia investigation.

If and when its released, the Nunes memo will probably only vindicate Trump among people who already share right-wing assumptions. But it will put the F.B.I. in a difficult position, since to defend itself against accusations that it relied solely on Steeles findings to get a warrant on Page, it would have to release additional classified evidence. (CBS News reported on Thursday that, if the memo is released, the F.B.I. is prepared to issue a rebuttal.)

To some commentators, it is ironic that liberals are now defending the F.B.I., long a left-wing bte noire. But liberals recognized the dangers of the campaign to broadly discredit the mainstream media even though they had their own passionate criticisms of it. The rights war on the F.B.I. is a sign of how far some are willing to go to subvert any checks on Trumps power to create his own reality.

I think the most disappointing realization for me of the past year was not how bad of a president Trump turned out to be that was foreseeable but how unwilling members of Congress would be to stand up and defend our system of government, Schiff told me. The most dangerous thing about the release of the Nunes memo is not the memo itself, but Republicans shamelessness in using national security processes to deceive the people theyre supposed to serve.

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Dont Believe the Liberal F.B.I. – The New York Times

Liberal, KS – Official Website | Official Website

WELCOME TO LIBERALConservatively Speaking: Liberal Has It All

Follow the Yellow Brick Road to Dorothys official hometown of Liberal, Kansas, where you will find wide open spaces, spectacular sunsets, history, culture and a wide variety of activities and attractions. With over 800 motel rooms, more than 35 restaurants and all the services travelers need, Liberal offers a wonderful setting for a family reunion, conference or weekend getaway with family or friends.

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Liberal, KS – Official Website | Official Website

Leader & Times Online

About The High Plains Daily Leader

The High Plains Daily Leader and Southwest Daily Times are published Sunday through Friday and reaches homes throughout the Liberal, Kansas retail trade zone. The Leader & Times is the official newspaper of Seward County, USD No. 480, USD No. 483 and the cities of Liberal and Kismet. The Leader & Times is a member of the Liberal Chamber of Commerce, the Kansas Press Association and the Associated Press.

For more, contact us.

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Leader & Times Online

Liberal Democrat manifesto – libdems.org.uk

Published and promoted by Tim Gordon on behalf of the Liberal Democrats,8-10 Great George Street, London, SW1P 3AE.Hosted by NationBuilder.

The Liberal Democrats and their elected representatives may use the information youve given to contact you. By providing your data to us, you are consenting to us making contact with you in the future by mail, email, telephone, text, website and apps, even though you may be registered with the Telephone Preference Service. You can always opt out of communications at any time by contacting us or visiting http://www.libdems.org.uk/optout. For more information go to http://www.libdems.org.uk/privacy.

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Liberal Democrat manifesto – libdems.org.uk

Letter to the editor: Liberal Press Herald in no position to say that Sinclair Broadcasting is biased – Press Herald

I must say, I was amused to read, in the Maine Sunday Telegram, an article criticizing another news media company, Sinclair Broadcasting, basically for being biased in this case, conservatively, which you accurately point out (Pro-Trump commentary tunes out critics, Page B1, July 30).

However, the Portland Press Herald/Maine Sunday Telegram certainly doesnt have to take a back seat to anyone in terms of slanting the news in your case, obviously to the liberal side.

I thought it was particularly poignant that the article was right next to Bill Nemitzs usual objective column.

Pete Martin

Kennebunkport

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Letter to the editor: Liberal Press Herald in no position to say that Sinclair Broadcasting is biased – Press Herald

Political theater: Richmond’s ‘Progressive Liberal’ riles them up from inside the wrestling ring – Roanoke Times

LURAY Jeff X was writhing, the victim of a backdrop slam that left the diminutive wrestler from Coeburn sprawled on the mat. His opponent, all 6-foot-5, 240 pounds of him, turned to face the crowd, a sea of people liberally speckled with camouflage and Hemi Orange, then flexed both biceps in triumph.

Hillary! shouted Dan The Progressive Liberal Richards, straining to be heard over the rockabilly band playing on the nearby stage, the blat of monster truck exhaust notes from across the grounds and, maybe loudest of all, the boos of the audience.

#Impeach was printed across the front of his blue trunks. Dump Trump was on the back.

Build the wall, someone shouted back.

The show last weekend was part of Cooters Last Stand billed as the last of the series of Dukes of Hazzard fan festivals organized by Ben Jones, the former congressman and actor who played the Duke boys favorite mechanic on the television show.

For the unfamiliar, this brand of wrestling is probably best understood as sweaty theater rather than a traditional athletic contest. Sports entertainment, they call it in the big leagues.

Most shows feature a babyface or, simply, face the wrestler the crowd is supposed to root for, and a bad guy, called a heel.

There was no doubt who was who at Cooters Place, where some 20,000 people were expected over the course of the two-day event in Luray.

Pickups parked in the fields across U.S. 211 sported stickers like Dont steal, the government hates competition, We the people have had enough, and Republican: Because everyone cant be on welfare.

Page County went 73 percent for President Donald Trump, and Hazzard Nation may be an even bigger backer of the first member of the World Wrestling Entertainment Hall of Fame to serve as commander in chief.

Who voted for Trump? Jeff X asked the crowd after trotting into the ring to cheers, drawing a lusty chorus of whoops.

A crazy dream

Richards, a 37-year-old real estate agent from Richmond whose real name is Daniel Harnsberger, was met with a torrent of invective as he ambled into the ring, wearing knee-pads featuring a parody of the Ghostbusters logo with Trumps face.

Vote Democrat, he shouted.

For Harnsberger, who has been drawing national and international media attention for the past month for the wrestling persona hes been developing since 2015, it was another perfect venue. Hes made a name as a down-talking D.C. elitist tailor-made to taunt the wrestling fans of Appalachia, whom he calls hilljacks that live in hollows, not hollers.

We had people try to fight him earlier, said Beau James, a longtime wrestler and promoter from Kingsport, Tenn.

James, who has known Harnsberger since shortly after he started wandering into matches while attending Concord University in Athens, W.Va., is something akin to the Liberals strict wrestling sensei.

Theres no praise for doing your job. But there is a boot in your ass for not doing your job, James said.

James helped Harnsberger fine-tune The Progressive Liberal, feeding him a few lines at a show in Racine, W.Va., about a year ago. One mentioned Hillary Clinton coming for the crowds guns once she won the election.

A guy walked up with a pistol on his hip and begged us to try to take it from him, James said. We knew we had something.

Harnsberger, a 1999 graduate of Midlothian High School and a former college basketball player with a communication degree, had wrestled on and off for the better part of the past 14 years in one-offs and small-time circuits.

He once took a five-year break because he realized he wasnt doing himself or the business any favors.

I told Dan: Youve got to find yourself, James said.

Before a Deadspin piece at the end of June that hoisted him out of obscurity, the biggest thing in Harnsbergers life was a career move: from regional manager for a courier company to newly licensed real estate agent looking to start a property management business.

Instead, his summer has been a whirlwind series of interviews, from rolling on the mat with a Vice News reporter to amicable verbal sparring with Fox News Tucker Carlson, squeezing in Sports Illustrated, CBS, the BBC and dozens of other outlets in between.

This whole thing has just been a crazy dream, said Harnsberger, who also got billing in promotional materials for the Luray show alongside WWE Hall of Fame tag-team duo The Rock n Roll Express and Jimmy Valiant, also known as The Boogie Woogie Man.

Its unlike anything I would have expected, he said. Truthfully I dont want it to end. Its a high: the attention and the recognition.

Out here, its brave

I didnt like that guy at all, said Jennifer Purvis, 37, of Luray, a wrestling devotee who was ringside for many of the two-day matches at Cooters, spending much of the time screaming at Harnsberger.

To put Dump Trump on his rear end? Ive never seen anything like it.

But even in deepest Trump country, there was also some knowing admiration for his heel performance.

After Harnsberger eventually pinned a determined but overmatched Jeff X, then mounted the turnbuckles and screamed, Im a winner to the crestfallen crowd, a tall man in the audience with a little girl on his shoulders shook his head and chuckled to himself.

Best gimmick Ive seen in a while, he said to no one in particular before herding his kids off toward the massive lines where fans patiently waited for autographs from Dukes of Hazzard cast members like Catherine Bach, who played Daisy Duke.

There were even a few who liked his brand of politics.

Its ballsy. Out here, its brave, Naomi Baez, 21, of Norfolk, said of Harnsbergers character.

Her father, David Baez, 48, also of Norfolk, said he didnt quite grasp the concept until he saw the crowd.

I thought hed be the good guy. We have to remember where we are, he said. I know this is a shtick he does, but we love it.

The Progressive Liberal is indeed a gimmick, but only in the wrestling sense of the term, in that its a calculated, amplified persona designed to rile up the crowd. Harnsberger insists the character is a reflection of his real-life politics and beliefs, if not necessarily his personality.

Out of the ring, Harnsberger comes off as almost bashful for someone who delights in getting half naked and exchanging verbal abuse with crowds of strangers. He tends to look away when he talks about himself. He repeatedly references his need for more ring time to improve his wrestling.

And although he exhorted the crowd to look at his beautiful liberal body minutes earlier, outside the small tent that passes for a dressing room and rest area for the wrestlers at the event, he laments legs that he says are too skinny.

But a guy who knows a thing or two about wrestling thinks Harnsberger is the total package.

Hes a beautiful kid. Hes got it all, said Valiant, who has a wrestling school near his home in Shawsville, near Blacksburg.

Youve got to have everything going for you to make it in business, especially our business. A lot of guys, if you dont get it in 10 years, youll never get it. … Hes really sincere and wants it. So many kids want it, but most dont want to work for it.

For all of the attention Harnsberger is getting, life in regional wrestling remains a grind. He and many of the wrestlers at the Luray show had wrestled the night before at the New River Valley Fair in Dublin. They packed up that night and drove more than 180 miles up Interstate 81, slept at their motel in Harrisonburg for few hours, and were at Cooters bright and early to set up.

Everyone thinks its super-glamorous, said Harnsberger, who is single, has no children and has never been married. Its not always. You pay a lot of dues. … It doesnt make sense why anyone would love it; you just do. If theres one reason, its the rush of getting a reaction from the crowd.

In between matches, while attempting to sell a few autographed photos, he waits for a food voucher from the organizers, eventually spending it on a sad-looking, burnt double burger and soggy fries.

Its awful, he says between bites. Sooooo terrible.

A decent meal will have to wait until he, James and some of the other wrestlers commandeer a table near a corner at the Golden China buffet in Harrisonburg after the days show.

Far left, like me, he texts a reporter coming to meet him. Much of the meal is off-the-record to avoid breaching kayfabe, a wrestling term that refers to the portrayal of the characters, storylines and feuds as genuine.

There is one major revelation, though. Harnsberger, who has just spent the day in an unbridled Dukes of Hazzard extravaganza, has never seen the show, nor any of the other 70s and 80s programs the other wrestlers regard as cultural touchstones.

And its hard to get a sense of what Harnsbergers fellow wrestlers make of The Progressive Liberal and his newfound celebrity.

Its an example of good things coming to people that work hard, said Kacee Carlisle, who grew up in San Francisco, lives in Northern Virginia and said she fell in love with wrestling at age 8. Hes handling it well.

Stan Lee, another wrestler from Tennessee who has been wrestling with Harnsberger, occasionally as his tag-team partner, said he wasnt initially sure about the persona and his pro-Clinton attire.

The elections over, he told Harnsberger. I dont think anybodys going to care anymore. … When he came out with that shirt, people hate that. And they hate the character.

Whether its love or hate isnt important, as long as a wrestler gets the crowd to react.

That is the hardest and most important part of wrestling, becoming somebody people care about, said Adam Hangman Page, a 26-year-old wrestler from South Boston, who was born Stephen Woltz.

Page had spent the previous five years teaching high school in Halifax County and wrestling on the side until he made the jump to full-time grappler last year, splitting his time between Ring of Honor Wrestling in the United States and New Japan Pro-Wrestling overseas.

He has never met Harnsberger, but cant escape stories about him on social media and wrestling and news sites.

Hes not wrestling for any of these huge national companies, but I see his name every time I turn around, Page said. Hes found a bit of a niche for himself. … No matter where he is, people are going to have an opinion about him the second they see him. And thats good.

Kelly Fuller, 47, of Midlothian, was raised in a family of wrestling fans and in a room covered with posters of wrestlers.

I planned to marry Ricky Steamboat when I grew up, she said. That didnt happen.

Her son, Charles, 13, has spent much of life in and out of hospitals and doctors offices for grueling hemophilia treatments. A bright spot has been the Make-a-Wish-Foundation and the chance to meet his wrestling heroes, including big names like Brock Lesnar. His Make-a-Wish T-shirt has dozens of wrestlers signatures.

In Luray on Sunday, it got one more from Harnsberger, who added a bumper sticker that he inscribed with When you turn 18, vote Democrat.

Dont take that, Charles mom said jokingly. Were Republicans.{/span}

Its the last day of Cooters Last Stand, and Harnsberger is surprised at the gimmick money autographed photos and similar merchandise that he is making from a crowd that has overwhelmingly booed him.

But any cordiality at Cooters, where Uncle Jesses Rules against cussin and fightin? have largely held sway, is about to disappear.

Harnsberger is about to face off against James, his friend and mentor, for his final match. He hints that he has something special planned and might not be around for an interview afterward.

He enters the ring with his standard taunts Im going to turn this town into a sanctuary city before pulling a trash bag out of his trunks.

Then, at a venue where Ben Cooter Jones himself warned potential guests, If you dont like rebel flags, please dont come; where there are Confederate battle flag oversized dice hanging from rear-view mirrors; where replica General Lee Dodge Chargers with rebel flags on the roof are parked as far as the eye can see; and where Confederate soldier re-enactors stand in the audience, Harnsberger performs a move that draws a genuine gasp or two from the crowd.

He pulls a rebel battle flag from his trunks, wipes his backside and crotch with it, spits on the ensign, and stuffs it in the garbage bag, eliciting howls of rage before James knocks him to the canvas from behind. Much of the match revolves around rescuing or stuffing the flag back into the trash bag, but James is getting the worst of it, including getting strangled at one point with Harnsbergers Hillary Clinton T-shirt.

The audiences despair is mounting, along with calls for Harnsberger to get hit with a chair. Finally someone throws one into the ring.

And though James has already secured the upper hand by grabbing the hammer used to ring the bell and clobbering Harnsberger with it, he delivers the coup de grace with a folding chair, stretching Harnsberger out on the canvas.

Then, to the crowds delight, he pulls the trash bag over Harnsbergers head. The Progressive Liberal squirms around inside before tearing a hole and sticking his head through. He leaves the ring, still wearing the bag, to jubilant jeers.

The South is avenged.

A few minutes after the match, Harnsberger sent a text.

I am in the tent. We can talk outside of it. Should be safe, he wrote.

One little kid gives him a high-five, and he banters with a few others. But then he gets a dose of the undercurrent of ugliness that colored much of the 2016 presidential campaign.

A big man, though he still has to look up at Harnsberger, with a young girl in tow makes a remark about the absurdity of a woman president.

Harnsberger replies that other advanced countries have had female leaders. The argument devolves, but the man eventually compliments the idea of the character and walks away.

That kind of exchange doesnt bother Harnsberger, but, to borrow a favorite pejorative of Trumps, he said he does find it sad. He says he tries to engage with the people at his shows in a constructive way.

There are reasons why people vote for Trump, and I think when youre having a political conversation its good to understand someone elses thinking on the other side, he said. Maybe you can have a more productive discussion, whether you change someones mind or not.

Then, a kid waiting in line for an autograph from one of the Dukes of Hazzard cast members yells out: Snowflake!

No one asked you punk, so go away. Im talking to a reporter, Harnsberger said. Whos a snowflake now? Youre backing up.

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Political theater: Richmond’s ‘Progressive Liberal’ riles them up from inside the wrestling ring – Roanoke Times

The crisis of confidence that’s roiling liberalism – The Washington Post – Washington Post

Asked what he thought of Western civilization, Mohandas Gandhi is said to have answered that it would be a good idea. Debate about liberal democracy in the Trump era is suffused with similar pessimism about Western achievement, bordering on self-damaging despair. The liberal mix of capitalism and democracy is denounced for yielding social inequality, cronyist kleptocracy and sheer governmental incompetence failings that opened the door to Donald Trumps dispiriting presidency and that may be entrenched by it in turn. In the wake of the recent Group of 20 summit, some went so far as to claim that the chief threat to Americans was not from the aggressively illiberal despots of Russia, North Korea, China or the Islamic theocracies. Rather, it was from Trump which is to say, from the perverse fruit of our own system. The enemy is us.

This intellectual bandwagon needs to be stopped. Liberalism faces two challenges on the one hand, external enemies; on the other, an internal crisis of self-confidence and it is time we all acknowledged that the external threat is more severe. However bad Trump may be, he is not Vladimir Putin or Kim Jong Un. And although it is true that liberalism faces an internal crisis Ive done my bit to contribute to the alarmism it is worth remembering how liberalism got started two centuries ago.

As Edmund Fawcett has argued in his magisterial history of liberalism, the creed originated as a set of principles for managing bewildering change. For most of human history, economic growth and social evolution proceeded at a snails pace, but between 1776 and the first decades of the 19th century, revolutions both political and industrial caused everything to speed up. Liberalism skeptical of central power, respectful of diverse beliefs, comfortable with vigorous disagreement offered a means of handling the resulting tumult. If headlong technological and economic dislocation made political conflict unavoidable, humanity needed a way to contain it, civilize it a way to hang on to timeless standards of humanity while providing an escape valve for argument and change.

Seen in this light, todays technological and economic convulsions the part-time jobs of the gig economy, the menacing shadow of the robots are not signs that the liberal system is in crisis. To the contrary, they are signs that liberalism is more essential than ever. We are in the midst of another industrial revolution, which will create winners and losers and bitter political arguments and Trump is testament to that. Liberalism will not end these conflicts; only absolutist doctrines create political silence. But liberalism will set the rules of the game that allow the conflict to be managed. For now, Trump is expressing the frustration of a part of the country, but liberal checks and rules of process are containing the impact.

In its long history of facilitating clamorous argument, liberalism has succumbed, unsurprisingly, to repeated neuroses. In 1956 Nikita Khrushchev boasted of the superiority of state-directed industrialization, telling a group of Westerners, we will bury you; some in the West made the mistake of believing him, especially when the Soviet Union launched the first-ever space satellite the following year. In the 1960s, U.S. democracy was rocked by political assassinations, violence at the 1968 Democratic National Convention and a bubbling up of radical challenges to the system. Amid the stagflation of the 1970s, a business school dean sounded a warning about an end-to-Western-capitalism syndrome; and no less a figure than the U.S. president lectured the nation on its moral turpitude. All these episodes generated existential crises, just as Trump today leads people to doubt the resilience of our system. But pessimists should note that liberalism emerged robustly from those moments of self-doubt.

Whats more, pessimists should remember that, if a few dice had settled differently, the current conversation would be completely different. Absent strong proof to the contrary, Trumps election must be accepted as legitimate, but a small swing in a few places would have put the status quo candidate in the White House. Similarly, Britains Brexit referendum was decided 52 to 48 percent; and a recent poll suggested that the voters now have doubts. In France, to cite a contrary example, the ambitious liberal Emmanuel Macron was lucky to face a bevy of weak opponents, and France was even luckier that Macron emerged out of nowhere, clad in white. The point is that political outcomes often hinge on quirks of fortune. None of these events should be interpreted as durable signals that liberalism is either moribund or resurgent.

Finally, it pays to remember that the two disasters that discredited the liberal establishment the 2008 financial crisis and the Iraq War were not errors that flowed from liberalism itself. There was nothing liberal about taxpayer backstops for private financial risk-taking, nor about the failure to temper the objective of Iraqi regime change with a sober calculation of available resources. These episodes do hold lessons for our democracy avoid cronyism, avoid hubris but they absolutely do not show that liberalism is wanting. To the contrary, liberalism arose during the first industrial revolution. We need it to navigate the second industrial revolution as it roils around us now.

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The crisis of confidence that’s roiling liberalism – The Washington Post – Washington Post

Malcolm Turnbull’s Liberal party feels a dread chill – The Australian Financial Review

It’s not just a penchant for larrikin humour that explains former Victorian Premier Jeff Kennett’s comment that he’s so disillusioned by the Liberal Party under Malcolm Turnbull he wants to drink whisky before 9 am.

A creeping chill threatens to paralyse a Party already in crisis. According to one Liberal insider, the position is “unsustainable.”

What he means is that a Liberal Party led by Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull is so riven by attacks from Turnbull’s predecessor, Tony Abbott, and Turnbull’s flat-lining in the polls, there will be a major eruption by Christmas.

If this scenario is born out, the “never again” mantra about another change in the Liberal Party leadership will metastasise into “here we go again.”

There are no current plans to topple Turnbull, but plenty of “hypothetical” discussions. Two names that crop up are long-time Party deputy and Foreign Minister, Julie Bishop, as leader, and Health Minister, and Victorian MP, Greg Hunt, as Bishop’s deputy.

Neither have expressed interest privately or publicly in such a scenario. So at this stage it is no more than talk.

Moreover, Party insiders acknowledge any significant improvement in Turnbull’s opinion poll standing over coming months would result in leadership spill talk disappearing as quickly as a Scotch down a thirsty gullet.

But these conversations re-surfaced among Liberal MPs and Party supporters after Malcolm Turnbull’s recent London speech. This sparked internal unrest because it included a shaman-like invoking of the name of the Party’s founder, Sir Robert Menzies, to support Turnbull’s position as a centrist.

The unrest is likely to become pointed during a special NSW Liberal Party “Futures Convention” to be held in Rosehill, Sydney, from July 21-23. It will debate a right wing push to “democratise” pre-selections. This originated in the electorate held by the man Turnbull bulldozed out of the prime ministership Tony Abbott.

The Warringah motion calls for pre-selections in “open” federal and state seats that is, electorates without a sitting Liberal MP, or where he/she is retiring to be done with full plebiscites of Party members.

Through its proximity to Mr Abbott, this push has been identified as a key element in the destabilising proxy war between Abbott and Turnbull. The complication is that Turnbull has also backed the reform bandwagon, with the significant caveat that he will not, in the end, necessarily back the motion from Abbott’s Warringah Federal Electorate Council (FEC).

A more likely prospect is a series of 20 motions which in effect support plebiscites, but where respective Federal Electorate Councils (FEC) set the rules governing the conduct of those plebiscites. These will be put to the special State Council meeting by the successful Fox Valley branch of the NSW Liberal Party which lies in the seat of Berowra, held by a leading NSW Liberal moderate, Julian Leeser.

But even if the Fox Valley approach wins through it will not be a comfortable experience for Malcolm Turnbull who will be addressing the “Futures Convention” next Saturday morning. One interested attendee will be Peter King, the onetime Liberal MP for Wentworth until Turnbull toppled him in the mother of all Liberal Party pre-selection battles in 2003.

Mr King also mouths the mantra of Party reform, and is not re-entering federal politics. He has put his own motion forward for the special NSW Liberal Party Convention, but expects the Warringah motion, or the one identified with Tony Abbott, to win through.

No matter which motion emerges from the NSW Liberal Party “Futures Convention”, the paradox is that the catalyst for this latest instability is a speech by Turnbull which, despite the spin by opponents, contained nothing exceptional, surprising, original, or even overtly provocative.

Turnbull pointed out that when Robert Menzies founded the Liberal Party in 1944, he “went to great pains not to call his new political party … conservative, but rather the Liberal Party, which he firmly anchored in the centre of Australian politics.”

“He wanted to stand apart from the big money, business establishment politics of traditional conservative parties of the right, as well as from the socialist tradition of the Australian Labour Party, the political wing of the union movement,” Mr Turnbull said when receiving the Disraeli Prize from the influential conservative London think tank, the Policy Exchange.

“The sensible centre was the place to be. It remains the place to be.”

Turnbull’s London comments broadly accord with the views reflected in a 70-page report prepared for Menzies in 1944 as a political road-map for his new Liberal Party. It was written by the economic adviser to the powerful Institute of Public Affairs, Charles Kemp, father of David Kemp, Education Minister and Environment Minister in the Howard Liberal government.

Called Looking Forward, Charles Kemp’s report was, writes Menzies’ biographer Allan Martin, “a businessman’s argument about the virtues of free enterprise”. It was “not hostile to the state, but demanded agreed lines between when governments should attempt to thrust themselves forward and where they were being intrusive. What was essential, it said, was a kind of middle way.”

Seventy-three years after Menzies founded the Liberal Party on the basis of that Institute of Public Affairs report, the current head of the IPA, John Roskam, says the “issue is what is his [Turnbull’s] definition of what the progressive centre means.” He answers that Turnbull’s interpretation of the term “centre” means “bigger government” and an “excuse for higher taxes and bigger regulations.”

The Turnbull government’s economic policy stance contrasts with “everything he said he was going to do before becoming Prime Minister. He spoke about the evils of the mining tax. Now he is embracing something worse than that and that is the bank tax.”

“That’s how I see it,” says Roskam

Historian Ian Hancock, who has written biographies of former Liberal prime minister John Gorton and former Liberal Attorney General Tom Hughes (father of Lucy Turnbull) points out that while Malcolm Turnbull refers to the terms “liberal” and “conservative” in his speech, “he never defines them. ”

“He’s like all Libs he’s going back to Menzies and treating his statements as some kind of Holy Grail. But Menzies delivered” he was Prime Minister for a record 16 and a half years “because he was a pragmatist, not a philosopher.”

“Menzies was never consistent” so “various factions of the Liberal Party can find support in various phrases.”

Asked if Menzies would like Turnbull, Hancock replied: “If he was in a good mood he would probably say: ‘Good luck to him’. He would probably approve that [Turnbull] is someone with a high background and appears to rise above everybody else.”

Turnbull is, like Menzies was, a “loner, with few friends in politics. If Menzies was being honest he would probably have a degree of sympathy with someone who people on the backbench didn’t like. That’s something that Menzies went through himself,” Hancock said.

But there are differences. Menzies was a social conservative; Turnbull is more liberal, and has supported same-sex marriage. Above all, Menzies was a devoted monarchist “I did but see her passing by, but I will love her till I die,” he once intoned to Queen Elizabeth in a speech in Canberra.

Malcolm Turnbull is, or was, Australia’s Mr Republic.

Originally posted here:

Malcolm Turnbull’s Liberal party feels a dread chill – The Australian Financial Review

Can Democrats Make Nice with the ‘Deplorables’? – National Review

Editors Note: The following piece originally appeared in City Journal. It is reprinted here with permission.

Since early June, when voters in Georgias sixth congressional district rubbed yet more salt in their 2016 election wounds, Democratic pols and sages have been pondering why, as Ohio congressman Tim Ryan put it, our brand is worse than Trump. Thats a low bar, given the presidents nearly subterranean approval ratings, but so far the blue party has mostly been turning to an inside-the-box set of policy and political memes: jobs programs, talk of a mutiny against House minority leader Nancy Pelosi, and better marketing or, in Ryans words, branding of the Democratic message.

Whats missing from this list is the most important and most challenging item of all: solving the liberal deplorable problem. The white working class that hoisted Donald Trump to an unexpected victory may not always admire the man, but they know that he doesnt hate people like me, in the pollsters common formulation. And they have good reason to think that Democrats, particularly coastal and media types, do hate them: Consider Frank Richs snide and oft-cited article, No Sympathy for the Hillbilly. Its possible that white working-class voters would back a party filled with people who see them as racists and misogynists, with bad values and worse taste, because they all want to raise taxes on Goldman Sachs executives, but it seems a risky bet.

So its worth noting that a few prominent liberal writers have been venturing out of the partisan bunker and calling attention to the deplorable issue over the past few months. In late May, for instance, progressive stalwart Michael Tomasky, former editor of Guardian America and now of Democracy, published an article frankly titled Elitism is Liberalisms Biggest Problem in the New Republic. The West Virginia native called the chasm between elite liberals and middle America…liberalisms biggest problem. The issue has nothing to do with policy, Tomasky writes. Its about different sensibilities; bridging the gulf is on us, not them. To most conservatives, Tomaskys depiction of Middle Americans will seem cringingly obvious. The group tends to be churchgoers (Not temple. Church), they dont think and talk politics from morning till night, and, yes, theyre flag-waving patriots. Mother Jones columnist Kevin Drum, an influential though occasionally heterodox liberal, seconded the argument.

A more complex analysis of liberal elitism comes from Joan Williams, a feminist law professor whose best-known previous book is Unbending Gender. In White Working Class: Overcoming Class Cluelessness in America, Williams takes her fellow liberal professionals to the woodshed for their indifference to the hard-knock realities of working-class life and for their blindness to the shortcomings of their own cosmopolitan preferences. Married to the Harvard-educated son of a working-class family, Williams is astute about the wide disparities between liberal and white-working-class notions of the meaning of work, family, community, and country. One of her proposals for solving class cluelessness is a conservative favorite: reviving civics education.

A final recent example of deplorable-dtente comes from Atlantic columnist Peter Beinarts How the Democrats Lost Their Way on Immigration. Noting that the unofficial open-borders philosophy of the Democratic party is far more radical than the restrictionist immigration policy it espoused just a few decades ago, the former New Republic editor acknowledges that there is more than nativist bigotry behind white-working-class immigration concerns. He concedes that mass immigration may have worked to the disadvantage of blue-collar America by lowering wages for low-skilled workers and undermining social cohesion. Beinart concludes by dusting off a concept that liberals currently hate: assimilation. Liberals should be celebrating Americas diversity less, and its unity more, he writes.

These writers are engaging in healthy critical self-reflection, but in the course of describing the Democrats class dilemma, the liberal truth-tellers unwittingly show why a solution lies out of reach. They understate Democrats entanglement with the identity-politics left, a group devoted to a narrative of American iniquity. Identity politics appeals to its core constituents through grievance and resentment, particularly toward white men. Consider some reactions to centrist Democrat John Ossoffs defeat in Georgias sixth district. Maybe instead of trying to convince hateful white people, Dems should convince our base ppl of color, women to turn out, feminist writer and Cosmopolitan political columnist Jill Filopovic tweeted afterward. At some point we have to be willing to say that yes, lots of conservative voters are hateful and willing to embrace bigots. Insightful as she is, even Williams assumes that all criticisms of the immigration status quo can be chalked up to fear of brown people.

No Democrat on the scene today possesses the Lincolnesque political skills to persuade liberal voters to give up their assumptions of white deplorability, endorse assimilation, or back traditional civics education. In the current environment, a Democratic civics curriculum would teach that American institutions are vehicles for the transmission of white supremacy and sexism, hardly a route to social cohesion. As for assimilation, Hispanic and bilingual-education advocacy organizations would threaten a revolt and theyd only be the first to sound the alarm.

Appeasing deplorables may yet prove unnecessary, though. Democrats strategy of awaiting inevitable demographic change in the electorate, combined with the hope that Trump and the Republican Congress will commit major unforced errors, may allow the party to regain control of the country without making any concessions to the large portion of the U.S. population whom they appear to despise.

READ MORE: A Democratic Blind Spot on Culture The Democrats Resistance Temptation Nancy Pelosi, the Face of the Shrinking Democratis Brand

Kay S. Hymowitzis aCity Journalcontributing editor, the William E. Simon Fellow at the Manhattan Institute, and the author ofThe New Brooklyn: What It Takes to Bring a City Back.

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Can Democrats Make Nice with the ‘Deplorables’? – National Review

Liberal MP says people will die of cold because renewable energy drives up fuel prices – The Guardian

Craig Kelly spoke ahead of a meeting of state and federal energy ministers to discuss the clean energy target (CET) proposed in the Finkel review. Photograph: Mike Bowers for the Guardian

Renewable energy will kill people this winter, Craig Kelly, the chair of the Coalitions backbench environment and energy committee has claimed.

Kelly, a Liberal backbencher, said the deaths would be caused by people not being able to afford to heat their homes in winter. He blamed rising fuel costs on the governments renewable energy target.

People will die, he told ABC radio on Thursday.

Kelly, MP for Hughes in New South Wales, cited recent reports that one-in-four Australian households this winter will be frightened to turn on the heater due to high power prices. He also said the World Health Organisation has made it clear that winter mortality rates increase if people cant afford to heat their homes.

Most of that research, however, was done in Europe, where winters can be much colder. Some work done in Australia by the Australian Institute for Health and Welfare found that at least some of the excess deaths in winter in Australia were caused by heating.

There are $3bn this year being paid in subsidies for renewable energy, that pushes up the price of electricity to the consumer, Kelly said.

That claim, however, is contradicted by the Abbott governments Warburton review of the renewable energy target which found the scheme was putting downward pressure on prices.

And it contradicts the conclusion of most industry groups, the Finkel review and many other reports finding the key driver of high power prices is policy uncertainty, which is driving down investment in new generation and allowing expensive gas-fired power plants to dominate the market.

Labors energy spokesman, Mark Butler, accused Kelly of scaremongering.

This is another appalling intervention, not just by a backbencher, but by the chair of the Coalitions energy policy committee.

Butler conceded households and businesses are facing high power and gas bills, but he put that down to policy paralysis at the national level.

Kellys comments come ahead of a meeting of state and federal energy ministers in Brisbane on Friday to discuss recommendations for change from the chief scientist, Prof Alan Finkel.

Every state in the national electricity market has either expressly stated their support, or hinted at their support, for the clean energy target (CET) proposed in the Finkel review but the federal minister for energy and the environment, Josh Frydenberg, has said the government will not support the CET at Fridays meeting.

Victoria and South Australia have said that if the federal government doesnt provide leadership, the states might go ahead and try to implement the CET without them.

Modelling shows the CET would put significant downward pressure on the price of electricity, specifically by introducing a lot of cheap renewable electricity, along with enough storage.

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Liberal MP says people will die of cold because renewable energy drives up fuel prices – The Guardian


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